2 4 5
Introduction and summary
During the 2000 season, the Harappa Archaeological
Research Project (HARP) conducted excavations at the
largest copper working area yet found at an Indus site, on
the south side of Mound E at Harappa (Fig. 1). The large
assemblage of copper working debris recovered has
greatly aided my reconstruction of copper working at one
of the major cities of the Indus civilization. This project
involved three phases of research: (1) identification of
copper working areas at Harappa; (2) excavations, car-
ried out largely to determine the context of the copper
workshop(s) when they were in operation; and (3) study
of the production tools and debris from this working area,
particularly crucibles and molds. Phase 3 is still in
progress, but a number of results can already be given.
These conclusions are summarized below, and presented
in more detail in the sections following.
There is no evidence for state control of this industry.
Furthermore, in spite of the restriction of most copper
melting to this single location, unlike the diversity of pro-
duction locations for other crafts, there does not appear
to be any evidence for standardization of production.
The crucibles show little standardization in size, and few
artifacts relating to quantity control were recovered (e.g.
weights, scales, seals and sealings).
Unlike pottery firing areas on the northwest corner of
Mound E, this area was not used for copper working dur-
ing several cultural periods. Instead, based on pottery
found in the deposits containing copper-working materi-
als, this working area was primarily in use for an
unknown length of time during Harappa Period 3C
(c. 2200 to 1900 BC), when the city was at its largest
extent. There is no definitive evidence as to whether or
not these copper workers were making use of an aban-
doned part of the site, but my strong impression is that
this area of the site was a normal, functioning part of the
city during its period of use for copper melting. Subse-
quently, this area was trenched through by at least one
episode of major brick-robbing, perhaps several episodes.
These robbed areas were filled in by large-scale deposi-
tional events, which must have occurred fairly soon after
the brick robbing, as the artifacts show very little degra-
dation or rolling.
Although this copper working area had been com-
pletely disturbed, as expected from previous research, we
were able to recover fragments of simple clay molds,
probably used to cast small bar ingots and blanks, as well
as a variety of crucible and furnace fragments. All of this
material appears to relate to secondary re-melting of
imported primary ingots and/or scrap metal, for purifica-
tion or alloying or division into smaller units of metal.
Future should reveal more information about the metals
melted and the process of production.
Locating craft production areas:
geomagnetic and surface surveys
At past South Asian Archaeology conferences and
elsewhere, I have presented my research into the distribu-
tion of various high-temperature crafts at Harappa
(Miller 1994a, 1994b, 1997, 2000, in press). Here, I will
simply repeat that copper melting is by far the most
restricted of these crafts in terms of production locations.
All but a few fragments of the copper working debris
Investigating Copper Production
at Harappa: Surveys,
Excavations and Finds
H E AT H ER M. - L . MI L L E R
In: 2005. South Asian Archaeology 2001, ed. Catherine Jarrige and Vincent Lefèvre.
Paris: Éditions Recherche sur les Civilisations. Volume I: Prehistory. Pp. 245-252.
2 4 6
Investigating Copper Production at Harappa ❘ heather miller ❘
found at Harappa to date have been from an area in the
center of the south side of Mound E (Fig. 1). Several
projects within the Harappa Archaeological Research
Project have contributed to research and data recovery in
this copper working area over the past decade.
This research by myself and others has focused on
two goals: (1) elucidating whether or not any Indus cop-
per workshops are still in situ in this area; and (2) recov-
ering and categorizing manufacturing debris and other
data relating to the process of copper artifact production
during the Indus Integration Era (Mature Harappan
period, or Harappa Period 3). We still have very little
knowledge about technical, social or political aspects of
metal production and working within the Indus Civiliza-
tion during the Integration Era. However, as copper
metal was probably one of the major import products
into the Indus region, it has an important place in general
discussions of Indus political and economic structures,
particularly Indus relations with surrounding regions and
Western Asia. Therefore, a great deal has been suggested
about Indus political structures using what can only be
assumptions about the Indus copper industry. I have
designed my research to provide data to support or dis-
prove these suggestions.
The first step was to pinpoint the most likely location
of possible copper workshops, in order to minimize the
area excavated. In 1990, surface surveys by the Harappa
Archaeological Research Project found large amounts of
debris from copper working on the south side of
M o u n d E at Harappa. In 1993, I conducted more
detailed surface surveys of this area, and collected more
copper-working debris. Also in 1993, HARP excavated
trenches tracing the city wall along the base of the south
side of Mound E (Meadow & Kenoyer 1993, 1994).
Excavations in Trench 3 ,
1
just below (to the south) of
this area, also recovered numerous fragments of copper
working debris in deposits which had been eroded into
the trench. Material from the slope to the north had
eroded down into this trench, filling in the area north of
and over the perimeter wall. HARP excavations along the
south side of Mound E in 1990 and 1993 showed that this
part of the site had been heavily disturbed by brick rob-
Fig. 1 – Map of Harappa, highlighting copper working area and related archaeological explorations on the south side
of Mound E.
2 4 7
bing in the past, and was one of the areas most impacted
by ballast removal for the Lahore-Multan railway in the
late 19th century, as well as other brick-robbers.
Therefore, before choosing an excavation area, it was
important to determine whether or not any of the copper
working areas that had existed in this area during
Harappa Period 3C were still in place, or whether all
working areas had been either trenched through by brick
robbers or destroyed in the subsequent large-scale
erosion and colluvial deposition. In 1994 and 1995, I used
a combination of detailed surface surveys and geophys-
ical analysis with a proton gradiometer to address this
question (Miller 1999, 2000). The results of both types of
surveys indicated that for this part of Harappa, the
surface distribution of artifacts was most influenced by
the topography of the area, rather than related to possible
working areas or architecture. That is, most copper-
related debris was found generally downslope (south)
toward the base of the mound, and was concentrated in
small depressions and gullies. The buried materials
shown in the gradiometer maps mirrored this pattern,
another indication of large-scale disturbance and downs-
lope erosion of copper-working debris (see Miller 1999
for more discussion). Furthermore, the gradiometer
maps showed no evidence for the presence of firing struc-
tures (furnaces).
Geomagnetic instruments measure locational differ-
ences in the earth’s magnetic field. Such spatial variation
is based on a number of sources of magnetism, both
buried sources such as iron objects, walls, kilns, and geo-
logical formations, and external sources such as temporal
variations in the earth’s magnetic field (e.g. sunspots),
magnetic variation based on latitude, and magnetism due
to power lines or iron fences. Proton precession gra-
diometers (or “gradient magnetometers”), the type of
instrument I used, remove many of the external sources
of magnetic variation by measuring the difference in the
earth’s magnetic field between two sensors held vertically
above each point sampled, rather than just an absolute
recording of the magnetic field. This gradient approach
focuses attention on localized magnetic anomalies, like
buried kilns. (See Miller 1994a & 1999 for more details,
and the advantages and disadvantages of gradiometers in
general.) The maps produced are like topographic maps
in a way, showing gradients of magnetic fields across the
area sampled. The magnetic gradients for buried kilns or
furnaces are very characteristic, showing a rapid change
in gradient with both positive and negative peaks within
a short distance.
The gradiometric survey for the copper working on
the south side of Mound E revealed no such characteris-
tic gradient changes indicative of buried furnaces. The
strongest signal in this area was created by the iron bar in
the site grid marker, while the remaining gradient
changes match where the surface topographic gradients
have affected the geomagnetic gradients, especially a
deep gully to the south. In 2000, prior to final selection
of an excavation area, I conducted further surface and
geomagnetic surveys in the same region, and these also
verified the lack of any buried kilns or hearths. Aside
from the magnetic gradient variations associated with the
topography of the surface, there was very little variation
in the magnetic gradient across this region. The only pos-
sible features were linear, more like walls or robbed wall
voids than furnaces, and these were very faint and indis-
tinct.
Thus, my conclusion was that we would not find any
buried furnaces in situ, but that this entire area of the site
had been heavily disturbed by brick-robbing on a massive
scale, as suggested by previous excavations. It was
remotely possible that some intact furnaces might be very
deeply buried, but only if this area had also been used for
copper working during the earlier occupations. Certainly
any Harappa Period 3C deposits were disturbed.
However, since very little is known about Indus copper
production techniques, and since the remains of the
production area, although disturbed, were contained
within a relatively small area, we determined that it was
worth the trouble and expense to conduct excavations.
This decision was also influenced by the uniqueness of
this assemblage of debris. There few other Indus sites
with any reported indications of copper working, and
none with the amount of debris we have found on the
south side of Mound E. Nevertheless, HARP deserves a
great deal of credit for supporting the excavation of a
trench likely to be composed of rubble-dumping and
massive erosion fill into brick-robbed areas, albeit very
informative rubble and fill.
I should emphasize that the surface surveys done in
this area over a number of years supplied positive infor-
mation as well as negative. It was certain from previous
explorations that large scale copper melting had taking
2 4 8
Investigating Copper Production at Harappa ❘ heather miller ❘
place here at least during Harappa Period 3C (2200-1900
BC), and that we could recover a great deal of well-pre-
served debris from this production process. It was clear
from the debris assemblages that the material was in
excellent shape and had not moved any great distance, as
it was neither rolled nor eroded, nor even very weathered.
We were certain to find many fragments of furnaces and
crucibles, which might allow me to reconstruct almost as
much of the production process as finding intact fur-
naces. In addition, I was able to determine that this debris
was not from copper smelting (the reduction of ore to
metal), but from copper melting, and perhaps fabrica-
tion, which would make it very unusual. There are very
few melting and fabrication areas investigated from any
place in the world or any time period, and this one from
Harappa was clearly an operation employing a number of
furnaces, whether in use simultaneously or serially. I
hoped particularly to recover debris relating to primary
ingot melting, scrap melting, and/or alloying, so as to
investigate the sources of Harappan copper (still highly
debated), the recycling of scrap metal, and the methods
of alloying used.
E x c a v a t i o n s
Trench 55 (E2295-2300, N1055-1060 plus southern
extension) was excavated in February through April of
2000 under my direction, with the invaluable efforts of
Mark Smith of New York University, an able and enthu-
siastic crew of modern Harappans, and the advice of Drs.
J. Mark Kenoyer and Richard Meadow. The excavations
verified my conclusions from the surface and geomag-
netic surveys that this part of the site was heavily dis-
turbed, probably in several episodes of robbing and fill.
The area was definitely cut by large trenches during the
known historic brick-robbing in the late 1800s, for ballast
for the Lahore-Multan railway, with subsequent massive
deposition into the trenches. This conclusion is based on
the scale of the robbing, local information that a railway
line had been built to this part of the site to remove bricks,
and the finds of a few pieces of railway-related objects
from the southern area between the Mound E and
Mound ET. However, there appear to have been more
than one robbing and depositional episode. Earlier rob-
bings of the site for bricks may have been done by Indus
peoples themselves in the last part of the site’s occupa-
tion, and/or by local people during the past few centuries
(cf. Vats 1940: 3, Meadow & Kenoyer 1997: 170). It is
also possible that some brick robbing was done during
the medieval period, based on a few pieces of possible
medieval pottery in one of the upper deposits (lot 2730),
perhaps for bricks to erect the medieval caravanserai
buildings some 150 m due south of the copper working
area.
2
Copper melting debris disappears from the excava-
tion deposits long before we reached any undisturbed
layers. The first undisturbed deposits encountered, at the
base of our excavation unit, dated to Harappa Period
3B/3A on the basis of the pottery found. No copper melt-
ing took place in this area during these earlier periods,
which contain only domestic debris. Rather, these work-
ing areas were established sometime in Harappa Period
3C (2200-1900 BC), again based on pottery finds. It is
possible that some copper working took place here dur-
ing the later part of Harappa Period 3B, but certainly no
earlier than about 2450 BC; future refinements of the
Harappa pottery chronology or radiocarbon dates from
these excavations may provide more data. In any case,
this situation contrasts with the long-term use of the
northwest corner of Mound E for pottery production,
where HARP found two different types of kilns from
Harappa Period 3C (both radiocarbon dated to c. 2300
BC) and a third kiln from Harappa Period 2 (Dales &
Kenoyer 1991; Wright 1991).
Due to the destruction of the architecture and move-
ment of the archaeological deposits, I cannot definitively
say whether or not this area of the site had been aban-
doned for domestic habitation, and was later taken over
by copper workers. This is one of the suggestions for the
large-scale pottery firing areas in DK-G area at Mohenjo-
daro (Mackay 1938; Pracchia et al. 1985). However,
based on the quantity and types of other artifacts found
in the same deposits as the copper working debris, I think
this area was still inhabited domestically as well as for
manufacturing. These artifacts are not rolled or eroded,
and are very well preserved for Harappa, so it is unlikely
that they are eroded deposits mixed in with manufactur-
ing debris. Instead, all types of artifacts appear to have
been deposited at the same time, in some cases probably
in episodes of large-scale colluvial deposition like mud-
slides. We recovered many large fragments of pottery, a
2 4 9
number of ivory pieces, and even a low-fired terracotta
sealing, most in better shape than elsewhere in less dis-
turbed areas of Harappa.
3
These objects may not have
been from the same room as the copper debris, or even
the same building, but they were certainly discarded
nearby, probably within the same block. It would also
appear to have been a relatively well-maintained part of
town, as the sediments were fairly clean except for some
ashy/charcoal deposits. Copper debris was not found in
the tenacious “green gunky” sewage deposits character-
istic of some of the earlier street or fill deposits in this
trench. (Of course, this lack of sewage could also be taken
as evidence that there was no longer much habitation in
this area.)
Rather surprisingly, there is no evidence for state con-
trol of this industry, or of control by any sort of monitor.
Only one of the seals, sealings, and tablets found in this
trench come from deposits with copper-working debris.
This low frequency of inscribed objects was also the case
for the pottery production area on the northwest corner
of Mound E (Dales & Kenoyer 1991; Wright 1991), but
it is more surprising for this copper production area, as
the production of metal objects is often considered to be
a likely domain of state control. Unfortunately, we cannot
use the architecture associated with this copper produc-
tion to derive additional conclusions relating to control of
production, as all of the architecture in the upper layers
has been completely destroyed by brick-robbing.
Finds: copper working debris
I have presented the context of this copper working
area – but what exactly was found? The copper working
debris sought were fragments of molds, crucibles, and
furnaces, bits of fired and vitrified clay mixed in with lit-
erally thousands of similar fragments of baked and vitri-
fied clay rubble. Many of these objects were found by the
excavation sievers, and even more were found after wash-
ing, by the pottery sorters in camp. We added signifi-
cantly in quantity and quality to our previous collection
of crucibles and furnace fragments from earlier surveys
and excavations. Most importantly, I was able to identify
fragments of simple molds.
The crucible fragments strengthen my previous iden-
tification of variety in the sizes of crucibles from both
Harappa and Mohenjo-daro (Miller 1999), as well as
providing new samples for analysis, some possibly from
lead as well as copper working (Fig. 2).
4
We do not yet
have any full profiles of crucibles, but they appear to be
variable in shape, including both curved and linear-sided
specimens. From my initial examinations by eye of the
crucibles and fragments of furnaces recovered, the cru-
cibles were made of straw-tempered clay, with a sandy
clay coating or a light dusting of quartz sand on the inside
surface of at least some of the crucibles. Some of the cru-
cibles eventually melted during use. It is not yet clear if
any of the crucibles had side-spouts or spouts of any kind
(cf. Tylecote 1987: 183-189). However, these crucibles
must have been poured out by tipping not lifting them, as
the clay fabric would have been too weak to support the
weight of the molten metal.
All of these crucibles were heated from above, not
from below, vitrifying the interiors and rims of the cru-
cibles but usually not the exteriors or bases. This pattern
Fig. 2 – Table of those crucible rim dimensions from Trench 55 recorded to
date. Chart of interior rim diameters for these samples. (Samples from
Mohenjo-daro kindly provided by Massimo Vidale).
2 5 0
Investigating Copper Production at Harappa ❘ heather miller ❘
indicates that the Harappans (at Harappa) were almost
certainly using a simple pit furnace with air supplied by
blowpipes or bellows from above, rather than a more
complex structure with air introduced from below or to
the side. Future petrographic analyses will provide more
exact information on the composition of these refractory
materials, and possibly on the temperature of heating.
Overall, these finds show that the Harappans were able to
achieve very good results using relatively simple tech-
niques for metal melting.
In spite of the restriction of copper melting to a very
few locations at both Harappa and Mohenjo-daro, which
is unlike other crafts (Miller 1999, 2000), there does not
seem to be any evidence from this assemblage for stan-
dardization of production. The sizes of the crucibles are
n o t standardized (Fig. 2), although those recorded so far
do fall into rough groups of “large” and “small” c r u c i b l e s .
No case for any strong centralized control of Indus copper
working at Harappa can be made from the crucibles.
Rather, if anything, the lack of standardization of crucible
sizes would indicate a diversity of craftspeople using a
diversity of crucibles, whether these were made by the met-
alsmiths themselves or by potters. Unfortunately, most of
the molds are too fragmentary to investigate standardiza-
tion of the metal product produced. In fact, the o n l y p o s-
sible evidence for centralization is that this seems to be the
only sizable copper melting area within the Harappa city
walls during Harappa Period 3. However, there are other
possible reasons besides centralization and/or control for
this pattern, such as standards of civic organization, or
biases in the archaeological data (Miller 1999).
One of the most important results of these excava-
tions was the recovery and recognition of a number of
mold fragments. The mold fragments are the first assem-
blage of clearly identifiable molds from an Indus site, and
help to verify previous identifications of possible mold
fragments from other Indus sites. They are all very sim-
ple open molds, made with a sandy clay layer over a
straw-tempered clay base. None showed signs of extreme
heat or vitrification, and few are even reddened by heat.
Most retain a light tan color, similar to well-baked pottery
from Harappa. The example shown (Fig. 3) is our largest
mold fragment to date. The only recognizable shapes
found as yet are very simple rectangles, which were prob-
ably for casting bar ingots or blanks for the forging of flat
objects like axes, spears, or knives.
This copper melting could have been done for a num-
ber of different reasons: (1) to purify primary smelting
ingots, which often need further processing to remove
slag, iron, sulfur, arsenic, and other impurities; (2) to
melt and recast scrap metal; (3) to create specific metal
alloys; and/or (4) to create smaller units of metal (second-
ary ingots) or blanks, for distribution or storage. The
analyses of the metal on the crucible and kiln wall frag-
ments may help to differentiate these possibilities, as well
as answer other questions, if enough metal is preserved.
The collection of debris from Trench 55 is particularly
useful, as it is a large enough assemblage to see any vari-
ation in the metals produced by these craftspeople at
Harappa.
Fig. 3 – Example of a Mold made of low-fired clay containing much
chopped straw as temper and light tan (yellow-brown) and reddish in color.
(H2000/2742-2).
2 5 1
This issue of variation is especially important for
Harappa. In contrast to Rangpur and Lothal, there is
great variability in both the alloys of metals and the impu-
rities within copper objects from Harappa and Mohenjo-
daro (Kenoyer & Miller 1999). Is this a difference based
on the sizes of these four settlements? Are craftspeople in
the larger cities (Harappa and Mohenjo-daro) simply
drawing on more sources of copper and mixing them, or
are they re-melting more scrap metal made from differ-
ent alloys than in the small towns of Lothal and Rangpur?
Or is this contrast based on regional differences in the
types of metals desired? Were the central Indus Valley
people more interested in experimenting with alloys than
the people living in northwest India, or conversely, did
the northwest Indians particularly desire quite pure cop-
per objects?
Unfortunately, no primary ingots (ingots from smelt-
ing) were found in these excavations. Few ingots have
been found in the Indus as a whole, so we have no knowl-
edge of any possible control over the distribution of cop-
per ingots which are coming from sources outside the
Indus Valley in Baluchistan, Rajasthan or Oman
(Kenoyer & Miller 1999). In fact, no large metal frag-
ments or objects were found in this excavation trench,
which leads me to believe that there was a good account
kept of the metal produced, and little was lost or aban-
doned in storage. Alternatively, later brick-robbers may
have retrieved any metal found for re-melting. The metal
pieces recovered were all small pieces of copper or cop-
per alloys, and the great majority were unidentifiable
fragments. About two-thirds of the metal pieces from this
trench (most simply “miscellaneous copper fragments”)
were from deposits containing copper working debris,
but curiously, the deposits with the most non-metal
debris had relatively few metal pieces. Most of the few
identifiable copper objects (primarily arrowheads and
beads) were from deposits not containing copper work-
ing debris, but instead primarily from the habitation lay-
ers at the bottom of the trench. This is not surprising, as
copper-based metal objects were fairly widely dispersed
among the peoples of Harappa, and presumably the
Indus society as a whole, for a variety of uses as orna-
ments, vessels, and tools (Fentress 1977; Shaffer 1982;
Kenoyer & Miller 1999).
However, this wide use of metal, particularly copper
and its alloys, apparently involved no state or other stan-
dardized control of metal production or distribution. The
variability of copper metal impurities between different
Indus cities leads me to suspect that multiple sources of
copper were being employed, and that scrap metal may
have been an important source of copper metal in the
large cities like Harappa and Mohenjo-daro (Kenoyer &
Miller 1999). Overall, the results of these investigations
into copper working at Harappa continue to support the
idea that Indus political elites are not controlling craft
production directly, unlike some other early states.
C o n c l u s i o n
This unique assemblage of debris from one of the only
copper-working areas found at an Indus site has provided
new information about the technology and organization of
copper working at the major Indus city of Harappa. This
working area, the largest known, was in use primarily dur-
ing Harappa Period 3C (2200-1900 BC), the period when
the site was at its maximum size. The recovery of simple
molds, as well as crucibles and furnace fragments, tells us
that copper was being melted down and recast. Analytical
work in progress on the crucibles should give us clues to
the operations carried out, whether purification of pri-
mary ingots, alloying of copper, re-melting of assorted
scrap metal, and/or creation of smaller secondary ingots or
blanks. Most importantly, there is no evidence for state
control of this industry, nor for standardization of produc-
tion by any managerial system.
Acknowledgements: Great thanks are due to the Pakistan Department of
Archaeology and the Harappa Archaeological Research Project for their
support. HARP graciously provided facilities and personnel to excavate,
sieve, recover, and sort bits of clay lumps from a trench more than 10 m
by 10 m by 3-4 m deep, over 400 cubic m of mostly rubble-filled debris
layers. I am particularly grateful to all of the men involved in the excava-
tion, sieving, and sorting of Trench 55 materials, for their exceptional
patience with and interest in this project.
2 5 2
Investigating Copper Production at Harappa ❘ heather miller ❘
N O T E S
1
E2309-2314, N984-999; supervised by
Shaukat Ali Shad, Mark Kenoyer, and myself.
2
The medieval caravanserai structures at
Harappa are thought to have been built in the
16th century AD/CE and later. The base of
these two buildings are all that remain, and
these are made primarily from Indus period
bricks with a few historic period bricks
(Meadow & Kenoyer 1993; Meadow et al.
1994). However, further work on the dating of
this possibly historical pottery from Trench 55
needs to be done.
3
The excellent preservation in this area is prob-
ably also due to the better drainage of these
rubble-filled deposits, particularly the lack of
impermeable mudbrick platforms blocking
water drainage.
4
These fragments were small and often warped,
so diameter measurements are very approxima-
tive; hence the apparent errors in diameter and
thickness sums.
Acknowledgements: Great thanks are due to the
Pakistan Department of Archaeology and the
Harappa Archaeological Research Project for
their support. HARP graciously provided facili-
ties and personnel to excavate, sieve, recover,
and sort bits of clay lumps from a trench more
than 10 m by 10 m by 3-4 m deep, over 400
cubic m of mostly rubble-filled debris layers. I
am particularl y grateful to all of the men
involved in the excavation, sieving, and sorting
of Trench 55 materials, for their exceptional
patience with and interest in this project.
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