106095987

PR W lh~J

Is the position as hopelcss as you, my Polisli friends, in tliis your day of trial, aro qu.ite naturally inclined to assume? Let us examine thc situation a littlc morę olosely.

On the question of frontiers I have nothing to say. I am not a politician. I am not qualificd to decide what precise delimitation of boundaries betwecn Russia and Poland would be just to both nations. I feel that the frontier question is of secondary importance. I take it for granted that Polish citizens would be permitted to transfer to Poland • if the boundaries v/erc to inolude them in Soviet Russia«

I also take for granted that the millions of Polish citizens alleged to bo in Soviet captivity will be allowed to return to their native land. I may add that it is a matter of surprise and sorrow to me that champions of liberty the world over have not long ago dcmanded the rolease of these innocc-nt Polish captives.

The supremely important aspect of this problem is the futurę independence of the Polish State. That, porhaps, is only another way of saying the freedom of thc Polish people to elect the kind of Government they desire. I know that you do not believe that you are likcly to enjoy the opportunity of ^ufree and unfettered elections on the basis of univcrsal suffragę and secret ballot". But are you wise ę

to presume the bad faith of the British Government? -- .

Rumembcr that tho Primo Minister has declared that every word of the Yalta Dcclaration was the "subject of most profound and searohing attention by the Heads of the three Govemments and by the Foreign Socretaries and all their experts". The British Government has pledged its word that the elections will bc genuincly free. The Foreign Secretary last Y/eek in parliament admittcd that he disliked the Lublin Committee. He knows, as indeed every English politician knows, that the Lublin Committee is, from the Polish point of viev/, utterly bogus. Everyonc outside of Soviet Russie admits that this Committee is without the backing of the Polish people. Now tho Committee set up at Yalta for the constitution of a new Polish Govcrninent consists of three people, only one of whom is Russian. Surcly, then, there aro grounds for hope? I think that you would be unwise to presume that the words of M. Molotov will prevail over those of the British and American amoassadors in Moscow. You aro wise to havo your suspicions. You are not wise if you aot as though the worst is inovitable.

I want to stress that the honour of the political leaders of Great Britain and the honour of the whole British people depund upon, first, thc setling up of a genuinely reprwsentative Polish Government and, socond, the holding of genuinely free elections in Poland. The Foreign Secretary in his speech last weok to the Commons usea those words: "What is my conclusion? I say that while we must be watchful, active and vigorous, and do all in our power to secure the real freedom and independence of our Polish allies - while that is our right and our duty - do not let us, at the same time, fali victims too easily to suspicion of another ally."

I beg of you, my Polish friends, not to presume, despito the sad experionce of thc past, that Great Britain will rofuso to carry out what Mr. Eden describes as "its