plik

]

HENRIK BIRNBAUM :

Yaroslav’s Varangian Connection

1. A comprehensive, modern study of the times and activities of Grand

Prince Yaroslav, because o f his commitment to learning known as the

Wise, has yet to be written. Such a historical study would have to scruti

nize and assess the Russian ruler’s military and political accomplishments

and, in particular, his achievements in shaping the society and fashioning

the public institutions o f ancient R u s\ In addition and above all, perhaps,

it would discuss and attempt to put into proper perspective Yaroslav’s

major contribution, as patron, to medieval culture in its specific, complex
Varangian-Russian-Byzantine context.1 This overall account and evalua
tion could distinguish between at least two phases in Yaroslav’s adult life,

an earlier one (up to 1019) which, with some qualifications, may be term

ed his Novgorodian or Varangian years and a later one (1 0 1 9 -5 4 ), tenta

tively to be designated his Kievan or Byzantine period.2 The present short

1 It is precisely such a future in-depth study th at A . S tender-P etersen had in m ind in the

opening paragraph o f his m ost instructive (if in p art controversial) essay "Jaroslav und die

Varinger” (the a u th o r’s Varangica, A rhus 1953, pp. 115—38) based on a lecture originally

read in 1928 at T artu U niversity b ut since thoroughly updated.

2 H ow ever, according to S te n d er-P etersen , op. cit., p. 129 (following, in this particular

point, N. K. Chadwick, T he Beginnings o f Russian History: A n Enquiry into Sources, C am

bridge 1946), it was only a fte r 1043, th at is, after Y aroslav’s hapless cam paign against

Byzantium, th at he turned his interest tow ard G reek culture. R ath er, I would subm it, th ere is

reason to believe th a t Y aroslav’s m ore sustained interest in Byzantium and things B yzantine,

including theology, o th e r learning, and ecclesiastic art, began to develop som ew hat earlier,

namely, shortly a fter the d e ath o f his b ro th e r Mstislav in 1036. T he establishm ent o f the

Kievan M etropolitan See in 1037, whose first incum bent was a G reek (appointed by the

Patriarch o f C onstantinople), m ust have resu lted in intensified contact with the E ast R om an

capital; see S. H. Cross, Speculum 4, 1929 (cf. n. 3, below ), pp. 180-1. T he Russian llarion

(H ilarion), a u th o r o f the fam ous Serm on on Law and G race (Slovo o zákoně i blagodati),

became the second m etropolitan o f Kiev in 1051. — The date o f Y aroslav’s birth has n ot been

precisely established. T he y ear 978, given by S tender-P etersen, op. cit., p. 131, is unlikely as

Y aroslav’s father, V ladim ir, spent 9 7 7 -8 0 ab ro ad (in Sw eden and, perhaps, elsew here in

Scandinavia) and there is no indication th at Y aroslav was b o m outside Russia. A lso, Sten-

der's claim is contradicted by his ow n suggestion th at in 1014, when Yaroslav, then prince o f

Novgorod, tu rn ed against his father, refusing to pay the custom ary annual trib u te, he was

barely tw enty-eight years old (which w ould place his year o f birth in 986); cf. Varangica, p.

117. 982 is perhaps a closer tentative d ate. It seem s that in o r about 985 Y aroslav, then a

child, w as nam ed prince o f R ostov. H e succeeded to becom e prince o f N ovgorod, th e second

most im portant Russian principality, only up o n the death o f his o lder b ro th er Vysheslav. Cf.

the relevant inform ation given at the en d o f th e last paragraph in the entry u nder the year

6496 (= 988) in the N estor C hronicle; see The Russian Primary Chronicle (cf. n. 34), p. 119.

]

Scando-Slavica-Tom us 24

essay pursues a much more modest goal, needless to say. A t most, it can

be conceived as one of several preliminary studies necessary to lay the

groundwork for a farther reaching, more ambitious undertaking currently
contemplated by this writer and aiming at a broad monographic treatment

o f late lO th -m id -llth century Russia viewed as the backdrop for Yaro
slav’s biography.

Specifically, it is the purpose o f this paper to briefly reexamine Yaro

slav’s personal contacts and links with Scandinavia, notably - but by no

means only - Sweden, the land o f his forebears, with some attention paid
to the light which Norse, primarily, Old Icelandic, sources cast upon this,

the Russian sovereign’s “Varangian connection” .

To be sure, Yaroslav’s (and, for that matter, his father’s, Vladimir’s)

continuous contacts with Scandinavia have long been recognized, docu

mented, and studied in some detail.3 What calls for further investigation

and analysis, though, are certain particular facets o f these relations with
the Nordic countries as well as the overall political and, to a certain extent,

cultural framework into which they fit. It is some o f these specific points,
therefore, that will be briefly discussed on the following pages.

To begin with, even though it was just stated that Yaroslav’s rule could

conveniently,  if  tentatively,  be  divided  into  two  phases,  a  Novgorodian
and a Kievan, it may be worth pointing out that the latter actually falls into
two  subperiods  separated  by  the  year  1036,  when  his  younger  brother
Mstislav  (occasionally  referred  to  as  the  Brave)  died.  Until  then,  though
claiming  since  1019  Kiev  as  his  capital  (while  Mstislav  had  moved  his

residence from faraway Tmutarakan’ to nearby Chernigov), Yaroslav -

after a military confrontation in 1025 - shared power with his brother who

ruled over the eastern half o f the Kievan  state,  that is,  the portion on  and
beyond the left bank o f the  Dnepr.  It is  therefore  only from  1036  on that
Yaroslav  can  be  considered  the  lone  ruler o f early  medieval  Russia.  It  is

further characteristic and thus noteworthy that Yaroslav kept up his Va
rangian connection throughout his life, both during his time as prince of

O f earlier, still significant w ork, cf., in add itio n to the afo rem en tio n ed study by Sten-

d er-P etersen , in p articular S. H . C ross, “ Y aroslav the W ise in N orse T rad itio n ” , Speculum 4,

1929, pp. 1 7 7 -9 7 (and p. 363, C orrigenda), and E. A . R ydzevskaja, “Jaroslav M udryj v

drevnesevem oj lite ratu re ” (K ratkie soobslenija Instituta istorii m aterial’noj k u l’tury 77,

1940, pp. 6 6 -7 2 . O f m ore re ce n t special studies, see, e.g., M. B. Sverdlov, “ Skandinavy na

Rusi v X I v.” (Skandinavskij sb o rn ik 19, 1974), pp. 55—69. Specifically on D anish-R ussian

contacts in th at period, cf. the sam e a u th o r’s earlier c o n trib u tio n “ D anija i R us' v X I v.”

(Istoriceskie svjazi Skandinavii i Rossii, I X —X X vv., S b o rn ik statej, L eningrad 1970, pp.

8 1 -8 ).

]

Henrik B irnbaum : Y aroslav’s V arangian Connection

Novgorod and while grand prince of Kiev, including the later years o f his

sole rule, 10 36-5 4. Admittedly though, the nature o f his relations with

Scandinavia  changed  somewhat  over  the  years.  His  earlier contacts  with
Northern  Europe were primarily dictated by military and such other con
siderations  as  had  an  immediate  bearing  upon  his  own  position  on  the

Russian political scene, that is to say, which would strengthen his (and his
party’s) influence within Russia; cf. especially his struggle with his older

half brother Sviatopolk, by Russian historical tradition given the epithet

the Damned. Subsequently, after his own power had been firmly establish
ed, the contacts of the Rurikid prince and his family with the Scandinavi

an North and with Northmen can rather be viewed in the overall frame
work o f his foreign policy, particularly vis-à-vis the West. Furthermore, it

is reasonable to assume that Yaroslav himself was bilingual, mastering

both  the  Old  Russian  (East Slavic)  vernacular o f his own country and  the
speech of his ancestors,  i.e.,  some  form  o f Old Swedish.  Perhaps,  though,
the  latter,  as spoken and heard in  early medieval  Russia, was by that  time
affected  by  some  East  Slavic  lexical  admixture  and  showed  a  certain  de
gree  of  grammatical  interference;  possibly,  it  had  even  turned  into  an

outright hybrid language, mixing Scandinavian with Slavic elements.4 Yet,

contrary  to  his  father  who  had  spent  at  least  three  years  (9 7 7 -7 0 )  in
Sweden  (and  possibly  Norway),  Yaroslav  seem s  never  to  have  visited
Svithiod or any other part o f Scandinavia even though at one point he was
all  ready  to  sail  for  Sweden.5  The  farthest  west  he  supposedly  traveled,
during  one  of his  campaigns,  is  the  Polish  duchy  o f Masovia.

Very broadly, Yaroslav’s Varangian relations and contacts can be

grouped into three kinds of occurrences and situations: (1) matrimonal
connections; (2) hosting o f prominent Scandinavian political figures, fre

4 O n som e lexical item s (m ixed com pounds and derivations) as well as o th er characteris

tics o f a conceivable V arangian-R ussian language blend, see, e.g., S tender-P etersen, Va-

rangica, pp. 151-71 and esp. p. 255. M uch relevant data is also contained and discussed in K.

R ahbek Schm idt, Soziale Term inologie in russischen Texten des frühen Mittelalters (bis zum

Jahre 1240), K openhagen 1964, passim.

5 S tender-P etersen, Varangica, p. 131, is o f the opinion, how ever, th at Y aroslav may well

have visited Sw eden (and first m et his future wife Ingigerd) in 1014-15 w hen he, fo r the first

tim e, was recruiting V arangian troops. T h e relevant w ording o f the O ld R ussian chronicle

text (sub anno 1015: Jaroslavb ze.poslavb za m ore.privede varjagy) is, according to Stender,

am biguous. Such an assum ption seem s u nw arranted in my view. O n a later occasion, in 1018,

Y aroslav was ready to go to Sw eden, but his panicky plans w ere frustrated by the Novgorodi-

ans led by th eir prudent posadnik C onstantine (K osnjatinb); cf. S tender-P etersen, Varangica,

p. 122; Cross, op. cir., pp. 179-80.

]

Scando-Slavica-Tom us 24

quently while on the run from their own country;6 (3) calling-in and

maintaining of mercenaries. Clearly, these three major categories cannot
always be neatly kept apart as they often show some overlap. Thus, for

example, the hosting of distinguished Varangian visitors was sometimes
occasioned by, or coincided with, the ceremony of establishing marital

bonds while at some other (or even the same) time a Scandinavian politi

cal leader, even if banned from his home country, could arrive in Garthari-

ki (or Great Svithiod, as Russia is also referred to in Old Norse sources) at
the head of a Varangian retinue (O N hird, OR družina).1

2. A s for what may be considered a pretty well planned and consistently
carried out “marriage policy” (Heiratspolitik) on the part of Yaroslav, the

marital ties that he and - at his instigation - his family members establish
ed with Scandinavia appear to have played a subordinate role only, at

least if viewed in their broader European context. Yaroslav himself had
taken as his second wife — the specific identity o f his first spouse who

probably bore him no offspring is not known8 — the Swedish princess

6 A s fo r som e less know n Scandinavians visiting Russia and p erh ap s also Y aroslav’s court,

a few o f them are recorded on Sw edish ru n esto n es; cf. S ten d er-P etersen , Varangica, pp.

137—8; Sverdlov, " S k an d in a v y .

(cf. n. 3), pp. 66—7. See fu rth er E . A . M el’nikova, “ Svi-

d etel’stva skandinavskich runičeskich nadpisej X I-X II w . o n aro d ach V ostočnoj E vropy”

(Skandinavskij sbórnik 20, 1975, pp. 1 5 8 -6 6 ).

7 Cf., e.g., S ten d er-P etersen , Varangica, pp. 1 3 5 -6 , m entioning the N orw egians Sveinr

H akansson and E ym und H ringson (th e latte r accom panied by several Icelanders, as we know

from the testim ony o f the Flateyarbók; cf. below ) as well as the Sw ede Ingvar den V ittfarne

(O N Yngvarr Vidfqrli, ‘the W idely-T raveled’) and others w ho cam e to N ovgorod with

groups o f V arangian w arriors. O n Ingvar th e W idely-T raveled, see o f earlier w ork esp. E.

W essén, “ O m Ingvar den v ittfarne, en sórm lansk vikingahovding" ( Bidrag till Sdderm an-

lands aldre kulturhistoria 30, S trangnás 1937, pp. 3 -1 7 ) and, m ore recently, E. A . M el’niko

va, "Ě kspedicija Ingvara P utešestvennika n a V ostok i pochod russkich n a V izantiju v 1043

g ." (Skandinavskij sbornik 21, 1976, pp. 74—8 8 ), with fu rth er references, discussing a pos

sible connection betw een Ingvar’s exploits (usually believed to have com e to an end by 1041)

and Y aroslav’s expedition against Byzantium in 1043 u n d er the com m and o f his son V ladi

mir. - O th e r functions, by som e scholars (e.g., M. B. Sverdlov) singled o u t as assigned by

Y aroslav to individual V arangians — say, o f hired assassins (o f S viatopolk. earlier o f Y aro-

polk by o rd e r o f V ladim ir, and o f B oris and G leb at the request o f Sviatopolk), m arch lords

(at Ladoga), o r local ru lers (at P olotsk) - do n o t, in my opinion, call for such special, separate

status. O n O R družina, see esp. R ah b ek Schm idt, op. cit., pp. 63—103. and elsew here.

* In the entry fo r 989 the F irst N ovgorod C hronicle m entions a certain Ilya as Y aroslav’s

son whom he is said to have placed as ru le r o v er N ovgorod but w ho died and was replaced by

Yaroslav with V ladim ir (V olodim ir), his oldest son with Ingigerd. It is n o t clear w ho the

m o th er o f this prem aturely deceased Ilya was. S ten d er-P etersen , Varangica, pp. 1 3 2 -3 ,

surm ises th a t he w as the offspring o f a concubine o f Y aroslav’s, considering the alleged fact

th at b o th Y aroslav him self and his fath er V ladim ir w ere illegitim ate sons. H ow ever, th ere is

]

Henrik Birnbaum : Y aroslav’s V arangian C onnection

Ingigerd,  daughter  o f  O laf  Skotkonung  ( ‘the  Tax-King’,  earlier  —  erro
neously,  it  seems — referred  to  as  Skotkonung  or Skautkonung)  who  had
united  Svealand  and  Gautland  (Gotaland)  under  the  rule  o f the  Uppsala

king. Yaroslav’s second marriage took in all probability place in  1019; this
is  suggested,  among  other  things,  by  the  fact  that  his  first  son  in  this
marriage,  Vladimir  (whom  the  father survived),  was  born  in  1020.  And

Yaroslav gave his second daughter, Elisabeth — the Nordic saga’s Ellisif -

in marriage to Harald Hardrada ( ‘Hardruler’) in 1044 or thereabout,

during the Norwegian prince’s second stay in Russia. (His first visit was in

1031-33 or lasted possibly somewhat longer, after he, then barely fifteen

years old, had escaped from Norway in the wake o f the battle of Stikla-
stad, 1030, in which St Olaf of Norway lost his life.) Returning, in the

1040s, to Russia, Harald had behind him an adventurous career as chief of

the Varangian mercenaries in Byzantium. The Varangian Guard is first

mentioned in Byzantine sources in or about 1034 by the chronicler

George Cedrenus. In his capacity o f commander of the Varangian troops,

Harald had, among others, fought the Arabs in Sicily and subsequently, in

1040-41, been instrumental in quelling the uprising of the Bulgarians.

Back in Russia - shortly after Yaroslav’s unfortunate expedition against

Constantinople, it seems — he was preparing for his return to Norway
eventually to claim its throne.9.

no reason, as far as I can see, why the V arangian princess R agnheid (R ogned’) o f Polotsk

should not be considered to have been V ladim ir’s legitim ate spouse until 988 w hen he

m arried Princess A n n e o f B yzantium . A s regards Ilya, it is a t least conceivable th at he was

the son o f Y aroslav’s first — legitim ate — wife, m entioned by T h ietm ar o f M erseburg in his

chronicle as cap tu red and tak en along by King Bolestaw w hen escaping from Kiev in 1019

after his falling-out w ith his son-in-law Sviatopolk and the la tte r’s massacre o f the Polish

troops stationed in the R ussian capital. Y aroslav m ust have m arried this otherw ise not

further know n first wife (if such wife indeed ever existed) no later than by 1015. Cf. Sten-

der-P etersen, Varangica, pp. 123—4 and 132. Sverdlov, Istoriieskie svjazi . . . , pp. 84, at any

rate is m istaken w hen he d ates Y aroslav’s m arriage to Ingigerd to as early as the spring of

1015. T his is c orrected, how ever, by the sam e scholar in his subsequent publication “ Skandi-

navy . . 6 1 , w here the d a te is given as 1019.

9 O pinions differ as to how long H arald stayed in R ussia during his two prolonged visits

there. Thus, S ten d er-P etersen , Varangica, p. 134, assum es th at he first was in R ussia from

1031 to 1033, and (ibid., 135) is inclined to d ate the second visit to 1 0 4 3 -4 5 . D . O bolensky,

in Varangian Problem s, C openhagen 1970 ( = ScSl, Suppl. 1), p. 163, m erely suggests that

H arald cam e to C onstantinople betw een 1034 and 1038 and th at in 1043 (a fte r th e death of

his patron, E m p ero r M ichael V, in 1042) he was refused perm ission to re tu rn to Norway

w hereupon he fled from C onstantinople, at first obviously to Y aroslav’s R ussia — Byzanti

um ’s recent enem y. A ccording to M. H ellm ann, Forschungen zu r osteuropaischen Geschichte

8, 1962 (cf. n. 10, below ), p. 21, in 1044, w hen H arald m arried Y aroslav’s d au g h ter Elisa

beth, he had in the m eantim e seized pow er in Norw ay. This, how ever, is co n tro v erted by the

]

013

Scando-Slavica-Tom us 24

Considering that Yaroslav also managed to becom e the father-in-law of

Andrew (Endre) I o f Hungary and Henry I of France, and that he

succeeded in establishing marital bonds between his own dynasty and the

ruling houses of Byzantium, the Holy Roman Empire, and Poland, his

Varangian connection by marriage appears thus relatively m odest.10 In

this context it should be noted, however, that the Russian ruler’s second

marriage, to Ingigerd, came at a for him particularly opportune time. For
by marrying the daughter of the powerful Swedish king (probably in

1019), Yaroslav gained support against his until quite recently successful

and still utterly dangerous rival Sviatopolk, and the latter’s father-in-law,

King Boleslaw Chrobry (Boleslas the Brave) o f Poland.11 In view of the

prevailing political uncertainties in the Kievan state, Yaroslav did not

return permanently to Kiev until 1026. Yet he remained militarily in
control of the city also after the showdown with his brother Mstislav in the
battle fought on the banks of the river Listven’ in 1025. Here Yaroslav

and his exclusively or, in any event, predominantly Varangian troops
(under the command o f the supposedly blind Hakon, O R Jakum) were

ultimately  routed.  Yaroslav  again  settled  in  the  capital  only  after  having
reached  a  lasting  agreement  with  Mstislav  (at  Gorodets)  concerning  the
division  of  their  respective  lands  (cf.  above).12  In  general,  the  former
prince  of Novgorod  on  occasion  preferred  to  reside  in  the  northern  city.

Thus, also in 1019, Ingigerd, when going to Russia to get married, first

joined the new grand prince of Kiev in Holmgard (Novgorod), the Varan

gians’ stronghold, rather than in the state capital in the south.

testim ony o f his saga in S n o rri’s H eim skringla; cf. H eim skringla: H istory o f the Kings o f

N orw ay b y Snorri Sturluson (L. M. H ollander, transl. & ed .), A ustin 1967 (*1964), p. 590

(ch. 17). It is fu rth er know n th at King M agnus O lafsson died only in 1047 w hen H arald, by

then back in N orw ay, assum ed the kingship. In 1066, the y ear o f the N orm an conquest,

H arald m et his d eath a t S tam ford Bridge w hilst invading England.

,0 O n Y aroslav’s “ m arriage policy” , see, in particular, M. H ellm ann. " D ie H eiratspolitik

Jaroslavs des W eisen” , Forschungen zur osteuropäischen G eschichte 8, 1962, pp. 7—2 5; for a

general assessm ent o f his achievem ents in this respect, cf. also, e.g., H. A rbm an, T he Vikings,

L ondon 1970 ( ’ 1961), p. 105. O n Y aroslav’s dealings with G erm any and Poland, involving

b o th w ar and m arriage policies, see now fu rth er M. B. Sverdlov, “ D ie politischen B eziehun

gen zwischen d e r R us’ und D eutschland” , R ussisch-deutsche B eziehungen von der Kiever

R u s’ bis zu r O ktoberrevolution: Studien u n d A u fsä tze, H. L em ke & B. W idera, eds., Berlin

1976, pp. 1 -1 7 , esp. pp. 8 -1 2 .

11 Cf. M. H ellm ann, op. cit., p. 15.

12 Cf. S ten d er-P etersen , Varangica, pp. 1 2 6 -8 . Sverdlov, "S kandinavy . . . ” , p. 63, does

not believe th at the V arangians fought alone against M stislav but that they m erely set up a

separate form ation in the battle array.

]

Henrik Birnbaum: Y aroslav’s V arangian C onnection

3. Ingigerd did not come alone to Russia. She was accompanied by her
old friend Ragnvald, jarl of Western Gautland (Vastergotland), and his

family. In the negotiations preceding the marriage, Ingigerd had asked
that Aldeigjuborg (i.e., Ladoga, present-day Staraya Ladoga) and the

adjacent  territory  (jarlsriki)  be  awarded  her  as  dowry  (dos).  This  was
granted,  and  the  area  subsequently  became  known  as  Ingigerd’s  land
(Finnish Ingerin-maa,  German Ingermannland,  Russian Hera,  now Izora).
Jarl  Ragnvald,  cousin  o f  King  Olaf  (Skotkonung)  of  Sweden  and  broth

er-in-law  of  King  Olaf  Tryggvason  of  Norway,  was  appointed  to  rule
over this  northern  march.  It  has  even  been  suggested  by  Swedish  histori
ans  that  the  Ladoga  district  was  formally  yielded  to  the  Swedish  king  in

recognition  for  his  support  (sending  Varangian  troops  and  perhaps  in
some  other,  additional  form)  to  Yaroslav  in  the  latter’s  fights  against
Sviatopolk  and  King  Boleslaw  o f Poland.  While  a  measure  of autonomy
may  have  been  granted  Jarl  Ragnvald  in  his  region,  it  is  quite  unlikely,
however,  that  any  land  was  formally  ceded  by  Grand  Prince  Yaroslav  to
the  king  of Sweden.  It  seems,  moreover,  that  it  was  this  Jarl  Ragnvald’s
son  Eilif -  and  not  the  son  o f a Ragnvald Brusason,  as  claimed  in  one  of

the  variants  of  the  saga  o f  Harald  Hardrada  -   who  subsequently,  along
with  Harald,  became  the  chief  o f  Yaroslav’s  Varangian  guard.13  This  is
how the  episode of Jarl  Ragnvald’s joining Princess  Ingigerd on  her jour

ney to Russia, and settling there, is told in St Olaf’s saga in Snorri’s

Heimskringla:

In the following fall the emissaries of King Jarizleif came to Sweden

out of Holmgarth in the east. Their errand was to claim the fulfilment of
the agreement made by King O laf [of Sweden]  in  the preceding summer
to  give  his  daughter  Ingigerth  in  marriage  to  Jarizleif.  She  made  this
answer, “If I am to marry King Jarizleif, then I demand as my bridal gift
Aldeigjuborg  Castle  and  the  earldom  belonging  to  it.”  The  emissaries
from  Garthariki assented  to this on behalf o f their king. Then  Ingigerth

said,  “If I  am  to  go  east  to  Garthariki,  then  I  shall  choose  a  man  from
Sweden whom I judge  most suitable  to go with me.  I shall also make the
condition that there  in  the  east  he  is to have  a rank  not  lower than  here

and in particular no fewer rights or a lesser dignity than he has here.”

The king as well as the emissaries assented to this. The king pledged

himself to do so, and the emissaries likewise. Then the king asked

Ingigerth whom in his kingdom she wanted to have go with her. She

replied, “ It is my kinsman, Earl Rognvald Ulfsson." - Ingigerth re-

13 Cf. S tender-P etersen, Varangica, p. 133.

]

Scando-Slavica-Tom us 24

quested her father to keep the pledge he had given her, and she
achieved by her entreaties that the king agreed to let Rognvald depart

in peace out of Sweden, but not ever to show himself to him or return to
Sweden while he, Olaf, was king. Thereupon Ingigerth sent messengers
to the earl, informing him o f this agreement and appointing a place of

meeting with her. And the earl set out straightway for East Gautland,

where he procured ships and proceeded with his retinue to where he
was to meet Princess Ingigerth. Then they all together journeyed east to

Garthariki in the summer. Then Ingigerth was married to King Jarizleif.

- Queen Ingigerth bestowed on Earl Rognvald the castle o f Aldeigju-

borg  and  the  earldom  belonging  to  it.  Earl  Rognvald  lived  there  for  a
long  time.  He  was  a  man  of great  renown.  The  sons  o f Earl  Rognvald
and  Ingibjorg  were  Earls  U lf and  Eilif.14

The reason why King Olaf o f Sweden, for his part, was resentful about

Jarl Ragnvald was that the latter (together with Sigvat the Skald) had

arranged for Princess Astrid, Olaf Skotkonung’s other daughter, to be

married to the Norwegian king, St Olaf (also known as Digri, ‘the Stout’),
as the jarl had previously been instrumental in the ultimately futile negoti
ations to marry Astrid’s sister, Ingigerd, to King Olaf o f Norway. The

wording  of  the  passage  quoted  from  the  Heimskringla  certainly  suggests
neither  that  Yaroslav  himself was  in  Sweden  for  the  purpose  o f  negoti
ating  the  marriage  (and  the  recruitment  o f  Varangian  mercenaries,  as

Stender-Petersen considered possible or even likely; cf. n. 5, above), nor

that, by assigning the Ladoga region to Jarl Ragnvald, he in fact ceded it to

Sweden  (whose  king  had  explicitly  banned  the  jarl  from  his  country).
Nearly  forty years  ago,  a  hypothesis  was  advanced,  supported  by  some —
not  particularly  strong — evidence,  according  to  which Jarl  Ragnvald  was
the  leader  o f an  earlier,  possibly  anti-Christian  insurrection  against  Olaf
Skotkonung, putting the jarl temporarily at the head of the Swedish state.

If this theory were to be proven correct, the said circumstance would of

course constitute an additional - and deeper - reason for King Olaf of

Sweden to harbor a grudge against Jarl Ragnvald.15

Other than Ragnvald (Ulfsson, not Brusason; cf. below) who, it seems,

settled permanently in Russia, and — more than ten years later, and then

again over twenty years later - Harald Hardrada, the most prominent

14 See H eim skringla (cf. n. 9), pp. 3 4 2 -3 (ch. 93).

15 Cf. O. M oberg, O lav Haraldsson, K nut den store och Sverige: Studier i Olav den heliges

forhallande till de nordiska grannlanderna, L und 1941, pp. 1 4 0 -7 and 227 (English sum

m ary).

]

Henrik Birnbaum : Y aroslav’s V arangian C onnection

Varangians visiting and seeking refuge at Yaroslav’s court were Olaf the
Stout (later, after having been canonized, known as St Olaf) and his son

Magnus (subsequently referred to as the G ood). They were fugitives from
Norway after Canute the Great (known as Knut the Powerful in the saga),

king of Denmark and England, had laid claim to Norway and managed to

establish  his  control  over  the  country  without  shedding  a  drop  o f  blood
(after,  to  be  sure,  first  having  defeated  a  combined  Swedish-Norwegian
army  and  fleet  in  the  battle  at  the  estuary  o f the  river  HelgeS  in  eastern
Scania).  Olaf arrived  in  Russia in  the  summer o f  1028  (this is  at least  the
most  likely date)  and stayed until the  early winter of 1030 when he,  as his
saga  tells  us,

journeyed west, first by the frozen rivers, all the way to the sea. And

when spring came and the ice broke up, they got their ships ready, and
with the first favorable breeze set sail and had a good journey. King

Olaf steered his ships to the Island of Gotland, and there he got news
both from Sweden and Denmark and also all the way from Norway.16

In this account, it is interesting to note the stopover Olaf supposedly

made on the island of Gotland, his sea journey, as has been suggested,

originating perhaps in the Gulf of Riga. There is no reason to doubt the

accuracy o f the information as given in the saga. When telling o f O la f s
travel from Sweden to Russia two years earlier, the same source has this to
say:

But when summer approached, the king prepared to leave and pro

cured ships. He departed that summer, nor stopped till he arrived in

Garthariki in the east and sought out King Jarizleif and his consort
Ingigerth.17

This claim, that Olaf sailed directly to Russia from Sweden, is contra

dicted, however, by what we learn from the Old Gotlandic (Gutnic) Gu-

tasaga, a semi-legendary early 13th-century tale about the prehistory and

earliest history of Gotland (up to its integration into the so-called ledung

system  o f either  participating  in  warfare  with  ships,  men,  and  supplies  or
paying a set amount o f money, established by the  Uppsala kings). There it
is  stated  explicitly  that  Olaf  the  Saint  was  on  the  run  from  Norway  and

that he anchored at Akergarn harbor where, after the local chieftain Or-

mica had accepted “Christendom following St O la fs knowledge” (or,

possibly, “ teaching”), he also built a church; “and from there Olaf the

16 See Heimskringla, p. 486 (ch. 192).

17 See H eimskringla, p. 474 (ch. 181).

]

S cando-Slavica-Tom us 24

Saint went to Yaroslav in Holmgard.” 18 A s G. Fritzell has pointed out,

there is reason, though, not to take the episode about St Olaf as told in the
Gutasaga at face value. For this passage is clearly a later insertion made

after the cult o f St Olaf — possibly directly replacing an earlier pagan cult

of the god Thor connected with a widespread custom of worshipping at

local wells — and many legends about the Norwegian saint had gained solid

footing on the Baltic island. It should also be noted, incidentally, that Olaf
the Stout had earlier visited Gotland, in 1007, this time not peacefully but

in  the  process o f brutally raiding the Baltic.  It is conceivable,  at  any  rate,
that the assertion of the Gutasaga  about St O la f s visit to Gotland while en
route  to  Russia  is  simply  in  error  and  possibly  due  to  a  mixup  with  his
attested  stay when  going back  to  Sweden  (and  on  to  Norway).19

Another intriguing question connected with St O la f s second — peaceful

- visit to Gotland concerns the form o f Christianity that the Norwegian

king,  by  tradition  credited  with  the  island’s  Christianization,  brought  to
the  landed  peasants  o f  Gotland.  It  is  usually  assumed,  o f course,  that  it
was  its western,  Roman  variety.  A t  the  time  of his  stay  on  Gotland  (pre

sumably thus in 1030 on his way back from Russia to Sweden), the arch

dioceses o f England and Hamburg-Bremen competed as regards their
respective influence in Scandinavia. In addition, the young Russian

Church o f the Orthodox faith (with its spiritual center in Constantinople)
may well have had its eyes on Northern Europe. In those pre-Schismatic

years -  i.e., prior to  1054,  the year o f the formal institution of the  lasting
Schism  between  the  Western  and  Eastern  Churches  and,  coincidentally,
the year o f Yaroslav’s  death — and in  the  areas only newly  (and often not
completely)  converted to Christianity, the contrast between Christian and
pagan must still have counted for far more than the incipient differences in
dogma and ritual, significant though they were, embraced by the  members
of the  Roman  and  Byzantine  Churches,  respectively.  The  traveling  peas

ant merchants (Swedish farm anbdnder) o f Gotland had long been involv
ed in trade with Russia — cf. the frequent reference to the “Gothic coast”

18 Cf. in “ G utasagan” (G otlandska studier, Visby 1972, p. 7). T he crucial phrase about

converting to the C hristian faith read s in the original: Pa to k Ormica wipr cristindom i eptir

helga Olafs kenn id o m i; see ibid., p . 34.

19 Cf. G . Fritzell’s study “ T an k a r kring G u tasag an ” , Gotlandska studier, 1972, pp. 1 1 -4 6 ,

esp. pp. 2 6 - 9 (“ O lof den helige och G o tlan d ” ), 3 1 - 4 ("T id p u n k ten fo r O lofs beso k p i

G o tlan d ” ), and 3 6 -4 0 (“ A k e rg arn och kap ellet p i S:t O lofsholm ). A k erg am h arb o r, p re

sent-day S:t O lofsholm , is located ju st n o rth o f Slite on the n o rth eastern coast o f G otland.

Fritzell claims th at St O la f s escape to R ussia is usually d ated to 1029 (ibid., pp. 3 1 - 2 ) as is

indeed done by, e.g., Cross, op. cit., p. 193, and Sverdlov, “ Skandinavy .

p. 61. R ather,

th ere is reason to assum e, though, th at King O la f w ent to Russia already in 1028.

]

Henrik Birnbaum : Y aroslav’s V arangian Connection

(gockij beregb in Old Russian historical sources and legal documents) -

and other parts of the Baltic area, notably the rich West Slavic merchant

towns  on  the  southern  shore  of the  Baltic.  There  is  no  reason  to  assume
that  they  were  not  impressed  and  influenced  by  the  various  forms  of
Christianity  with  which  they  came  into  contact  in  those  countries.  The
Gutasaga  itself tells us,  incidentally,  that these  traveling  and trading  Got-
landers  on  occasion  were  baptized  while  abroad  and  that  they  brought

Christian priests back to Gotland.20 Even if St'O laf thus represents an

early instance of encounter with Christianity, it certainly was not the only

or even the first one. Subsequently, as is well known by now, Russian, i.e.,

Novgorodian, merchants seem to have had their own — Orthodox - church
in the heart of Visby, and in at least two churches in the countryside of

Gotland murals have been identified as being o f Russian-Byzantinesque

provenience.21

In this connection it is further noteworthy that according to Snorri’s

account given in St O la fs saga it was in Russia that Olaf had certain

religious experiences or participated in occurrences with a Christian con

notation. Thus we are told of a dream (in response to O la fs asking God

for a sign)  in  which  the  king saw a man resembling King Olaf Tryggvason
and,  with  explicit  reference  to  God,  encouraging  Olaf  to  return  to  Nor
way.  In  another  episode,  he  miraculously heals  a boy.  And,  on  a Sunday,

oblivious of the time, he cuts chips from a piece o f wood. When told by a
servant, he has the shavings in his hand set on fire, thus burning his palm

in penance for having broken the Sabbath.22 Prior to that, his saga has this

to tell:

King Jarizleif and Queen Ingigerth had invited King Olaf to take up

residence with them and establish himself in the realm which is called

Vulgaria which is a part o f Garthariki where people were heathen. King
Olaf considered whether to accept that invitation; but when he consult

ed his men about this, they all dissuaded him from establishing himself

there and urged him to try to return north [west] to his own kingdom.
The king also deliberated whether to lay down the royal title and make

20 Cf. in “ G u tasag an ” , op. cit., p. 7. See fu rth er Fritzell, ibid., pp. 34—5 (“ S:t O lof och

G otlands k ristnande” ) and 40—3 (“ Farm ansbonderna och G otlands kristn an d e” ).

21 See esp. W. Falck, “ R yska kyrkan i kv. M unken” (G otldndskt arkiv 43, 1971, pp.

8 5 -9 3 ). The two churches w ith Russian frescoes (in Byzantine style) are those a t K allunge

and at G ard e; cf., e.g., B. G. S oderberg, Strovtag i Gotlands historia, Visby 1971, pp. 67 and

96 (“ R yskbysantinska kalkm Slningar” ).

22 See H eim skringla, pp. 4 8 3 -5 (chs. 188—90).

]

Scando-Slavica-Tom us 24

pilgrimage to Jerusalem or other holy places and submit to holy or
ders.23

And soon thereafter we read about the Norwegian king in exile, worried

about his prospects o f returning to his country:

Such anxious thoughts he often entertained; and he referred the

matter to God, praying that He would give some visible sign, so that he

might see what were best to do.24

A s for the offer to assume the rule o f Bulgaria, that is, Great Bulgaria in

the  mid-Volga basin  settled by  a Turkic  tribe,  it  is couched  in such  terms
(and put in such a context)  as to suggest that O laf rejected the idea in part
at  least  because  the  people  of  that  area  were  pagan,  in  addition  to  his

strong urge to return to Norway. Stender-Petersen has rightly pointed out,

though, that even the mention o f that country, at that particular time by

no means controled by the Russian ruler, sounds a bit fantastic and unre
alistic. A t most, what was contemplated by Yaroslav might have been to

let Olaf travel to this important center for trading with the Near and

Middle East. Or, possibly, it was an attempt to get rid of the inconvenient
visitor who must have been a liability for Yaroslav in this period o f general

peace.25 This latter assumption is, to be sure, somewhat speculative but

should probably not be ruled out entirely.

When leaving Russia in 1030, Olaf left behind his son Magnus whom he

had brought along to the Kievan state (whereas he had left his queen,
Astrid, and his daughter, Ulfhild, in the care of his Swedish in-laws while

passing through Sweden on his flight from Norway two years earlier).

Magnus stayed on as Yaroslav’s guest for another five years, returning to

Norway only in 1035 together with Jarl Ragnvald Brusason (d. 1043)

whose son in one variant o f the saga o f Harald Hardruler had, probably
mistakenly, been identified with the chief of Yaroslav’s Varangian guard

(cf.  above).  The  saga  of  Magnus  the  Good  in  Snorri’s  Heimskringla  has
virtually nothing to say about his experiences in Russia as it begins with his
departure  from  Holmgard-Novgorod  (again,  not  Kiev!)  by  way of Aldei-
gjuborg  (Ladoga).26

A lso in the saga of Harald Hardruler (Harald Sigurdarson), forming

part o f Snorri’s magnificent historical work, repeated reference is made to

23 See H eim skringla, p. 483 (in ch. 187).

24 Ibid.

25 Cf. S ten d er-P etersen , Varangica, p. 134.

26 See H eim skringla, p. 538 (ch. 1).

]

013

H enrik Birnbaum : Y aroslav’s V arangian Connection

Russia (Gardariki = Garthariki) and to Yaroslav (Jarizleif). Thus, about

Harald’s arrival and first stay in Russia we read:

In the following spring they procured for themselves a ship and in

summer travelled to Garthariki to the court o f King Jarizleif and stayed

there during the winter. - King Jarizleif made Harald and his followers

welcome. Harald became chieftain of the men charged with the defence
o f the country . . . - Harald remained several years in Garthariki and

made forays in the eastern Baltic. Later, he proceeded to Greece . . ? 1

O f particular interest is the mention that Harald, while serving the

Byzantine emperor and remaining for many years in Africa (Serkland,

‘Saracen Land’) where he acquired great quantities of chattels (“gold, and

all kinds of valuable things”), to the extent he did not need them for his
immediate expenses sent all this property “by trusty men north to Holm-

garth for King Jarizleif to keep and safeguard” .28 That it is to Novgorod

that these treasures are being sent by Harald is o f course no accident

unless,  perhaps,  Holmgard  here  simply  stands  for  Russia  in  the  mind  of
the  Scandinavian  historian  o f  the  Middle  A ges  (as  Miklagard  stands  for
Byzantium  as  a  whole,  not  only  for  Constantinople).  For  surely  at  this
time,  in  the  late  1030s  and  early  40s,  Yaroslav  can  be  assumed  to  have

resided primarily in Kiev even if, as we can surmise, he may have paid

frequent visits to the city o f his earlier years which had remained, it seems,
the  chief Varangian  garrison  of the  Kievan  state.  And  then,  we  learn  of
Harald’s  writing  poetry,  when  returning  to  Russia  on  his  escape  from
Byzantium.  A   stanza,  quoted  in  the  saga,  is said  to  refer to  Ellisif (Elisa
beth),  King Jarizleif s daughter and Harald’s  future wife.  This is followed
by  an  account  o f  Harald’s  dazzling  wealth  assembled  upon  his  return  to
Russia:

When Harald arrived in Holmgarth, King Jarizleif welcomed him

most heartily. He remained there during the winter, taking into his own

keeping all the gold he had before sent there from Miklagarth, together

with much other treasure. Altogether it was more than had ever been
seen in the North in one man’s property. Harald had been inpolutasvarf

three times whilst in Miklagarth.29

And the narrator, after having explained the meaning of polutasvarf,

goes on telling in the next chapter of Harald’s marriage to Elisabeth

27 See H eimskringla, p. 578 (ch. 2).

28 See H eimskringla, p. 581 (in ch. 5).

29 See H eimskringla, p. 590 (ch. 16).

]

Scando-Slavica-Tom us 24

“whom Northmen call E l li s i f a n d how in the following spring he traveled

from Novgorod to Sweden, as usual taking the route over Aldeigjuborg

(Ladoga).30

It is here, in the quoted section from chapter sixteen o f the saga o f

Harald Hardruler, that the peculiar term polutasvarf (in normalized Old
Icelandic spelling: polutasvarf, attested also in the writings polotasvarf and

polittasvarf) occurs; the American translator and editor o f Snorri’s mo

numental history o f the kings o f Norway, L. M. Hollander, has glossed it

‘Palace-plundering’ in keeping with Snorri’s own explanation. It is a hy

brid  “Varangian”,  i.e.,  Russian-Scandinavian,  coinage  ,to  which  Sten-
der-Petersen has  devoted  a  special  study. The  Danish  Slavist  boldly  sur
mised that Snorri was in error when he wrote that Harald had been three
times “in polu tasvarf ’ while in Byzantium.  In reality, so Stender’s contro
versial  argument  runs,  the  tautological,  self-translating  word  (its  both

components said to have essentially the same meaning o f ‘turn, round’,
probably with some special connotation), formed in a similar fashion as

tapar-yx ‘hatchet’ (cf. Russian topor, Swedish yxa ‘ax, hatchet’), refers to

Harald’s assignments as tax-collector on behalf o f Yaroslav during his stay
in Russia as commander o f the Russian prince’s Varangian troops.31

4.  This brings  us  to  the  third  and  perhaps  most  important  area o f Yaro
slav’s  dealings  with  the  Varangians  — his  relying  on  foreign  mercenaries
recruited  in  Scandinavia,  primarily  Sweden.  We  know  o f  at  least  four

occasions when he had to call upon Varangian troops, probably each time
specially brought in from across the Baltic, to handle political-military
emergencies.

The first occurrence was in 1014/15 when Yaroslav, then prince of

Novgorod, probably in the spirit of, and supported by, the independently

minded citizenry of the northern trade metropolis, refused to pay the

annual tribute o f 2000  grivnas to  his father,  Grand Prince Vladimir (sub
sequently, in recognition o f his role  in  Russia’s  conversion  to Christianity
and  despite  his  unsaintly  life  style,  known  as  St  Vladimir).  It  is  fair  to
assume that Yaroslav must have felt a certain hostility toward his father at
least since the  latter,  upon  marrying the  Byzantine  princess Anne  in  988,

had  repudiated  Yaroslav’s  mother,  the  Varangian  princess  Ragnheid
(Rogned’  or  Rogneda,  d.  1000),  daughter  of  Ragnvald  (Rogvolod)  of
Polotsk.  Although  the  chronicle  account  of  the  sequence  o f events  sug

30 Ib id . (ch. 17).
31 Cf. Stender-P etersen, “ Le m ot varegue P o lu ta sva rf’, Varangica, pp. 151 -6 4 .

]

013

H enrik B irnbaum : Y aroslav’s V arangian C onnection

gests that Yaroslav turned for help to the Swedish (and possibly also the

Norwegian) king only once he felt threatened by his father who “was

about to march against Yaroslav” (xotjascu Volodimeru iti na Jaroslava),

one may agree with Stender-Petersen that Yaroslav actually first sought to
secure military support from beyond the sea and only then wanted to defy

and openly oppose his father. However, a new situation unexpectedly

arose and made this particular scheme unnecessary: in 1015 Vladimir

suddenly died, and the following years (through 1019) are instead marked

by Yaroslav’s claiming, with shifting success, the grand-princely throne o f

Kiev against his half brother Sviatopolk. To fight the latter, Yaroslav

presumably sent a second time for Varangian mercenaries in 1018. By

1019, after the short episode o f hesitation when he was in fact ready to

abandon also Novgorod and go into exile in Sweden, briefly referred to

above (cf. n. 5), he was prepared to face his enemy. However, prior to that

the  one  thousand  or  so  Varangian  warriors  he  had  recruited  in  the  first
instance  (and  who  probably  arrived  in  Novgorod  in  1015)  had  caused
Yaroslav  considerable  problems.  The  Varangians,  and  in  particular  one

unit housed in Novgorod’s so-called Poromonb dvon> (which in all likeli
hood corresponds to the Old Scandinavian form farmannagardr, i.e., the

yard of the foreign traders - cf. the Gotlandic farm anbdnder mentioned

earlier - rather than to a Greek param one or paramonai, meaning roughly
‘watch’ or ‘guard’, in Byzantine Greek pronounced paramorii and para

mone, respectively, also contemplated), idled by not having to go into

action and combat immediately, had turned to abusing the people of

Novgorod and to raping their women - the married women, as the First
Novgorod Chronicle is at pains to make explicit. In response the Novgo-

rodians turned on the Varangians and killed those in the Poromonb

dvorb, probably a relatively small number (as can be gathered from the

fact that the Old Russian chronicler in a subsequent passage refers to a

thousand - obviously surviving - Varangians). Presumably taken· by sur
prise, Yaroslav, clearly, sided with the Varangians — at least after the

bloodbath - and although there are some discrepancies in the accounts of

the ensuing events in the Nestor Chronicle (as can be read in the Lauren-

tian Copy) and the First Novgorod Chronicle as to the prince’s where
abouts during the critical moments, he obviously avenged the slain

Northmen by, in turn, cunningly — in the best Varangian tradition - having

a number o f distinguished Novgorod citizens assassinated. As Sten-

der-Petersen pointed out, the subsequent reconciliation between Yaroslav
and the townspeople must be seen in the light o f the sudden news received

around that time telling of the death o f Yaroslav’s father Vladimir and

2·

]

Scando-Slavica-Tom us 24

triggering immediate political complications. Whereas the Novgorodians

probably were primarily concerned with preserving and, if possible,
further strengthening the relative autonomy of their city and the North

Russian expanses it controlled vis-à-vis the central power o f the grand
prince of Kiev, Yaroslav was now obviously more interested in ascending

to the Kievan throne, being the oldest surviving son of Ragnheid.32

A third and, possibly, fourth recruitment o f Varangian mercenaries

took place in 1025 and, again, in 1036 (or shortly thereafter). The first of

these two occasions was when Yaroslav marched against his brother

Mstislav who, supported by Turkic nomads of the steppe, had moved up to
Chernigov from his previous principality of Tmutarakan’. A s was already
mentioned, the decisive battle on the banks o f the river Listven’, where

Cf. S ten d er-P etersen, Varangica, pp. 1 1 6 -2 3 , fo r details surrounding the events le

ading to Y aroslav’s first and second hiring o f V arangian m ercenaries, w ith additional re fe r

ences. It was already m en tio n ed above (n. 2 ) th a t S ten d er erroneously o r, at any rate,

inconsistently assum ed th at in 1014 Y aroslav was barely tw enty-eight years old (in reality, he

was probably a bout thirty-tw o a t th at tim e). I can fu rth er not subscribe to the Danish

scholar’s view (op. cit., pp. 6 8 - 7 0 and 120) th at the citizens o f N ovgorod in Y aroslav’s tim e

were predom inantly o f Scandinavian origin. Presum ably, the bulk o f the earliest citydwellers

o f N ovgorod was E ast Slavic (m erging various tribes), including som e Finnic elem ents as

well. T he emergence o f N ovgorod as a city (ra th e r than its founding at a specific d ate) is now

usually considered the result o f the gradual grow ing-together o f the th ree original boroughs

o r “ ends” , Slavno E nd (Slavenskii konets), P o tters’ E n d (G oncharskii o r Liudin konets), and

N erev E nd (N erevskii konets), th ese — and th e subsequent additional two - “ ends” retaining

a large m easure o f self-rule also a fte r th eir integration into one urban com m unity. V arangi

ans - not only the m ercenaries b u t also tra d e rs from G o tlan d and perhaps o th e r parts o f

Scandinavia — may have con stitu ted a m in o r (though a t tim es significant) po rtio n o f the

perm anent population o f the city, as may possibly som e groups who had com e to the V ol

khov m etropolis from the flourishing W est Slavic (W endish) trad e centers on the southern

shores o f the Baltic. T h e V arangians as well as the traveling m erchants from o th er areas

settled primarily at Slavno on the M erchant (o r M arket) Side (Torgovaya sto ro n a) o f

N ovgorod. In any event, the sta te m en t o f th e First N ovgorod Chronicle (in its younger

version) th at “ the people o f N ovgorod are o f V arangian stock to this very day” , found in the

entry for the year 6362 ( = 8 54), m ust n ot b e taken literally. F o r fu rth er discussion o f the

origins and ethnic m akeup o f the V olkhov city, see, e.g., H . B irnbaum , “ L ord N ovgorod the

G reat: its Place in M edieval C u ltu re ” (V iator 8, 1977, pp. 215—54, esp. 2 2 0 -3 - w here the

claim m ade on page 223 th at Y aroslav him self w ent twice to Sw eden obviously is in need of

correction —, 2 2 6 -8 , a n d 2 3 8 -4 0 ); N. J. D ejevsky, “ Novgorod: the O rigins of a Russian

T ow n” (European Towns: Their A rchaeology a n d Early History, M. W. B arley, ed., London,

New Y ork & San Francisco 1977, pp. 391—403, section 22), containing som e objectionable

statem ents, however. Cf. fu rth er also V. L. Janin, M. Ch. Aleskovskij, "P roischozdenie

N ovgoroda (k postanovke problem y)” (fstorija S SSR 2, 1971, pp. 3 2 -6 1 ); and V. L. Janin,

"V ozm oznosti archeologii v izuienii drevnego N ovgoroda” (Vestnik A ka d e m ii nauk SS S R 8,

1973, pp. 6 5 -7 5 ).

]

Henrik Birnbaum: Y aroslav’s V arangian C onnection

Yaroslav and his Varangian commander Hakon faced a combined Slav-

ic-Turkic army under Mstislav, ended with a total defeat for the Varan

gians unaided, it seems, by any Slavic auxiliary troops. Also the fourth
confrontation in which Yaroslav heavily relied on Scandinavian mercena

ries involved a nomadic Turkic people, now the Pechenegs, as enemy.
Shortly after Mstislav’s death in 1036, they had moved in and were sieging

the capital city o f Kiev while Yaroslav, as so many times before, happened

to be in Novgorod. This time, however, he managed to set up a mixed

Slavic-Varangian army against the Pechenegs and, with the Varangians in
the center of his battle array,· the Novgorodians on the left and the
Kievans on the right flank, he forced the enemy to break the siege and
withdraw. Though it is not quite clear whether Varangian troops again had

to be specially called in for the occasion or whether Yaroslav merely relied
on his crack troops already stationed in Novgorod, it appears more likely

that yet another mission to recruit additional Varangian warriors had to be
dispatched to Sweden (even if no such action is recorded in the historical
sources).

With this, the explicit statements contained in the Old Russian chroni

cles  concerning  Varangian  troops  as  participating  and,  in  fact,  usually
playing  a crucial  role  in  Yaroslav’s  military exploits  come  to  an  end.  It  is
not  known  whether  Scandinavian  units  took  part  also  in  the  Russian  so
vereign’s  other  military  expeditions  —  against  the  Estonians  (Čuď ),  the
Baltic  Yatvingians  and  Lithuanians,  and  the  Poles  (in  Masovia);  at  least

there is no mention o f them in the chronicle text or in any Old Norse saga.

Neither  do  we  know  for  sure -   though  it  seems  likely -  if Yaroslav  used
Varangian troops in subduing, in  1021, Prince Briachislav of Polotsk. This
nephew  o f  his  was  ruling  over  old  Varangian  territory  and  had  attacked
Novgorod,  confiscating  property  and  taking  hostages.  The  account  given

by the Byzantine chronicler (and high official) John Scylitzes according to
which, after the Russian defeat in the naval battle against the Byzantines

in 1043, more than 15,000 corpses of Varangian warriors were washed
ashore on the banks of the Bosporus must be taken with a grain of salt, to

say the least.33

5.  In concluding these preliminary remarks on Yaroslav’s Varangian con
nection,  let  us  take  a  brief look  at  the  relevant  historical  sources  and  the
nature  of  the  evidence  available.  It  goes  without  saying  that  the  Old

Russian chronicles - the Nestor (or Primary) Chronicle in its two main

33 Cf. S tender-P etersen, Varangica, pp. 124—9; see further also n. 7.

]

Scando-Slavica-Tom us 24

variants34 and the First Novgorod Chronicle35 in particular — are of con

siderable value as sources o f information shedding light also on Yaroslav’s
dealings with the Varangians. By the same token, a certain bias, though

not working consistently in one direction only, can be discerned in the Old

Russian annals. Thus, on the one hand, the chronicles - and the Nestor

Chronicle in particular - undoubtedly have integrated some source mate

rial o f Varangian origin; on the other hand, any conceivable dependence

on the part o f Yaroslav on his Scandinavian relatives and in-laws is natu
rally, for national considerations or, rather, for reasons o f state interest,

played down. Even Yaroslav’s Scandinavian-born spouse, obviously a

strong-minded  personality,  is  barely  mentioned  in  the  Old  Russian
chronicles.  This  qualified  significance  o f  the  Russian  sources  being  well
established (and to som e  minor extent exemplified above),  we will not be
concerned  here  any  further with  that  side  o f the  historical  evidence.

O f other chronicle-writing, German and Danish sources in Latin have

rather little to offer. For example, Adam of Bremen, active in the 1070s, is

not particularly interested in Yaroslav’s contacts with Sweden but men

tions Danish—Russian marital bonds and trade routes linking Denmark

with Russia. A lso Saxo Grammaticus (m id-12th/early 13th cc.) in his
broadly conceived Gesta Danorum does not add substantially to our

knowledge o f Yaroslav’s Varangian contacts. The earlier Chronicon by
Bishop Thietmar o f Merseburg (d. 1018) refers to or mentions Yaroslav a

few times but mostly only in passing, in connection with his belligerent
dealings with King (“D uke”) Boleslaw o f Poland or in vague and general

34 Cf. P o vesť vrem ennych let, 1—2 (V . P. A drian o v a-P e retc, D . S. Lichačev et a l., eds. &

transl.), M oskva & L en in g rad 1950. F o r variant readings o f th e chronicle tex t in different

m anuscripts, see now L. Scheffler, Textkritischer A p p a ra t z u r N estorchronik ( = H andbuch

zu r N estorchronik, hrsg. v o n L. M üller, 2 , M ünchen 1977). E nglish translation: The Russian

Prim ary Chronicle: L aurentian Text (S. H . C ross & O . P. S herbow itz-W etzor, transl. & eds.),

C am bridge, M ass., 31973 (a new E nglish re ndition o f the N e sto r C hronicle, w ith com m en

tary, is re p o rte d to be cu rre n tly in p rep aratio n a t H arv ard U niversity).

35 Cf. N ovgorodskaja pervaja letopis' stariego i m ladšego izv o d o v (A . N. N asonov, ed.),

M oskva & L eningrad 1950. E nglish translation: The Chronicle o f N ovgorod, 1 0 1 6 -1 4 7 1 (R .

M ichell & N. F orbes, transl., C. R . B eazley & A . A . S hakhm atov, eds.), L ondon 1914; see

further: Die Erste N ovgoroder C hronik nach ihrer ältesten R ed a ktio n (Synodalhandschrift),

1 0 1 6 -1 3 3 3 /1 3 5 2 (also w ith E nglish title), edition o f th e O ld R ussian text w ith facsimile o f

th e transcript in re p rin t (J. D ietze, G erm an transl. & ed .), L eipzig & M ünchen 1971.

]

2013

H enrik Birnbaum : Y aroslav’s V arangian C onnection

terms as one o f Grand Prince ( “King”) Vladimir’s sons.36 Having died
prior to Yaroslav’s ascending to the Kievan throne, Thietmar could of

course hardly have taken any particular interest in what he must have

considered the upstart Yaroslav. O f Byzantine chroniclers, George Ced-

renus and John Scylitzes were previously mentioned. O f great importance
is further the Chronographia by the Byzantine scholar and statesman

Michael (Constantine) Psellus, author o f what by many experts is held to
be one of the most brilliant pieces o f memoir literature of the Middle

Ages, virtually unmatched in graphic style, incisive characterization, and
deep psychological and intellectual insight. Am ong other things, Psellus

has analyzed the causes o f the Russians’ unsuccessful campaign against
Constantinople in 1043, led by Yaroslav’s son Vladimir, prince of Nov

gorod, and presumably with the participation o f Varangian mercenary

troops (by then apparently constituting a permanent component of

Yaroslav’s armed forces).37

Turning now to Scandinavian historiography and legend, the unique

importance o f Snorri Sturluson’s Heimskringla, come down to us — in

more  or less good condition — in  several  manuscripts and  amply cited  (in
English  translation)  in  the  preceding,  should  be  readily  clear  and  not
require further elaboration. In addition, the testimony of the Old Gotlan-
dic Gutasaga  was mentioned as regards an episode in the biography o f St

Olaf of Norway while en route to and/or from Russia. Also information
contained in — primarily Swedish — runestone inscriptions was at least

briefly  referred  to.  With  this,  however,  the  Old  Scandinavian  sources
providing  data  on  the  Varangians  in  Russia,  particularly  in  the  times  o f
Yaroslav  the  Wise,  are  by  far  not  exhausted.  Relevant  Icelandic  saga

material  —  historically  reliable  as  well  as  some  fantastic,  but  often,  not
always,  with  a core  o f historical truth  (in the  so-called fornaldar  sagas) -
can further be found in  a number o f other, in part extensive texts, written

36 Cf. Thietm ari M erseburgensis E piscopi Chronicon I Thietm ar von Merseburg: Chronik

(R . H oltzm ann & W. Trillm ich, transl. & eds.) D arm stad t 1957 ( = Ausgew ahlte Q uellen zur

deutschen G eschichte des M ittelalters 9), rep rin t Berlin 1962, pp. 4 2 6 - 7 ,4 3 4 - 5 ,4 7 2 - 3 , and

esp. 474—5. Basically, it is only the last passage indicated which is o f som e interest to ou r

discussion as T hietm ar h ere m entions am ong K iev’s inhabitants “ swift D an es” (ex velocibus

D anis). Probably, this is a reference to the V arangian troops in general, n o t specifically to

any D anes, as Sverdlov, Istoriceskie svjazi . . . (cf. n. 3), pp. 8 6 -7 , is inclined to believe.

37 O n Psellus and o th e r sources for 11th-century Byzantine history, including Byzanti-

ne-R u ssian relations, see G . O strogorsky, H istory o f the Byzantine State, rev. ed., New

Brunswick, N J ., 1969, pp. 2 1 0 -1 7 and 3 1 6 -1 9 . G enerally on Psellus, see now fu rth er Ja. N.

Ljubarskij, M ichail Psell: L icnost’ і tvorcestvo, К istorii vizantijskogo predgum anizm a, M os

kva 1978.

]

Scando-Slavica-T om us 24

in Old Icelandic or Latin. Listing them in the chronological order o f their
textual tradition they are:

(1) Historia de antiquitate regum Norwagiensium, authored in Latin by

one Theodricus monachus, probably a Norwegian cleric, at the end
o f the 12th century;

(2) A grip afN oregs konunga sqgum (Summary o f the sagas o f the kings

o f Norway), a poorly put together compilation with many gaps in

Old Icelandic, dating from the last years o f the 12th century;

(3) and (4) Morkinskinna (Rotten Vellum) and Fagrskinna (Fair V el

lum), both large compilations in Old Icelandic dating to about

1220, the former written in an elegant style but full o f fantastic

detail, the latter, historically more trustworthy, in a more awkward

style, compensated to some extent by extensive quotations from
skaldic poetry not known from elsewhere; the authors o f both these

collections are unknown;

(5) the Legendary saga o f St O la f written about 1250 in Old Norwe

gian, supposedly in the Trendelag district by an anonymous author;

(6) Flateyarbok, written on the tiny island Flatey off the coast o f north

western  Iceland  by  two  priests,  Jon  PorSarson  and  Magnus  Por-
hallsson  in  Old  Icelandic  sometime  between  1387  and  1394;  it
em bodies  sizable  material  from  lost  sources  not  recorded  else

where, among other things, the tale Eym undar pattr Hringsonar

including an account of Eymund’s visit to Russia (see n. 7, above).

Chronologically, Snorri’s Heimskringla seem s to fall between (3)—(4)

and (5). No exact date for the compilation o f this extensive work has been
ascertained, but we know that Snorri was assassinated in 1241, and it is

believed that writing the detailed history o f the Norwegian kings was

probably the preoccupation o f a lifetime. About 1230 is sometimes used
simply as an approximate date for composing the Heimskringla. It should

also be noted that Morkinskinna and Fagrskinna, earlier dated to c. 1250

or shortly thereafter, now are commonly thought to have been written

somewhat earlier, probably around 1220.

While this is not the place to elaborate on what precisely concerning

Yaroslav’s Varangian connection is reported in which Old Scandinavian
text and how reliable the information in each case may be considered,

suffice it to say that the Old Icelandic sources in terms o f wealth of data
surpass even the factual material found in the annalistic writings of ancient

]

2013

H enrik Birnbaum : Y aroslav’s Varangian C onnection

Rus’.38 Finally, it should be mentioned that considerable if in part contro

versial archeological evidence, including many coin hoards, is increasingly
becoming available. It, too, casts a new light on various aspects of the
Varangian presence in early medieval Russia even though it is frequently

difficult narrowly to date the Scandinavian or Scandinavia-related finds in

Russian soil.39

6.  Admittedly,  we can  agree,  on  the one hand,  with  the eager contention
of Soviet  scholarship  (still concerned with the  one-sided exaggerations of
the  Normanist conception)  that during Yaroslav’s rule  the Varangians  no
longer  traveled  to  Russia  as  conquerors  assuming  the  role  of  political

leaders — as obviously some o f their forefathers had done — but were
integrated, particularly if they had come to stay, into an existing, ever

more  firmly  organized  society.  There  can,  on  the  other  hand,  be  little
doubt that  this,  and especially the years  1014  through  1036,  was  a period
when the  extent and intensity of the Varangian  impact on  Russia reached
an all  time  height.  To fully  determine  how Yaroslav,  the  Russian-Varan-
gian prince,  managed to  cope with this foreign  influence  and turn  it to his
own  and  his  country’s  advantage  without  ultimately  giving  up  anything
essential  is  a  task  for  future — unbiased — research.

38 See S. H . C ross, “ Y aroslav the W ise in N orse T rad itio n ” (cf. n. 3), esp. p. 183, fn. 2;

E. A. R ydzevskaja, “Jaroslav M udryj v drevnesevernoj lite ratu re ” (cf. n. 3). F o r further

inform ation on the Heim skringla and the o th er O ld N orse texts cited, see also Heimskringla

(cf. n. 9), pp. xvi-xix, xxiv-xxv, and elsew here in the In tro d u ctio n ; further, e.g., E. V.

G ordon, A n Introduction to O ld Norse, 2nd rev. ed. by A . R . T aylor, O xford 1974 (1962),

pp. lxi and lxvi-lxvii. O n the Legendary saga o f St O la f (a n d its connection with the Fagr-

skinna codex), see also D. A . Seip, D en legendariske Olavssaga og Fagrskinna, Oslo 1929.

39 For a critical assessm ent o f recent Soviet scholarship in the field o f “ V arangian”

archeology, see N. J. D ejevsky, “ T he V arangians in Soviet archaeology today” (Mediaeval

Scandinavia 10, 1976, pp.- 7 - 3 4 , with am ple references). O f p articular interest for our

purpose, am ong the studies discussed by D ejevsky and n ot previously m entioned here, are

two works by V. M. Potin: a m onograph (published in 1968) and an article (o f 1970) on

num ismatic d ata pertin en t to Russian—Scandinavian contacts in the early M iddle A ges and

concerned, am ong o th er things, with the “ Scandinavian forgeries” o f the silver coinage of

Yaroslav; cf. op. cit., pp. 2 6 -7 , with fnn. 50, 58, and 59.