Polish Migration to
the United Kingdom

ABSTRACT

This work is focused on the topic: Polish Migration to the United Kingdom. The
Theme has been chosen, as it is based not only on deep research in this field, but also on author's own experience. The phenomenon of Polish Migration to the UK has taken place especially after the Poland's accession to the European Union and has huge impact on host country economy. It is important for both nationalities therefore work is worth reading.

The research shows crucial and contemporary facts of Polish migration. The first part of the work deals with the Polish accession to the EU on 1 May 2004, when Poland officially took its place among the other EU countries. This strengthened the Polish state's position in the "international political arena" .This chapter reflects an outline of the reality in Poland before and after joining the EU. Additionally it includes negative and positive aspects of the membership as well as historical outline of Polish migration to the UK.

Second chapter is mostly focused on causes and incentives for migration. It depicts the present situation of migration and its structure, scale and substrate. Polish membership of the EU has created a qualitatively new situation in the processes of migration. The scale of the phenomenon of emigration, its nature and consequences for the Polish economy and society has become a subject of public debate. This issue raises many controversies, extreme opinions and plenty of emotion.

Finally last part of the work is about Poles' self-image. It might be very interesting reading as it discussed the results of report published by Poland's Institute of Public Relations regarding the self-image of Polish immigrants in the British press. There are at least three dimensions to the images of the research's respondents. There are three parallel worlds whose presence the respondents are aware of, but they know that all three worlds rarely overlap.

The research has been very interesting and the work contains many crucial facts that attempts to explain the phenomenon of Polish Migration to the UK.

Contents

Introduction.......................................................................................................................	3
CHAPTER 1 The reality in Poland before and after becoming EU member- historical outline	7
1.1. Poland and the European Union ...….…………………………...………..	7
1.2. Poland in the European Union ….……………………………………...….	10
1.3. Positive and negative aspects of Polish membership of the European Union - a summary ...............................................……………………………..	12
1.4. Migration of Poles to the UK- historical outline ….................…………..	15
CHAPTER 2 Causes and incentives for migration to UK	19
2.1. Migration of Poles to the UK - present situation ...………………...……	19
2.2. General aspects of causal migration to the UK .............………….……	23
2.3. The substrate of Polish migration to the UK ..............................……...	27
2.4. The structure of migration to the UK …………………………………..…	28
2.5. Scale of migration to the UK ……………………………………..............	30
CHAPTER 3 Poles in Britain: self-image	32
3.1. The Outline of subject matter - methodological introduction …….........	32
3.2. Parallel worlds- Poles in Bradford ………………..............………............	34
3.3. Polish and British world- summary of the Bradford example...................	42
.
Conclusion ……........................................................................................................	44
Bibliography .............................................................................................................	46

Appendix .................................................................................................................. 50

INTRODUCTION

This work is about the migration of Poles to United Kingdom. Personally I find this topic very interesting as it relates to my own experience. It might offer interesting reading for both the Polish and British communities.

The first chapter deals with Polish accession to the European Union, as well as conditions in Poland before and after accession. It also covers the positive and negative aspects of Polish membership of the EU.

The second chapter deals with the causes and motivations of Poles migrating to Britain. It addresses issues such as the current state of Polish migration, the substrate, structure and scale of migration.

The last chapter covers themes related to the self-image of Poles in the UK. Presented here are the results of empirical research surrounding this issue.

The work concludes with a summary and bibliography.

To begin it is essential to answer the question - what is migration? According to Koradecka (2007, p. 10) migration is basically permanent or temporary change of residence. There are also other terms associated with migration, which should be mentioned: human migration - the movement of people, leading to a change in their place of residence. Migration, emigration and immigration - the movement of a population that seeks to change location. Human migration is a completely natural phenomenon and has taken place since the very beginning of time. Increase of migration can occur due to: a bad economic situation in the place of stay (economic migrations) or the political situation not favouring those migrating (political migrations).

Migrations could be divided according to (Koradecka, 2007, pp.11-12):

• scope:

• internal - migrations within boundaries of a given administrative unit (a city, commune, province etc.) or political (a state).

• external - migrations from one administrative or political unit to another,

• duration:

• temporary - including seasonal and shuttle,

• permanent,

• aim:

• tourism,

• therapeutics,

• pilgrimage,

• earnings,

• forms of migration:

• emigration - departure,

• immigration - arrival,

• re-emigration - return from temporary emigration,

• exile - to escape,

• repatriation - the return of citizens from a foreign territory, organized by their country,

• relocation (transfer) - the displacement of nationals within its borders,

• deportation - the forced resettlement of a person or group to the outskirts of the state or beyond its borders.

ęłęóKoradecka (2007, pp.12) claims that in examining the phenomenon of migration, two groups of factors are taken into account:

• push factors - the desire or cause to leave a place

• pull factors - offer an alternative and impel to come to a given place.

Migration, however, encounters certain barriers that are the main causes of low population mobility. These barriers are:

• political - probably the main reason in the world for low population mobility,

• linguistical - one of the main reasons for low levels of migration in the EU and other areas with no political barriers,

• cultural, and

• infrastructural - such as poor housing development (important in Poland).

New trends in migrationęłęóNewm (Koradecka, 2007, p.13)

From analysis of migration trends, four main tendencies can be distinguished, which will develop migration patterns in the near future:

• intensity - migration will be greater than ever before;

• diversity - inability to identify specific waves of migration (economic emigration), migrants will belong to various social and ethnic groups;

• globalisation - migration will gradually be present worldwide, many countries will be the sources and targets of migrants;

• feminisation - the majority of migrants will be women.

ęłęóNew migration

The term "new migration" covers the change of migration patterns in Europe resulting from the end of the Cold War, conflicts in areas of the former Yugoslavia, and the beginning of European integration.

Labour migration

Labour migration occurs when economic considerations are the reason for leave one's home country. That migration is dominant in Europe. Classic and political emigrations have lost first place in favour of labour migration.

Economic migration is the main reason for Polish journeys to the UK. According to public statistics it is the country to which the most Polish citizens have emigrated. The substance of this paper is therefore to analyse this phenomenon that is crucially important for 38 million Polish civilians.

CHAPTER 1

The reality in Poland before and after becoming an EU member - historical outline

Working conditions in Poland differ from European standards; evidence of this comes from data about rising rates of occupational accidents having fatal outcomes, and increasing levels of stress or musculoskeletal disorders (Central Institute for Labour Protection - National Research Institute, 2008).

Among the challenges faced by Poland after EU accession, is adapting working conditions to standards defined by EU directives that are mostly already implemented in Polish domestic law. The strategic task of the state in this case is to seek and create innovative legal, technical and organizational solutions that will allow responsible employers to fulfil their obligation of ensuring safety above all - under Convention No. 155 of the International Labour Organization (Legal Bulletin, No. 15 / 2009), as well as the Labour Code (KP, Warsaw 2008).

1.1. Poland and the European Union

What sensu stricto is the EU? It is an economic and political relationship between twenty-five European countries. The EU's main aims are: economic cooperation and removal of trade barriers between Member States; having a common foreign policy; creating a civil society and a sense of belonging to one community by providing the same legal standards and free movement of people and goods; constant improvement of living standards of the poorer countries; and the gradual equalisation of life throughout the Union (www.ciop.pl).

It should be noted that before joining the alliance Poles had many concerns; nevertheless they cherished some hope about it. Their main concern was that Poland could lose its sovereignty; foreigners would buy up land; Polish products would not be sufficiently competitive, and the financial benefits received would be less than they would contribute. They also feared price increases in Polish stores. Any changes aroused concerns, as a lot could change for the worse. However, equally strong were their hopes in joining the EU. Poles hoped for financial support, particularly agricultural subsidies, expanded markets for their goods, and abolition of duty on selling those products to other member countries. They also hoped for the opportunity to travel more easily within Europe, and freedom to work and study in other EU countries. Some concerns have been allayed, and some hopes fulfilled. Notwithstanding, not everything is perfect and some negative aspects of the EU are noticeable; but integration is a long-term process and accession may not immediately be bringing only advantages. Poland must also reckon with the sacrifices.

A few years have passed since Poland joined the EU (along with 9 other countries), thus not just the benefits but also its disadvantages can now be analyzed.

Some Poles feared loss of sovereignty. I truly believe that this concern has already been dispelled. Although it is true that, the EU is implementing plans to create a European nation, having only one currency, government, parliament, common law and military power. Nevertheless, each member country still has its own separate powers, history and traditions, which deserve to be preserved and protected, and the EU provides such protection. In this respect, Poland is not isolated. It has not lost any of its Polishness and has the opportunity to explore the past and traditions of other member states, which may help achieve better integration.

One of the biggest benefits of joining the EU for Poland is participating in the EU internal market - trade between the Polish and EU countries has been facilitated by substantial simplification of export procedures, reducing bureaucracy and streamlining across borders. This has enabled faster economic growth, the revival of Polish production and exports in the agro-food sector, the incentive to modernize enterprises. Fear of economic collapse was thus dispelled, by dint of which Poland is developing.

The door to the EU labour market was opened to the Poles. Eurosceptics may say that they are cheap manpower, working harder than others, for less money. Nevertheless, remembering Poland's high unemployment and comparing the earnings of Poles abroad, even in low-paid positions, with earnings in Poland, we can say at once that working in the EU is profitable, because more can be earned than in Poland. And if the country educates young Poles well, especially in languages, then they will be able to decide where they want to work and for how much. In addition, if the Polish labour market situation changes, professionals will not have to leave to find work.

Another undoubted advantage of Polish accession to the EU is the ability to travel freely, mainly facilitated by the lack of border controls. This is especially important for young people who can freely undertake education or work in other EU countries. Also, thanks to accession, the numbers of visitors to Poland has increased. Growing interest in Poland also arises from the perception of Polish membership in the EU and the accompanying improvement of the overall image of the country, as well as from the price competitiveness for customers - especially from Germany - of its goods and services.

In spite of that, some people see the negative effects of membership, mainly due to the additional costs of adjusting to European Community regulations and standards. But it is necessary for all Member States to harmonize these standards. Membership also involves rules on environmental protection and waste disposal that impose new obligations requiring investment on many companies, but these obligations are rated beneficial for all European society, since it is necessary to improve the environment.

Polish accession to the EU has had a number of adverse effects, such as higher-priced goods and services. This was perhaps the greatest fear Poles had about accession, and unfortunately it was unavoidable.

In my opinion, Poland has definitely benefited more from EU accession than not. Additionally, quality of life improvements cannot be made overnight, but the integration process is progressing, so we can still expect further benefits. The costs are unavoidable, but as is clear from these examples, Poland now receives from the EU more than it pays in. Satisfaction of the population is growing and also support for the EU - as is clear from the survey (data according to CBOS and OBOP 2009).

1.2. Poland in the European Union

World War II brought unimaginable destruction to Europe and the world. To maintain peace and harmony, attempted to use the method under of the balance of forces. But to avoid more disaster, people had to find another way, giving greater guarantees of peace. Only a balance of interests - not forces - could achieve this outcome. If countries could achieve economic success only through cooperation, based on mutually agreed terms, the threat of war would disappear. Such reasoning by contemporary political leaders from Germany, France and Italy gave rise to European integration. They wanted to associate their economies and societi­­es more closely, so as not to compete, but to cooperate (Migration Bulletin No. 8, 2005, p.4).

What the Union is and what are its tasks we learn primarily from the media. Incumbent upon them great responsibility - should shape the idea about the countries of the community and their role in Europe. Meanwhile, both great enthusiasts and fanatical opponents of Poland joining the alliance come to the fore. Important and influential people - politicians, economists, journalists often speak about it. Even the biggest pro-EU advocate knows that accession will not bring only advantages for Poland. As the years pass, some renouncement will occur. What will predominate? Joining the Community entails many changes - statistically Poles fear that the most. It is obvious; any change can be for the worse. Everyone hopes that "entry into Europe" will change their fate, and what the Poles represent and have to offer will count more in Western countries. A pro-union programme, run by Poland's government aims to arouse hope, bearing in mind that nothing is free and Poles will also have to do their best.

The vast majority of Polish politicians opted for accession to the Union. One of the biggest benefits of this decision would be Poland's ability to participate in the EU's internal market - trade between Poland and the EU countries will be free, duty will be abolished, and this will cause a reduction in commodity prices. After joining the monetary union, we will use a common currency - the euro. As a member of the Community, the country would be open to the inflow of investment and new technologies. Here began fears about the buying up of Polish lands by foreigners. Such anxieties come from a time when Poland was an agricultural country, and there were simultaneous struggles for Polish nationality and for land ownership. Today Poland is a free country. The acquisition of Polish land is regulated by special law. To purchase land, huge quantities of which lie fallow according to statistics, foreigners must obtain a permit (OBOP 2008 and Alesina 2006).

In contrast, an undoubted asset to Polish accession to the Union is the ability to travel freely. That is facilitated by the common currency and lack of border controls. This is especially important for young people; after all, they are the ones who will live in the EU.

However, nothing is perfect. If entry to the EU had made Poland a land "flowing with milk and honey", there would be no opposition to joining the so-called "Fifteen Countries". But there are many opponents, and their concerns are often justified. One of these is whether Polish products can compete with European products. In Poland the emphasis is on extensive agriculture (with little effort - obtain low yields), whereas in the old EU countries it is the opposite - intensive. Polish products are indeed natural, but more expensive, of lower quality (often unable to meet EU standards) and produced in smaller quantities.

Either way, joining the EU gives Poland a number of social benefits. Certainly it raises the quality of life, and gives a chance to approach European standards in the fields of internal security, labour, health and education. But even in this matter clear voices of opposition can be heard. There is concern that the cost of adapting to EU standards is too high, and grants too small. In my opinion money spent on improving citizens' lives is never too much, and never wasted. It is simply a good investment, which in time will bear fruit.

1.3. Positive and negative aspects of Polish membership of the European Union - a summary

On 1 May 2004, Poland officially took its place among the other EU countries. This strengthened the Polish state's position in the "international political arena". Polish politicians announced that Poland has assigned a potential, but without the assistance of the EU; lack of realization of what this country stand in the political, economic, cultural and even regional development. Such solidarity, full and active participation in Europe, and most importantly becoming a member of the EU, has its pluses and minuses.

Positive Aspects: (Rumski, 2006, pp.23-24)

• "being one political body" along with the other Member States, Poland jointly implements foreign policy;

• elimination of trade barriers between EU countries and promotion of social and economic progress by enhancing economic cooperation - Poland has easy access to the western market;

• harmonization of Polish law with EU law results in better safety legislation that protects workers from unfair employers;

• improvement of the natural environment - attaches importance to ensuring that factories' activities are not detrimental to the environment, protecting the economic interests of consumers;

• improving the Polish labour market - Poland gains additional funds, and above all, access to the European Social Fund;

• access for Polish citizens to EU labour markets, furthermore professional qualifications and diplomas awarded by Polish institutions shall be recognized in other member states;

• children, adolescents, and importantly all Polish students have easier access to education outside the country, every student in schools across the EU has the same responsibilities and privileges as a national of the State, and outside of it will automatically be treated as a lawful citizen;

• help with achieving economic convergence with Member States; Poland, and particularly its least-developed regions (including the Carpathian region, Podkarpacie) may use funds under the Structural Fund;

• Poland's rich cultural heritage, will more easily influence the western territories of the EU - citizens of other European countries will look more favourably towards Polish culture;

• Polish farmers can apply for benefits, improving conditions in the Polish food market;

• unimpeded travel across Europe. In the EU a reliable document with photograph is enough to cross borders. This document may be, for example, an ID card, not necessarily a passport, as before.

Negative Aspects (Rumski, 2006, p.25)

• Poland expects price increases soon, after adopting the euro (Poles fear inflation - the declining value of our national currency, the PLN, in relation to the euro);

• necessity to align the level of economic development of Poland with other EU countries;

• competitive pressure from economies of EU members (particularly from SMEs - small and medium-sized enterprises - not all Polish companies managed to adjust to EU standards);

• adoption of common rules for trade policy in the EU mainly affects the quality and volume of economic contacts with China and the countries of Eastern Europe;

• high globalization - although not highly impacted by globalization, Poland may be impacted much more after accession (the EU, or at least its main countries - are fully global states);

• in EU countries because some standards has been changed, negative birth-rate occurs - from a purely commercial reasons, with increased production and consumption in the life of European citizens and focus on the career that makes Europeans grow old;

• after the abolition of visas, Poland became increasingly endangered by the activities of organized crime.

1.4. Migration of Poles to the UK - historical outline

In the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, Poles appeared sporadically in Britain, mainly merchants and envoys of the king. Polish-English cultural contacts were initiated in the sixteenth century. From 1548-1553 in England, the Polish reformer J. Łaski played an important role in creating the Anglican Church, while in the 1700s, S. Hartlib contributed to the reform of English education. Many young Poles were studying at English Universities. In the second half of the seventeenth century, a group of Polish Brethren settled in London. The first Polish political refugees arrived after the failure of the Kosciuszko Uprising in 1794. Large clusters appeared after the November Uprising (Powstanie Listopadowe) in 1830-31 (about 800-1,000 people), the first organisations appeared, and since 1834 has acted section of Polish Democratic Society (TDP) since 1835 Gromady Grudziąż and Humań (Lud Polski). The next waves of immigrants arrived after the Spring of Nations in 1848 and the January Uprising (Powstanie Styczniowe) in 1863-64. In 1856, the Revolutionary Drove was created in London, followed by the Polish Society in 1886. At the end of the nineteenth century the first group of immigrants arrived in search of work, mainly labourers (Burszta and Serwański, 2003, p.37).

By the end of the nineteenth century, Britain had a population of Poles of about 2,000. The outbreak of WW I revived hopes for Poland regaining independence. In London, the Polish National Committee was formed, and about 25 Polish associations were created, and several schools. After 1918, many Poles returned home. In the interwar period the number of Poles was estimated at 3,500-5,000, mainly artisans and workers in mining and weaving, residing in London, Manchester, Glasgow and Lanark, Scotland. Polish social organizations and churches existed only in London and Manchester (Burszta and Serwański 2003, pp.38-39).

During World War II, after the defeat of France in 1940, the Polish authorities moved to London, making it the capital of Polish emigration. Political parties, and scientific, cultural, religious and educational associations were established. Poles organised archives and libraries. The Polish Scientific Centre, named after General Sikorski was created in 1939. Gradually Polish schools and universities were formed, as well as veterans' associations, trade groups, unions and welfare organisations. Many periodicals appeared, including "Polish News" and the most popular "Polish Daily" and "Soldier's Journal" (Burszta and Serwański 2003, pp.40-41).

After WW II ended, Poles migrated from Britain to Poland, and to the UK from European countries (mainly Italy and Germany), the Middle East, India and Africa. Between 1946-47 soldiers from the PES moved to Britain, most of whom joined the Polish Resettlement Corps. In 1945 the UK held 95,000 people born in Poland; in 1949, around 160,000. New emigration was developing (mostly intelligence), underlining its political nature, has not appreciated the findings of the Polish case made at the Yalta Conference in 1945. The Government of the Republic of Poland continued to function in exile (until 1991) as well as the National Council (from 1949 to 1991). New political parties started up, including The League of Polish Independence, The Independent Social Group and The Polish Liberation Movement.

From 1954-72 splits amongst those in political exile in London led to the emergence of groups competitive with the Polish government in exile, including, The Council of National Unity, The Council of Three and The Executive of the National Assembly.

All aspired to resume the Polish question in international relations, demanded the restoration of full independence of Poland, the withdrawal of Soviet troops and the holding of free elections. These demands were against the great powers, organized demonstrations and gatherings; support the activities of independence and the democratic opposition in the country. The social and cultural actions of emigration after 1945 were largely a continuation of the work undertaken during WW II, including Polish schools that had been closed, so Poles were studying in British schools (Burszta and Serwański 2003, pp.42-43).

Particularly noteworthy was cultural life, including; publishing (Griffin Publishing, Orbis, Veritas, Polish Cultural Foundation), theatre, newspapers (still going, "Polish Daily", "Soldier's Journal" and "Think Poland"), since 1944, "Polish Tomorrow", and since 1947, "Historical Portfolio". Worth mentioning also are the scientific institutions (including The Polish University Abroad, Polish Historical Society in Exile, Union of Polish Writers Abroad, Polish Institute, Study of the Polish Underground, Polish Library, and others). Since the 1970s Polish cultural life has been focused on the Polish Social-Cultural Centre (POSK). Veterans organizations such as The Polish Combatants' Association - World Federation (since 1945), an association of technicians, teachers, doctors and other professional groups; youth associations (ZHP, Catholic Association of Polish Youth and The YMCA); and welfare organisations. A coordinating role was played by the Polish Federation of Britain. During that period, 150,000 people of Polish origin were estimated to live in the UK. London held the largest concentration (about 40,000), followed by Manchester (about 6,000) Birmingham (about 4,000) Bradford (about 3,000), Edinburgh and Glasgow (Burszta and Serwański 2003, pp.45).

To summarise, the Polish community in Britain changed, the first post-war generation was gone, unions and veterans' organizations were shrinking, and some worked only formally. In 1991 the Polish government in exile dissolved (after Poland regained its full sovereignty), whereas the so-called second and third generations simply assimilated.

CHAPTER 2

Causes and incentives for migration to the UK

2.1. Migration of Poles to the UK - present situation

Polish membership of the EU has created a qualitatively new situation in the processes of migration. The scale of the phenomenon of emigration, its nature and consequences for the Polish economy and society has become a subject of public debate. This issue raises many controversies, extreme opinions and plenty of emotion.

Ensuring that Polish citizens would have full access to the labour markets of the Member States on an equal footing with other citizens of the Union was an important objective of Polish European policy when negotiating the terms of EU accession. From 1 May 2004, Poles have been free to work in the new Member States (except Malta). Among the old EU countries only Britain, Ireland and Sweden opened their labour markets (Boni, 2009, p.28). According to Boni, after 1 May 2006 successive countries agreed to dispense with the limitations and Poles could apply for jobs in Spain, Portugal, Greece, and Finland. Belgium, Luxembourg and France introduced a facility for selected occupations and sectors of the economy, while Denmark simplified the procedure for obtaining work permits. In Germany and Austria, Poles cannot yet enjoy full freedom of movement for workers. These countries will probably open their labour markets fully in 2011, after a seven-year transition.

Complete opening of labour markets confronts Poland with the opportunities and threats posed by full participation in the European labour market and global trends in migration. This presents Polish politics with a new challenge - how to avail of the migratory movement with the greatest possible benefit for socio-economic development. Boni (2009) states that the UK for many years has been pursuing an active immigration policy. Recent years were marked by a large influx from Central and Eastern Europe, particularly from Poland. Polish workers play an extremely important role not only in local labour markets, but also in the whole UK economy.

Let me now recall once again how inflows to the UK are due largely to the rich traditions of colonialism and are very diverse. This diversity concerns not only ethnic groups but also social and professional immigrant groups living in this country. The scale of immigration to the UK has increased since the early 1990s. This latest arrival of foreigners, in which an increasingly important role has been played by newcomers from Central and Eastern Europe, constitutes 31% of all UK residents born abroad. In the 1990s the immigration of foreign workers to the British Isles was very conducive to economic prosperity. Economic expansion has resulted in significant improvement in the UK labour market, beginning a systematic increase of employment. In addition, labour market reform implemented since 1997 has led to the activation of previously inactive and unemployed civilians. Consequently (Boni 2009), the UK boasts about the best employment rates in Europe: in 2005 the employment rate reached 75% and the unemployment rate declined to 4.5%. These are some of the best indicators compared to other highly developed countries where the employment rate in this period remained stable or, as in the USA or Germany, has declined

In recent years the number of applications by foreigners for National Insurance numbers (NINO) has risen significantly, reflecting a considerable increase in the intensity of migration to Britain. Only in 2002/2003 to 2005/2006, the number of applications almost doubled (to 660,000). Data from the social insurance system reflects the impact of the mobility of Poles, Lithuanians and Slovaks after liberalisation of the British labour market for citizens of the EU-8. Even in 2002/2003 the citizens of these countries did not have any significant position (in terms of volume) among the groups of foreign workers applying for the NINO. A year later, Poles were the ninth-largest group applying for it, while in 2004/2005 they became the largest. In 2005/2006, 171,000 Poles applied for it - 26% of all applications to the British social insurance system. Inflows from other EU-8 countries were also noticed, mainly from Lithuania (in 2005/2006 - 30,500), Slovakia (26,000) and Latvia (14,000), and to a lesser extent from the Czech Republic (13,000). As a result, Boni (2009) claims that four of the ten largest groups of foreign NINO applicants come from the new Member States.

As mentioned earlier, the Polish population in the UK has its origins in two periods of rapid immigration. After WW II Britain had a high demand for manpower associated with reconstruction of the country.

Under The Polish Resettlement Act of 1947, Polish soldiers fighting in the West were able to remain in the UK and Poles residing in other countries also had an opportunity to come to this country. By 1951, over 160,000 Polish refugees had settled in the UK. Not many of these planned to migrate permanently, but returning home appeared to be too dangerous after the communist takeover and the emergence of the Iron Curtain. In addition, because of border changes after the war, the home villages of some migrants were now in the Soviet Union. From the late 1940s until the collapse of Communism in Eastern Europe, several thousand Polish immigrants arrived in Britain to join family members, for marriage, to study, or to avoid political persecution. According to the British census, the population of people born in Poland living in the UK decreased in the second half of the twentieth century. In 1991 this number amounted to 73,700, and in 2001, 60,700 (Migration Bulletin No. 8 / 2006).

Another period of rapid increase began with the beginning of this century, as Poland prepared to join the EU. Despite Poland becoming an EU Member in May 2004, twelve of the existing Member States maintained strict limits on economic migration. There were exceptions: the UK, Ireland and Sweden. Consequently, the vast majority of Poles seeking work in the EU went to the UK or Ireland, and the scale of this influx had important economic and political consequences for both host countries. May 2004's opening of the labour market for citizens of new EU Member States initiated Britain's largest ever wave of immigration (where Poles are easily the largest immigrant group). Consequently, citizens of the EU-8 countries played an increasingly important role among migrants coming to Britain. They amounted to 183,000 in 1999, 245,000 in 2002 and just over 400,000 in 2005.

According to British experts, WRS records contain approximately half of migrants in the UK. It reflects the dynamics of a large influx of Poles: the number of migrants rose from 71,000 in 2004 to 127,300 in 2005 and 159,900 in 2006. Additionally, Poles determine almost two thirds (64.5%) of applicants for registration in the WRS: this percentage increased from 56.4% in 2004 to 71.3% in 2006. The UK statistics office estimates (based on the International Passenger Survey) that in 2005, 49,000 Poles migrated long-term to the UK, almost three times more than the 2004 figure of 17,000. Those amounts cannot be verified using the British census, so a definitive estimate provides LFS study. According to LFS, 254,000 people in the UK in 2006 were born in Poland, of which 92,000 arrived before 2004, and 162,000 in 2004 or later (Migration Bulletin No. 9 / 2007).

According to the Migration Bulletin (2007), London was the ultimate goal for migrating Polish workers at the beginning of this period (and still is): in fiscal year 2002/2003 the city attracted more than 70% of all Poles applying for the NINO. Over time, the importance of London has declined: in 2005/2006 22% of Poles and other immigrants settled in other regions of the country, for example in East Anglia, the North West, Central England, and Scotland. In Scotland, Yorkshire and Humberside Poles only started arriving after 2004 and the immigration of Poles is especially important for those regions. In London Polish applications for the NINO in 2005/2006 accounted for 16% of all applications from abroad. In East Central England the figure was 36%, while in northern England and Northern Ireland almost 30%.

2.2. General aspects of casual migration to the UK

Poles have been emigrating for many years. Duszczyk (2006) claims that initially this was for political reasons. After the November Uprising (Powstanie Listopadowe) more than 10,000 people left Poland. These included: a prominent politician Adam Czartoryski, poets - Adam Mickiewicz and Juliusz Slovak, the composer - Fryderyk Chopin, the historian - Joachim Lelewel and many more. Some gained fame around the world. Over time, people left to find their families or simply to search of a better life

After accession to the EU many Poles decided to leave home, mainly for Britain (Duszczyk 2006). The UK's labour market is now much more crowded. Getting a good job is difficult, so Poles are often disappointed with the reality that they find abroad. Duszczyk (2006) estimated that about 17 million Poles now live outside Poland, excluding those who settled in the ancient eastern territories and displaced within the former USSR.

There is an issue worth considering. Generally what is the professional mobility of Poles in the EU? On one hand, we should consider the socio-economic consequences of migration - for migrants themselves - and the role of organizations dealing with civil advice. On the other hand, we should outline causes and social or economic consequences for Poland and the host country (here, the UK).

Duszczyk (2006, p.55) concluded that the migration of Poles to the EU countries, including Britain, is not new, and that before Polish accession to the Union about 450,000 Poles were lawfully employed there. After 1 May 2004 this number increased, but not as drastically as reported by media. Generally in the EU every year 800-900,000 Poles are employed.

Nevertheless most Poles found employment in the UK and Ireland. Firstly phenomenon that should be noticed, called "The unauthorized addition of years" when calculating the scale of migration - data can only be used in considering each year separately. Secondly, we must be aware that in summer there are a lot more seasonal jobs. Consequently, according to Duszczyk (2006, pp.56-57) about 300,000 Poles are working abroad permanently (generally in the EU).

Therefore, in the UK's case - who mainly migrates and what are the reasons for migration of Poles? Well, primarily young people migrate (80% of all migrants). Education has no meaning here, although people with high professional qualifications prefer not to leave, as they have a real chance to develop their own careers in Poland. It is therefore not true that "the best leave Poland" (Anon, 2006). The main reason for economic migration is the current financial situation and prospects of obtaining a job (with appropriate wages) at home or abroad. Poles consider a trip for business purposes and compare their chances of finding employment in Poland with for example in the UK. While trying to gather information about the employment situation of the destination country - and often have idealized its image. They underestimate the importance of knowing the host country's language - the language barrier appears to be one of the main obstacles to finding and keeping employment abroad.

Migration has both social and economic consequences, so what are they in the Polish context? The social consequences are mainly weakened or severed family ties. Despite the financial support from family members working abroad, the price is often paid by marriage breakdown or mental problems. Ambroziak (2007, p.8) states that financial aid is another important aspect - young people working abroad and helping elderly parents back home, leading to their socio-professional deactivation. And this is a serious problem in the presence of an ageing population and the migration of Polish youth. While the microeconomic consequences (family) are easily measurable and predictable (increasing wealth of families), the impact of migration on the labour market in Poland is leading to various speculations. Primarily unemployment has fallen, with departure of the unemployed. This is of course true, but according to many experts analysing this phenomenon - the main reason for it is increasing exports (Ambroziak, 2007, p.9).

Another issue worth mentioning regarding the impact of economic migration on Poland's labour market is the deficit of people with specific professional qualifications. Experts claim that it is the growing construction market - and simultaneously weak interest in vocational training - that has led to this lack of workers. Lack of qualified personnel is also another problem for employers: they allocate more resources for training future workers, who after obtaining higher qualifications migrate or look for another job (Ambroziak, 2007, pp.9-10).

Generally, the scale and structure of economic migration to Britain shows the weakness of vocational education in Poland. Schools do not prepare young people adequately for the Polish labour market; therefore the relatively well-educated ones take work abroad, often below their qualification level. Pursuant to Kaczmarczyk (2007, p.42), it is a waste of human capital and potential economic losses for the state. However, these losses do not have to occur in the future if the Polish economy develops enough to encourage young migrants to return and to work towards its development.

It is already noticeable that Poles are returning home (Górska 2008, p.65), with more experience and financial resources to establish their own businesses. Unfortunately there is also an increasing number of migrants returning home after bad experiences of migration - having fallen victim to fraud abroad or because of personal problems.

2.3. The substrate of Polish migration to the UK

Migration of Poles to the UK is based on economics and is mostly legal. High unemployment (the highest among EU countries) is the main push factor inducing Poles to migrate. In May 2006 Poland's unemployment rate was 16.5%. It is mostly young people without qualifications that experience unemployment. They form the largest group among registered unemployed civilians. More than half of them expect to work longer than a year. Even a university diploma does not guarantee employment. However, according to Wesołowska and Rabij (2006, pp.30-32) higher education helps navigate the labour market and the risk of unemployment is highest for those with lower levels of education. They also predominate among the migrants.

Another important reason for migration is the low wages offered by domestic employers. High unemployment continues to inhibit its growth. Consequently, it is not satisfactory for many jobs. Poles are leaving because in developed countries, like Britain, they simply earn more. Nevertheless, this is often a stereotype. Abroad one earns more, but after taking into account the cost of living, wages in Poland and abroad are comparable. It is worth noting also that wages in Poland are growing faster than in the West (Wesolowska and Rabij 2006, p.33).

Wesolowska and Rabij (2006, p.34) also state that there are other causes of migration. In many cases it is the desire to test oneself in other conditions. There is significant need to gain experience abroad and make a career. In addition, migration can be an opportunity to improve languages and knowledge about other cultures and habits. Sources of economic migration should also be discerned from aberrations in the State's economic policy. This is primarily a lack of consequences in the realization of market economy rules. Political errors, omissions and gradual reforms led to lower levels of human potential, and reduced the dynamics of units, a decline in the quality of institutional functioning and economic activity shifting to the so-called black economy. Wilczyński (2005, p.29) announced that this was associated with a lack of prospects for obtaining high wages. The lack of radical reforms in the rapid and profound economic liberalisation and the elimination of onerous barriers to enterprise have made the reforms barely noticeable to the general public, especially to young people.

2.4. The Structure of Migration to the UK

Within a relatively short period, thousands of Poles have left their country in search of employment (Barczewska-Krupa 2009, p.38). Most found jobs in the UK, Ireland, Spain and The Netherlands. Many Poles also work in Germany. With so much economic emigration, several problems appear. A lot of questions can be considered. Most are formulated as follows:

• first of all, who migrates? (age, gender, qualifications);

• what are the reasons for that mass migration?

• how do Polish migrants assess their situation in host countries?

• what consequences of this migration might assist Poland's development in the future?

Poland's Ministry of Foreign Affairs does not have accurate statistics on emigration. Also in EU countries, only estimates are given. Yet we know that among the UK's economic migrants young people dominate (Barszczewska-Krupa, 2009, p.39). According to Barczewska-Krupa (2009, pp. 40-41) the young generation of Poles searching for work in the UK is not a uniform group. There are representatives from different backgrounds, ranging from villages to large urban centres. Some of these have only completed secondary school, with no professional specialization, and some are graduates.

From the survey conducted in April 2007 on the Przewodnik Młodych (A Guide for Young People) website it appears that:

• 31% of respondents desire to work abroad,

• 55% are willing to work in Poland,

• 14% have not decided.

Why do young Poles depart for the UK with the aim of earning? In most cases the answer is because of high unemployment and they cannot find a job. This situation forces them to migrate. When asked about it, they highlight the low wages offered in Poland. They argue that working abroad allows them a decent life (Barszczewska-Krupa, 2009, p.43). If questioned more specifically, it appears that the young emigrants have quite different plans. Let us note at this point that young emigrants can be divided into three basic groups (Barszczewska-Krupa, 2009, p.44):

• aiming to return to Poland to use the money earned and the lessons learned,

• have decided to emigrate permanently,

• hesitant, intending to stay abroad before deciding whether to return home or not.

In recent years this first group seems to be the most numerous and clearly defined in its intentions.

2.5. Scale of migration to the UK

The scale of migration to Britain since 2004 (accession) was certainly a surprise to the British authorities, who expected about 13,000 workers annually from the EU-8 countries. But from May to December 2004 just over 76,000 Poles (56% of all applications from the EU-10) were registered there. In 2005 128,000 Poles registered, while in 2006 less than 160,000. And in the fourth quarter of 2006 over 40,000 people registered the WRS, 74% of the applicants (Migration Bulletin No. 12 / 2006, p.5). However, the British system of registering workers (Workers Registration Scheme) does not include the self-employed or illegal. At the same time, the system only recorded "entrance" to Britain's labour market. People leaving the country are not deleted from the records. From this data emerges a fairly consistent picture of Polish migration to Britain in recent years - this is earning migration, often seasonal or commuting. Depending on the season, up to 150,000 Poles live in the UK. (Home Office, 2005).

Analysis of the WRS statistics shows that Poles constitute the largest group of workers from the 'new' Member States taking up employment in the UK (about 65%). In second place are Lithuania (about 9%), and third, Slovakia (about 8%). Due to other methods used for Bulgaria and Romania, direct comparison of the EU-8 countries is impossible. For example, in 2004, 117,000 citizens of the EU-15 settled in Britain. Nevertheless, continuing to come to Britain each year are many immigrants from countries historically associated with the British Crown - Australia, Canada, New Zealand and South

Chapter 3

Poles in Britain: self-image

3.1. Outline of the subject matter - Methodological introduction

In 2008, Poland's Institute of Public Relations published a report about the image of Polish immigrants in the British press. The most surprising result of the conducted research was, according to Fomina and Frelak (2008), the prevailing positive image of Poles in the British press, especially in quality newspapers. Negative articles, found mainly in the tabloids, focused mostly on the effects of large numbers of immigrants arriving in Britain and were above all directed against the British government, not the Poles. In turn, while writing about the image of Poles in Britain, the Polish press persistently focused attention on alleged smear campaigns against Poles in the British Press (Głuchowski and Kowalski, 2008, p.6).

However, (Jędrzejczak, 2008 p.12) this fact may not surprise anybody, as headlines saying 'Poles got beaten!' seem to be much more attractive and draw readers' attention more effectively than balanced articles with positive messages. It is worth noting that the whole image of Poles in the British press is much more complex.

The analysis of material published about Poles in Britain directly suggests the existence of two parallel worlds - a world of model members of British society and a world at the bottom of society. On one hand, according to newspapers, Poles are dynamic and successful people, who learn English quickly, express their willingness to integrate and become part of the new community, and if they encounter problems, they know how to fight for what they deserve. On the other hand, Poles are pictured as swindlers, racists, drunkards, dependent on the welfare state, losers, and poachers of swan and carp meat. Nonetheless, it is significant that the first world has clearly prevailed over the second one in the analysed press material about Britain's Polish immigrants. Furthermore, although many more positive articles about Poles could be found in quality newspapers, it happened more than once that the tabloids, always looking for sensational news, presented the Polish immigrants in a very good light. Qualities often emphasised were diligence and solidity (Fomina 2009 pp.2-3).

The above introduction shows the opinions of the British press about Polish immigrants and how the Polish press perceives what is written in the British press. These facts provoke some additional questions:

• How do Polish immigrants see themselves, and how - in their opinion - are they seen by the British?

• Do Poles have the impression that the British see them in a stereotypical way - as drunkards and swindlers - as most of the Polish media tries to prove?

• Do Poles believe that the British can appreciate their diligence, courage and willingness to integrate, which can in fact be observed in most of the articles in the British press?

The following part of the thesis aims at answering these and other questions regarding the self-image of Poles living in Britain.

Before analysing the results of the research about the self-image of Poles in Britain it is worth describing the research itself. Field research was conducted in Bradford - a mid-sized city in northern England. The study consists of twenty-eight open interviews, with respondents aged from 22 to 41 years. Most interviewees were around 30 and they (Fomina 2009 p.4) were chosen after contacting Poles living in Bradford via www.nasza-klasa.pl, a social networking website.

The main research questions were:

• How do Poles see themselves?

• How do Poles assess their experiences in Britain and what does their opinion say about themselves?

• How, according to the Polish immigrants, are Poles seen by the British?

• How do Poles look in comparison to other immigrants?

• What is the image of the whole Polish community abroad? To what extent do the immigrants identify with the Polish community abroad?

• What was, in their opinion, the influence of Poland's accession to the EU on the image of Poles?

• Are there any differences in how women and men see themselves?

Respondents were asked about many issues concerning their life in Britain -different experiences in where they live, relations with other Poles and British people, the post-war Polish community and Polish institutions. Moreover, respondents were also asked their opinions about the number of Poles and the political strength of the Polish community in Bradford (Fomina 2009 p.4).

3.2. Parallel worlds - Poles in Bradford

The research's results show how diverse is the Polish community in Britain, and how well Poles themselves realize this, especially those more educated and willing to reflect. Three different dimensions exist in respondents' minds; there are three parallel worlds and although they inhabit only one of them, they are aware of the other two, and the fact that all three worlds barely overlap each other (Fomina 2009 p.5):

1. The world of educated, confident Poles working their way up the career ladder;

2. The world of less resourceful Polish immigrants who are stuck in one place. This world is often associated with the bottom of society but there one can find of course both honest factory workers and petty criminals;

3. The world of the post-war Polish community, distanced from what's happening around it, and critically watching the newcomers.

Examples found in the British press included both positive images of diligent and courageous Poles as well as Poles posing a threat to public order, community cohesiveness or the welfare state. Nevertheless, it is worth mentioning that the quality newspapers focused mainly on the first group, namely Polish immigrants doing well in Britain. This opinion matches the self-image of Poles who took part in the research and - crucially - matches how the British see the Poles.

Respondents feel neither discriminated against nor seen negatively. Furthermore, they do not think that they are shown stereotypically, as Polish journalists tried to prove when they wrote about the image of Poles in the British press. Relations between the image of one's own group and the image of "other" Poles are complex. On one hand, respondents can make themselves feel more important and build a more positive image of the world they inhabit when comparing their own achievements and experiences with those of other compatriots. Fomina (2009) claims that on the other hand, they expressed concern about the way that negative opinion about some Polish immigrants could impact on how all other Poles (also those taking part in the research) would be seen. However, the majority of Polish respondents believe that most British, or at least better-educated ones, can differentiate between the group of Poles to which the respondents belong and "other" Poles.

What is really stunning, according to interviewees, that so many British are unaware of Poland's EU membership, and that Britain's labour market is open to Poles, which should automatically raise the status of Polish immigrants in Britain. Newspaper reports were always offering information about the opening of Britain's labour market for Polish citizens. Limited awareness of Poland's membership of the EU and the consequences for Poles of this lack of knowledge amongst the British may be justified by the very specific character of Bradford. It is because Bradford is not a large city, and its immigrants mostly come from Pakistan. This fact may divert attention from Poland and the other Central European countries. However annoying this may be for Poles, they have the right to believe that their positive reputation has come from their own hard work, and especially because, according to respondents, Poles are also better perceived compared to immigrants from other East-Central European countries which are EU members (Fomina 2009 p.25).

This section is devoted to another issue raised in the research. Respondents often emphasized that women do better abroad. However, a situation where women outdo men abroad and are much more resourceful should not be surprising nowadays. This phenomenon is not new and often occurs when people emigrate from relatively conservative countries to socially more progressive countries, where gender-based family and career roles are not that strictly imposed. It is hard for men to give up their "macho" image as head of the family who earns more and is expected to do more. It happens very often that immigration, at least at the beginning, means losing the status which was gained in a person's country of origin. Such a situation frustrates men, first because they take it for granted that being men they will cope with everything from the very start, which is why they act as usual, according to the "all or nothing" rule. If they leave Poland with an MA in History and then abroad start working in a factory instead of a research centre, it is hard for them to accept their change of status. They feel that they have lost their first battle and are unwilling to confront new challenges. Women, in turn, are humbler and can adapt more easily to new conditions and fulfil initial requirements; moreover, they often think that expectations towards them are lower, so that even if they fail they will not be criticised. Women do everything "step by step", a method that often appears to be effective, and therefore gives them more strength and confidence. Of course, it does not mean that the above-mentioned behaviours describe all women and all men - it is only an attempt to explain the phenomenon's mechanism, as mentioned by respondents in the presented research (Fomina 2009 pp.25-26).

Graff (2008 p.47) states that it is no secret that many Polish men think negatively about relationships between Polish women and men of other nationalities. It is especially characteristic of conservative, patriarchal societies that women have always been perceived as the embodiment of national virtues and regarded as guards of the nation's honour.

The control of women's sexuality used to constitute a way of defending national honour from being tarnishing by foreigners, particularly religiously, ethnically or racially. Polish women in relationships with foreigners are, symbolically, no longer under the control of Polish men, disdain them and are dishonouring the whole Polish community. Of course, not all Polish men are guided by the abstract meaning of the nation and the symbolism of a woman; however, men's emotional way of expressing their thoughts about Polish women being in relationships with foreigners indicates that Polish men are more than bothered about the fate of "naïve girls". An important message which respondents tried to convey was that Polish women bring dishonour to the whole Polish community, a way of thinking that also shows some jealousy, reflecting its real origins and raising the question: "what have they [foreigners] got that we haven't?". Awareness of the negative attitude of Polish men towards Polish women who are in mixed relationships can lead to even stronger alienation of these women abroad. Furthermore, another outcome of such a situation may be that Poles abroad will not live together but beside each other (Fomina 2009 p.26).

The way Poles see themselves helps to understand the famous Robert D. Putnam's distinction between bridging and bonding. Bonding social capital is characterised by strong bonds, high levels of trust, and a sense of solidarity in one's own social group. Bridging social capital is related to coming out of one's circle and getting in touch regardless of existing divisions into social groups (Putnam 2000 p. 60).

When Putnam (2000) speaks of bridging social capital, he refers to a very broad notion of civic society that is based on participation in clubs, associations and social organizations which affiliate people of different origin, professions, material and cultural resources. This distinction is also very helpful in discussions about immigration and integration (Fomina 2009 p.26).

After analysing the research results one can state that respondents (educated, English-speaking Poles) have very strong bridging social capital but their bonding social capital is much weaker. In other words - they are interested in getting in touch with the British (members of recipient society) but at the same time are less interested in building bonds with other Poles and creating a strong and loyal Polish community. Furthermore, the research shows that the internal diversity of the Polish Diaspora in Britain also plays a crucial role here. The most important division criteria are education and knowledge of English, as well as time of immigration ("old", post-war Polish community, and "new" Polish community established after Poland joined the EU). Poles, on one hand, treat the "old" Polish community as a recipient society and know that all newcomers are carefully observed (Fomina 2009 p.27).

Nonetheless, the reflected image is not favourable for respondents who feel a critical attitude from the "old" Polish community, its lack of trust and positive response. On the other hand, respondents look with great reserve at the group of Poles who came to Britain at the same time they did. This group differs from respondents in its lack of education or poor education, as well as reluctance to learn English and what follows it - reluctance to integrate and a sense of being alienated in the new place. Moreover, social pathology is also something that is often associated with "other" Poles, and respondents want to have nothing in common with this phenomenon. Respondents also believe that, according to them, the negative image in the eyes of the "old" Polish community mainly results from associating the educated part of the "new" Polish community with the "dregs of society". To summarise, one group of Poles thinks that it is not regarded positively by another group of Poles, while the same group views yet another group of Poles in a negative light. This will definitely not create favourable conditions for building bonding social capital among the Polish community in Britain (Fomina 2009 p.27).

Lack of positive bonds is accompanied by lack of a negative binder - an experience in the face of which Poles would feel the need to unite. An example of such an experience would be a feeling of threat, a common feeling of discrimination against either Polish immigrants as a whole or discrimination against a specific individual with whom all Polish immigrants could identify and feel empathy. After taking all the above points into consideration, it appears very interesting that the Polish media focused so much on the alleged negative image of Polish immigrants in the British media. Such an image is inconsistent with the facts, as both the above-mentioned press research and the subjective feelings of Polish immigrants proves. People who are well-educated and speak English do not feel discriminated against - on the contrary, they believe that their image is very positive in British eyes, especially when compared to other immigrants. This group does not concentrate on negative experiences. Respondents know where to go if they have problems and how to cope with tough situations like, for instance, discrimination - they are aware of their rights and existing possibilities, and are in control of their own lives. Although respondents emphasised the lack of solidarity inside the group of Polish immigrants, they did not complain much about it (Fomina 2009 pp.27-28).

Alejandro Portes (2000 p.10) focused on the negative results of social capital, for example using control, putting pressure on members of the group, limiting their personal freedom. Surely, this is another reason for the weak binding social capital of respondents. Coming to Britain meant for many Poles leaving their "comfortable family nest" and nosy neighbours, leaving provincialism and the small-town mentality behind. These people knew that they would have to compare their achievements with others, would have to be ready to be judged anywhere and anytime, not mentioning the fact that they would automatically find themselves under the "charge" of post-war immigrants and the Polish church. All of these aspects mean taking an active part in the life of Polish immigrants abroad and are de facto a return to the situation from before these people left their homeland (Fomina 2009 p.28).

Moreover, Polish migrants are in constant "touch" with Poland and do not need a substitute of the country in the form of Polish institutions; neither do they need to re-create a world irretrievably lost, as it was for post-war Polish immigrants. Everything associated with Poland is close to hand - Polish shops, Polish schools or Polish church, they have access to the Polish media, they can easily fly to Poland anytime. This is why Poles do not feel that they are missing something in Britain, that they somehow have to cherish their Polish identity. Not being constantly in touch with the Polish community, they do not consider that they are constantly being reviewed as Polish. Confidence about their identity stems from awareness that there is no contradiction between being a full member of British society and a native Pole. A positive image of Poles themselves and confidence help them to see positive aspects to living in Britain. The fact that they feel they have proved themselves and managed with a new situation in a foreign country makes them maintain some detachment from their Polish identity. They do not have to prove to anybody that "we (Poles) can" because they know that it is true anyway. They do not have to defend their Polish identity, nor care about it in some special way (Fomina 2009 p.28).

Taking into account the so-called social identity theories, one can assume that the self-image of Poles favours the integration of Polish immigrants in Britain. If Poles felt discriminated against, they would try to "dissolve" into the new society, adopt the new language, new customs and even new names, which would mean full assimilation. However, if they did not succeed, they would assume a defensive position and try to find sources of self-esteem within their own, strong and integrated ethnic group. On one hand, Polish respondents did not feel strong bonds with their ethnic group, but on the other, they felt accepted by the recipient society (the British) as Poles - they have a positive self-image in the eyes of British citizens. Therefore, they need neither present themselves as "true Poles" nor be more British than the British. Although some respondents used the word "assimilation" while describing their behaviour and the behaviour of some Poles from Bradford, it is worth underscoring that in this context one should rather speak of integration instead of assimilation (Koryś 2005 p.16). The basic difference, important from the point of view of the research, lies in the fact that respondents retained their Polish identity while at the same time being members of British society.

The majority of interviewees still felt like guests in Bradford, hardly so surprising given the shortness of their time there. What is important, though, is that they see themselves as welcome guests, seen positively, and asked to "make themselves at home". Consequently, they try to feel this way. To present their situation more vividly, it is worth quoting a metaphor used by a lessee and flat-owner: Poles in Bradford still do not feel like owners but rather like lessees who legally own the place for an unspecified period of time. They know their rights and obligations, take care of their new place but also know how to proceed should problems emerge (Fomina 2009 p.29).

The willingness to integrate with the new society is also, according to respondents, one of the reasons why they won British trust. This is a mutual process: Poles want to integrate and the British - respondents believe - appreciate it and accept them, thanks to which Polish immigrants are even more willing to become members of British society. Interestingly, compared to other ethnic groups, Poles forget about those Polish immigrants with whom they reluctantly identify and who also, as they say, are not interested in the integration process. What seems to be crucial here is the phenomenon of "imposing one's rules" which is characteristic, according to respondents, of Bradford inhabitants of Pakistani origin. Nevertheless, Poles avoid this phenomenon (Fomina 2009 p.29).

Analysis of the results of the newspaper research in the first sections of this chapter showed that not education, but knowledge of English, was the ticket to a better world. Many press articles focused on the problem of wasting human capital - many Poles were taking jobs far below their qualification level. The research results show that the reason for this is mainly a lack of knowledge of English, and not any discrimination by British employers. Those showing enough perseverance to break the language barrier achieve much and build a positive self-image, favouring further integration. One concludes that sometimes it is not enough to hold an MA degree but it is enough to have a desire and follow it - and it seems that this is also true for Polish immigrants in Britain and their integration in the new society (Fomina 2009 pp.29-30).

3.3. Polish and British world - summary of the Bradford example

The research's results show how diverse Polish immigration in Britain is. Poles themselves realize this, particularly those more educated and willing to reflect. To summarise:

• Those taking part in the research were English-speaking Polish immigrants. The research's results show that the self-image of Poles has several aspects: their self-image based on experiences in the new country; their image in the eyes of the British; the image of how the "old" post-war Polish immigrants see the new immigrants - and the perception of other Poles.

• There are at least three dimensions to the images of the research's respondents. There are three parallel worlds whose presence the respondents are aware of, but they know that all three worlds rarely overlap:

1. The world of educated, confident Poles who are forging careers;

2. The world of less resourceful Poles who are stuck in one place. This world is often associated with the bottom of society, where one can of course find both honest factory workers and petty criminals;

3. The world of the post-war Polish community which is distanced from what's happening around it and critically regards all Polish newcomers.

• The advantage of bridging social capital over bonding social capital stems from the mutual interaction of several factors, including: self-confidence and the positive self-image of respondents, distancing themselves from "other" Poles who are perceived negatively, a sense that the "old" Polish community regards the "newcomers" negatively, lack of a negative internal binder (a feeling of being discriminated against as a group); closeness of Poland and a sense of being accepted by the English.

• Relations between the self-image and the integration process are mutual.

Positive self-image favours the integration of Polish respondents in British society and deeper integration of Polish immigrants improves their self-image.

CONCLUSION

Whether young Polish emigrants will return home depends primarily on Polish domestic policy. If economic development is accompanied by the creation of more jobs and income growth, Polish emigrants will be willing to return. Support packages, linear tax, advantageous bank loans and several other solutions for ensuring a modest standard of living can lower the emigration rate of the younger generation. It is crucial for all of Polish society that young people stay in the country; work in it and for it.

Our ancestors had to emigrate in the 19^th and 20^th centuries (Czubiński 2007 p.84). Political emigration saved them from persecutions, prison and even death. Economic emigration helped them escape poverty. Nowadays each young Pole has a free choice. Yet, it is important that they should decide about their future in a reasonable way. Being abroad, accompanied by financial success or not - can be very salutary.

If young people when abroad observe carefully what's happening around them, they will learn valuable lessons about the other countries and their inhabitants, about their customs and culture. After returning to Poland, they will be able to see reality more objectively. Young people can also benefit from the experience gained abroad and use this in Poland. All in all, I believe that economic emigration is good for young Poles.

We live in an era of migration. As globalisation continues, the number of people migrating is still growing. According to the UN, the number of migrants increased by 36 million (from 154 million to 191 million) from 1990-2005. The main reason for migration is searching for work. Seeking employment while migrating abroad has become a common phenomenon (Czubiński 2007 p.85).

The amount of money transferred by migrants is also still growing. According to the IMF, people working abroad send home over $300 billion yearly. In some countries, like Moldova, Bosnia and Herzegovina or Haiti - the income from citizens working abroad amounts to over 20% of GDP. This money contributes to reducing poverty, stabilising the currency's exchange rate, and more being spent on education and health. The number of migrating Poles is also increasing. They migrate mainly to the EU countries, mostly Britain and Ireland. However, the exact numbers are difficult to estimate. This is because not all Poles migrating to the EU countries register before they start searching for work (Modzelewska-Koncewicz, Szady-Śląska and Chiczewska 2006 pp.59-61).

It is currently not possible to balance national profits and losses related to economic migration. It is especially difficult to answer questions which seem to be crucial for the future of Poland:

• Is Polish economic emigration a chance for faster development of the economy or will it lead to a slowdown?

• Will the emigration be permanent or temporary?

• How can we effectively stop active, mobile and resourceful people from emigrating?

What can only be said for sure is that economic migration is a serious challenge for both migrants and employers (Modzelewska-Koncewicz, Szady-Śląska and Chiczewska 2006 p.62).

I would like to conclude this thesis with the following, intriguing quotation:

When I was young, I thought that money was the most important thing in life; now I am old and I know that it is.

Oscar Wilde (1854-1900)

Bibliography

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• Fomina J., Frelak J., 2008. Next Stopski London. Public Perceptions of Labour Migrations within the EU. The Case of Polish Labour Migrants in the British Press. Warsaw: Institute of Public Affairs;

• Fomina J., 2009. Światy równoległe - wizerunek własny Polaków w Wielkiej Brytanii (Parallel Worlds - an self- image of Poles in Great Britain). Warsaw: Instytut Spraw Publicznych ( Institute of Public Affairs);

• Gorgon W., 2008. BEZPIECZEŃSTWO PRACY - Społeczno-prawne aspekty ochrony pracowników (SAFETY AT WORK - Socio-legal aspects of workers protection). Warszawa;

• Górska H., 2008. Pobyt zarobkowy za granicą - szansa czy pułapka (Earning stay abroad - a chance or a trap). Warsaw: Wyd. Związku Biur Porad Obywatelskich (Association of Citizens Advice Bureaux Publisher);

• Graff A., 2008. Rzecz o płci, seksualności i narodzie (The thing about sex, sexuality and nation). Warsaw: WAB;

• Kaczmarczyk P., 2007. Raport: Współczesne migracje zagraniczne Polaków - skala, struktura i potencjalne skutki dla rynku pracy (Report on Contemporary International migration of Poles - the scale, structure and potential impacts on the labor market). Warsaw: Polish-American Freedom Foundation;

• Koryś I., 2005. Integracja imigrantów a asymilacja, segregacja i marginalizacja - słowniczek podstawowych pojęć (The integration of immigrants and assimilation, segregation and marginalization - a glossary of basic terms). [materials of International Organization for Migration- Międzynarodowej Organizacji do spraw Migracji];

• Modzelewska-Koncewicz E., Szady-Ślaska A. and Chiczewska A., 2006. Zatrudnianie Polaków za granicą i obcokrajowców w Polsce, (The employment of Poles abroad and foreigners in Poland) Warsaw: C.H. Beck Publishing;

• Rumski D., 2006. Pozytywne i negatywne aspekty przynależności Polski do Unii Europejskiej (Positive and negative aspects of Polish membership of the European Union). Poznań;

• Wilczyński W., 2005. Polski przełom ustrojowy 1989-2005. Ekonomia epoki transformacji (Polish constitutional breakthrough 1989-2005. Economics of transition period). Poznań: Wydawnictwo Wyższej Szkoły Bankowej (School of Banking Publishing);

Periodical Publications:

• Alesina J., Wschód jest kopalnią imigrantów (The East is The Mine of Immigrants). Il Sole 24 Ore, 18 August 2006;

• Ambroziak A., Dalekosiężne skutki migracji: Analiza Departamentu Ekspertyz Ekonomiczno-Społecznych Konfederacji Pracodawców Polskich (Far-reaching effects of migration: Analysis of Department of Economic and Social Confederations of Polish Employers Expertises). Gazeta Prawna (Legal Newspaper), 26 / 2007 pp.25-30;

• Biuletyn Migracyjny Ośrodka Badań nad Migracjami (Migration Bulletin of Migration Research Centre):

1. no. 8 August 2005;

2. no. 8 August 2006;

3. no. 12 December 2006;

4. no. 7 July 2007;

5. no. 9 September 2007;

• Biuletyn Prawny (Legal Bulletin) No. 15/2009;

• Głuchowski P. and Kowalski M., Polski Borat i tuzin londyńskich opowieści (Polish Borat, and a dozen of London's stories). Gazeta Wyborcza - suplement Duży Format, 1st May 2008;

• Jędrzejczak A., Biją naszych (gazetami), [They hit ours (by tabloids) ]. Przekrój 26 / 2008, pp.20-21;

• Koradecka D. Dziennik (Journal). Gazeta Prawna (Legal Newspaper), 19th December 2007 (246) pp. 10-16;

• Wesołowska E.and Rabij M., Poznaj swoja wartość (Know your value). Newsweek Polska (Newsweek Poland), 19 / 2006, pp 15-16.

Websites:

• Bezrobocie (Unemployment), 2006. Dlaczego Polacy migrują? (Why do Poles migrate?). [Online]. Available at http://www.bezrobocie.org.pl/strona/244812.html [Accessed on 10 April 2010];

• Centralny Instytut Ochrony Pracy - Panstwowy Instytut Badawczy (Central Institute for Labour Protection - National Research Institute), 200-. BHP za granicą - Polska we Wspólnocie Europejskiej (Health and Safety abroad- Poland in European Union). [Online]. Available at: www.ciop.pl [Accessed 20 April 2010];

• Home Office, 2005. Control of Immigration Statistic. [Online]. Available at: http://www.official-documents.gov.uk/document/cm69/6904/6904.pdf [Accessed on 3 April 2010];

• The Department of Social and Family Affairs, 200-. [Online]. Available at: http://www.welfare.ie/topics/ppsn/ppsstat.html/othereu06 [Accessed on 30 March 2010];

• The World's most popular immigration advice site, 2005. UK immigration hit record high in 2004. [Online]. Available at: http://www.workpermit.com/news/2005_10_21/uk/uk_immigration_high.htm [Accessed on 16 April 2010].

Other:

• Data from CBOS (Centrum Badania Opinii Społecznej) and OBOP (Ośrodek Badania Opinii Publicznej) - Center of Public Opinion Research, 2009;

• Data of Centralnego Instytutu Ochrony Pracy (Central Institute for Labour Protection)- Państwowy Instytut Badawczy (National Research Institute);

• Encyklopedia PWN (PWN Encyclopedia), (2003). Warsaw: Wydawnictwo Naukowe PWN (Scientific Publishing PWN).

APPENDIX

Following tables are information about Polish Migration to the United Kingdom.

Polish Migration to the United Kingdom

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