ŻANETA MIELCZAREK

Migration of Poles to United Kingdom

Contents

Introduction.......................................................................................................................	3
CHAPTER 1 The reality in Poland before and after becoming EU member- historical outline	7
1.1. Poland and European Union ...…………………………………...………..	7
1.2. Poland in European Union ……………………………………………...….	10
1.3. Positive and negative aspects of Polish membership in European Union -summary of the issue ................................……………………………..	12
1.4. Migration of Poles to UK- historical outline …................…..…………..	15
CHAPTER 2 Causes and incentive aspects of migration to UK	19
2.1. Migration of Poles to Britain - the present situation ...……………………	19
2.2. General aspects of causal migration to the UK .............…………………	23
2.3. The substrate of Polish migration to the UK ................................…………...	27
2.4. The structure of migration to the UK ………………………………………	28
2.5. The scale of migration to the UK ……………………………………..........	30
CHAPTER 3 Poles in UK: self-image	32
3.1. The Outline of subject matter - methodological introduction …….........	32
3.2. Parallel worlds- Poles in Bradford ………………..............………............	34
3.3. Polish and English world- summary of Bradford example......................	42
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Conclusion ……........................................................................................................	44
Bibliography ..............................................................................................................	46

INTRODUCTION

Migration of Poles to United Kingdom is the theme of this work. Personally I find it very interesting as it has been also based on my own experience. I might be worth reading both for Polish and English community.

First chapter approaches to the subject matter of Polish accession to the European Union, as well as conditions in Poland before and after accession to the EU - to contribute to the historical context of recent years. It also contains the positive and negative aspects of Polish membership of the European Union.

Second chapter deals with the causes and motivational aspects of the migration of Poles to Britain. This addressed issues such as the current state of Polish migration, the substrate, structure and the scale of migration.

Last chapter contains themes related to self-image of Poles in the UK. Here are presented the results of empirical research in the context of this issue.

The whole work closes a summary and a bibliography.

To begin it is essential to answer the question- what is migration? According to Koradecka (2007, p. 10) it is basically permanent or temporary change of residence. There are also other terms associated with migration, which should be mentioned: human migration - the movement of people leading to change their place of residence. Migration, emigration and immigration - movement of the population that seeks to change location. Human migration is a completely natural phenomenon and has taken place since the very beginning of the human history. Increase of migration can take place due to: a bad economic situation in the place of stay (economic migrations) or political situation not in favour of the migrating (political migrations).

Migrations could be divided according to (Koradecka, 2007, pp. 11-12):

• scope:

• internal migrations - human migrations within boundaries of a given administrative unit (a city, commune, province etc.) or political (a state).

• external migrations - human migrations from one administrative or political unit to another,

• duration:

• temporary-including seasonal and shuttle,

• permanent,

• aim:

• tourism,

• therapeutics,

• pilgrimage,

• earnings,

• forms of migration:

• emigration - departure,

• immigration - arrival,

• re-emigration - return from temporary emigration,

• exile - to escape,

• repatriation - the return of citizens from a foreign territory, organized by their country,

• relocation (transfer) - the displacement of nationals within its borders,

• deportation - the forced resettlement of the person or group of persons on the outskirts of the state or beyond its borders.

ęłęóKoradecka (2007, pp. 12) claims that in examining the phenomenon of migration, taken into account are two groups of factors affecting it:

• push factors - the desire to cause to leave the place

• pull factors - offer an alternative and impel to come to given place.

Migration, however, encounters certain obstacles which are the main causes of low mobility of population. These include:

• Political barriers - probably the main reason for low mobility of the population in the world,

• language barriers - one of the main reasons for low levels of international migration in the European Union and other areas with no political barriers,

• cultural barriers,

• infrastructural barriers - such as poor housing development (important in Poland).

New trends in migrationęłęóNewm (Koradecka, 2007, p. 13)

Based on the analysis of migration trends, four main tendencies can be distinguished, which will develop patterns of migration in near future:

• intensity - migration will be more numerous than ever before;

• diversity - inability to identify specific waves of migration (economic emigration) immigrants will belong to various social and ethnic group;

• globalisation - migration will gradually be present all over the world, many countries will be sources and purposes of migrants ;

• feminization - the majority of migrants will be women.

ęłęóNew migration

Under the term of „new migration” is hidden the change of migration's patterns in Europe, which is the result of the end of Cold War, and conflicts on areas of ancient Yugoslavia and begin of European integration.

Labour migrations

Labour migration occurs when the reasons for departure (leave) home country are economic considerations. That migration becomes dominant in Europe. Classic and political emigrations have lost their first place for benefit of labour migrations.

It is economic migration that happened to be the main cause of Polish journeys to United Kingdom. The country, where - according to publicly available statistics- have emigrated the most of Polish citizens. The substance of this paper is therefore to analyse this phenomenon. Phenomenon that is crucial for 38 million Polish civilians. Appropriately my choice of the topic seems to be obvious.

CHAPTER 1

The reality in Poland before and after becoming EU member- historical outline

Working conditions in Poland differ from European standards; its evidence is even though the data on the rising incidence rates of occupational accidents with fatal outcome and increasing the level of stress or musculoskeletal disorders. (Data by: Central Institute for Labour Protection - National Research Institute, 2008).

Among the challenges which Poland has faced after accession to EU, one is to adapt working conditions to standards, defined by EU directives that mostly are already implemented in Polish domestic law. The strategic task of the state in this case is to seek and create innovative legal, technical and organizational solutions, which would allow responsible employers to fulfil obligation of ensuring safety above all- under the Convention No. 155 of the International Labour Organization (Legal Bulletin, No. 15 / 2009), as well as the Labour Code (KP, Warsaw 2008 ).

1.1. Poland and European Union

What sensu stricto is EU? The European Union is the economic and political relationship between European countries that currently consists twenty-five members. The main aims of Union are: economic cooperation and removing barriers to trade between Member States; having a common foreign policy; create civil society and sense of belonging to one community by providing the same legal standards and free movement of people and goods within EU; constant improvement of living standards of the poorer countries and the gradual equalization of life throughout the Union (www.ciop.pl).

It should be noted that Poles before joining the alliance had many concerns; nevertheless they cherished the hope in this connection. The main matter of Poles was that Poland would lose its sovereignty; foreigners will buy up the land; Polish products would not be sufficiently competitive to western goods and financial benefits that Poland receives from the Union would be less than Poles invest in the community. They also feared an increase in prices in Polish stores. Any changes aroused concerns, as a lot could change for the worse. However, equally strong were hopes in joining the Union. Poles hoped for financial support, particularly subsidies for agriculture, expanding market for good produced in Poland and an abolition of duty on sale those products to other member countries. They were also hoping for the opportunity to travel easily within Europe, freedom of establishment, work and study in other European Union countries. Some concerns have been allayed and hopes fulfilled. Notwithstanding, not everything is perfect and negative aspects of EU are noticeable, but integration is a long-term process and the accession may not immediately bring only advantages. Poland must also reckon the sacrifices.

Since Poland joined (along with 9 other countries) the European Union has passed a few years, thus the benefits can be analyzed from it but also the negative effects of Polish accession to the European Community considered.

Some Poles feared a loss of sovereignty. I truly believe that this concern has already been dispelled. Although it is a true that, what is happening with the Union is the implementation plan for the creation of a European nation, having a single currency, a government, a parliament, a common law and one single military power. However, each member country has its own separate power, its history and its traditions, which desire to preserve and protect, and the Union provides such protection. In this respect, Poland is not isolated. Has not lost anything of its Polishness and got a chance to explore the past and the traditions of other member states, which may help us better integration.

One of the biggest benefits of joining the European Union is the possibility of Polish participation in the EU internal market - the trade between the Polish and EU countries has been facilitated by substantial simplification of export procedures, reducing bureaucracy and streamlining cross the border. This enables a faster pace of economic growth, the revival of Polish exports and production in agro-food sector, the incentive to modernize enterprises. Fear of economic collapse was thus dispelled, by dint of that Poland is developing.

The door to the EU labour market was opened to the Poles. Euro sceptics may say that they are cheap manpower that works more and harder than others, for less money. Nevertheless, bearing in mind the high unemployment in Poland and comparing the earnings of Poles abroad, even at low positions, and earnings in Poland, we can say at once that work in the EU is profitable, because they can earn more than in Poland. And if the country will take care of a good education for young Poles, mainly for language learning, then they will be able to decide where and for what money they agree to work. In addition, if the situation on the Polish labour market will change, professionals will not have to leave to find work.

Another undoubted advantage of Polish accession to the Union is ability to travel freely. Main facilitation is the lack of border control. This is especially important for young people who can freely undertake education or work in EU countries. Also, thanks to that numbers of visitors to Poland has increased. Growing interest in Poland also arises from the perception of Polish membership in the European Union and the accompanying improvement of the overall image of the country, as well as competitive for customers - especially from Germany- the price of goods and services.

In spite of that, some people see the negative effects of membership, mainly due to the additional costs of adjustment of the European Community regulations and standards, but it is necessary to harmonize these standards for all Member States. It also rules on environmental protection and waste disposal which for many companies imposing new obligations that require investment, but they are rated as beneficial for the whole of European society, since it is necessary to improve the environment

Polish accession to the European Union has brought a number of actual adverse effects, such as the increase in prices of goods and services. This result was perhaps the greatest fear of the Poles associated to accession and unfortunately it was unavoidable.

In my opinion, Poland definitely drew more benefit from the accession to EU than the losses suffered. Additionally improvement of the quality of life could not be made overnight, but the integration process progresses, so we can expect further benefits. The costs are unavoidable, but as is clear from these examples, Poland now receives from the EU more than pays. Satisfaction of the population is growing and also support for the European Union - as is clear from the survey (data according to CBOS and OBOP 2009).

1.2. Poland in European Union

World War II brought Europe and the world of unimaginable destruction. To maintain peace and balance, attempted to use the method under of the balance of forces. But not to lead to another disaster, people had to find another way that gives a greater guarantee of peace. Only a balance of interests -not forces- could performance this task. If countries could achieve economic success only through the cooperation, based on mutually agreed terms, the threat of war would disappear. Such reasoning of contemporary Western political leaders of Germany, France and Italy gave rise to European integration. They wanted to associate closely with each other's economy and society, so that they do not have to compete, but cooperate. (Migration Bulletin No. 8, 2005, p. 4)

What is a Union and what are its tasks we learn primarily from the media. Incumbent upon them great responsibility - should shape the idea about the countries of the community and the role in Europe. Meanwhile come to the fore, both great enthusiasts and fanatical opponents of Polish joining the alliance. Important and influential people - politicians, economists, journalists often speak up about it. Even the biggest pro-EU knows that the accession will not have only advantages for Poland. Important and influential people - politicians, economists, journalists often speak up about it. Even the biggest pro-EU knows that the accession will not have only advantages. In view of the passing years, renouncement will occur. What will predominate? Joining the Community entail many changes - statistical Pole fears that the most. It is obvious; any change can be for worse. Everyone hopes that "entry into Europe" will change their fate, and the Poles what they represent and they have to offer, it will count more in Western countries. Pro-union program, run by the Polish government is to awaken the hopes, bearing in mind that nothing is for free and Poles will also have to do their best.

The vast majority of Polish politicians opted for accession to the Union. As one of the biggest benefits of this Decision shows the possibility of Polish participation in the EU internal market - the trade between the Polish and EU countries will be free, so the duty will be abolished, and this will cause a reduction in commodity prices. After joining the monetary union, we will use a common currency - the euro. As a member of the Community, the country would be open to the inflow of investment and new technologies. Here begin fears for the redemption of Polish lands by foreigners. Those anxieties come from a time when Poland was an agricultural country, and there was a struggle for Polish nationality simultaneously with the struggle for land ownership. Today Poland is a free country. Policy acquisition of land in Poland is regulated by special law. To purchase land, a foreigner must obtain a permit. In addition, statistics claims about the huge quantities of land fallow (OBOP 2008 and Alesina 2006).

Whereas, an undoubted asset to Polish accession to the Union is ability to travel freely. That will be facilitated by a common currency and a lack of border control. This is especially important for young people; after all, they will live in the common Europe.

Nevertheless, nothing is perfect. If the entry to the European Union make the Polish land "flowing with milk and honey", there would not be opponents to join the so-called "Fifteen Countries." Meanwhile, there are many such people and their concerns are often justified. One of them is whether Polish products can compete with European. In Poland the emphasis is on extensive agriculture (with a little effort - obtain low yields), while in the old EU countries the opposite - intense. Polish products are indeed natural, but more expensive, lower quality (often unable to adapt to EU standards) and are produced in smaller quantities.

Either way, joining the EU gives Poland a number of social benefits. Certainly raise the quality of life, get a chance to approach the European standards in the field of internal security, labour, health and education. But even in this matter clear voices of opposition can be heard. There is concern that the costs needed to adapt EU standards are too high, and grants too small. In my opinion the money spent on improving the lives of citizens are never too large, and even more never wasted. It is simply a good investment, which in its time will bear interest.

1.3. Positive and negative aspects of Polish membership in European Union - summary of the issue

From 1 May 2004, my country (Poland) has officially started his nationality among other EU countries. The Polish state has strengthened its position of "international political arena." Polish politicians announced that Poland has assigned a potential, but without the assistance of the EU; lack of realization of what this country stand in the political, economic, cultural and even regional development. Such solidarity, the full and active participation in Europe, and most importantly - becoming a member of the EU - has its pluses and minuses.

Positive Aspects: (Rumski, 2006, pp. 23-24)

• "being one political body," along with the rest of the Member States, Poland jointly implement foreign policy;

• elimination of barriers to trade between EU countries and to promote social and economic progress by enhancing economic cooperation - Poland has easy access to the western market;

• harmonization of Polish law with EU law result in improvement of safety - legislation that protects workers from unfair employers;

• improvement of the natural environment -attach importance to ensure that different factories led activities without detriments to the environment, protecting the economic interests of consumers;

• improving the Polish labour market - Poland is gaining additional funds, above all, access to the European Social Fund;

• access for Polish citizens to EU labor markets, furthermore professional qualifications and diplomas awarded by the Polish educational institutions shall be recognized in other member states;

• children, adolescents, and importantly all Polish students have easier access to education outside the country, each learner in schools across the EU have the same responsibilities and privileges, as having the nationality of the State, outside of it will automatically be treated as a lawful citizen;

• help achieving economic convergence with the Member States of the European Union, Poland, and particularly its least developed regions (including the Carpathian region-Podkarpacie) may use funds under the Structural Fund;

• Polish, rich cultural heritage in the field of folk and art, more easily conquer the western territories of the EU - citizens of other European countries would more favourably adopt Polish culture;

• Polish farmers can apply for benefits, which improves the conditions in the Polish food market;

• unhampered travelling across united Europe. In the EU reliably document with a photograph is enough to cross the borders. This document may be, for example ID card, and not necessarily a passport, as it was before.

Negative Aspects (Rumski, 2006, p. 25)

• in the near future Poland expects price increases, which is result of currency change PLN to EURO (Poles are afraid of inflation - the decline in the value of our national currency, which is the PLN, in relation to the euro);

• necessity to equalize the level of economic development of Poland towards other EU countries;

• cope with competitive pressure from economy of members in the European Union (particularly sector SME- small and medium enterprises- not all Polish companies managed in adjusting to EU standard);

• adoption of common rules for trade policy in the European Union mainly affects the quality and volume of economic contacts with China and the countries of Eastern Europe

• high globalization - Poland even though it is not a country, which has the high impact of globalization, after the accession to the European Union (EU, or first of all leaders - are fully global states) globalization influence may be higher;

• in EU countries because some standards has been changed, negative birth-rate occurs - from a purely commercial reasons, with increased production and consumption in the life of European citizens and focus on the career that makes Europeans grow old;

• after the abolition of visas, Poland became an endangered of increase in the activities of organized crime.

1.4. Migration of Poles to UK - historical outline

In the fourteenth and fifteenth century, the Poles appeared sporadically in England, mainly merchants and envoys of the king. Polish - English cultural contacts were initiated in the sixteenth century. In the years 1548-53 in England Polish reformer J. Łaski were playing an important role in the creation of the Anglican Church, but in the seventeenth century, S. Hartlib contributed to the reform of English education. Many young Poles were studying at English Universities. In the second half of the seventeenth century, a group of Polish Brethren settled in London. The first Polish political refugees arrived after the collapse of the Kosciuszko Uprising in 1794. Large clusters formed after the November Uprising in the period 1830-31 (about 800-1000 people), the first organizations appeared, and since 1834 has acted section of Polish Democratic Society (TDP) since 1835 Gromady Grudziąż and Humań (Lud Polski). The next waves of immigrants arrived after the Spring of Nations in 1848 and the Styczniowe Uprising in the years 1863-64. In 1856, Revolutionary Drove in London has been created, while in 1886 - Polish Society in London. At the end of the nineteenth century the first group of emigrants arrived in search of work, mainly workers (Burszta and Serwański, 2003, p. 37).

At the end of the nineteenth century, Britain has a population of about 2 thousand Poles. The outbreak of World War I revived the hopes for regaining independence by Poland. In London, the Polish National Committee has been formed, created about 25 Polish associations and several schools. After 1918, many Poles have returned home. In interwar period the number of Poles was estimated at 3, 5 - 5 thousand. Mainly artisans and workers employed in mining and weaving, residing in London, Manchester and Glasgow and Lanark, Scotland. Polish social organizations and church existed only in London and Manchester (Burszta and Serwański 2003, pp. 38-39).

During World War II, after the defeat of France in 1940, London became the capital of Polish emigration of war; there have moved the Polish authorities. Political parties, associations, scientific, cultural, religious and educational have created and developed the business. . Poles organized archives and libraries. Polish Scientific Centre, named after General Sikorski has been created in 1939. Gradually were formed Polish schools and universities, as well as veterans' associations, trade groups, unions, welfare organizations. Many periodicals appeared, including "Polish News" and the most popular Polish Daily and Soldier's Journal "(Burszta and Serwański 2003, pp. 40-41).

After World War II lasted migrations of Poles from Britain to Poland and to the UK from European countries (mainly Italy and Germany), Middle East, India and Africa. In 1946-47 soldiers from PES has been moved to Great Britain, most of whom joined the Polish Resettlement Corps. In 1945 in the UK were 90-95 thousand persons born in Poland, in 1949 - around 160 thousand. New emigration was developing (mostly intelligence), underlining its political nature, has not appreciated the findings of the Polish case made at the Yalta Conference in 1945. Government of Republic of Poland continued to function in exile (to 1991) as well as the National Council (from 1949 to 1991). The activities were taken up by new political parties including League of Polish Independence, Independent Social Group and Polish Liberation Movement.

During the split in an environment of political exile in the years 1954-72 in London arose competitive forces against the Polish government in exile: the Council of National Unity, the Council of Three and The Executive of the National Assembly.

All aspired to resume the Polish question in international relations, demanded the restoration of full independence of Poland, the withdrawal of Soviet troops and to conduct free elections. These demands were against the great powers, organized demonstrations and gatherings; support the activities of independence and the democratic opposition in the country. Social and cultural actions of emigration after 1945 was to a large degree a continuation of the work undertaken during World War II, including Polish schools - that has been closed, so the Poles were studying in British schools (Burszta and Serwański 2003, pp. 42-43).

Particularly noteworthy is cultural life, including; publishing (Griffin Publishing, Orbis, Veritas, Polish Cultural Foundation), theatre, newspapers (still in use "Polish Daily", "Soldier's Journal" and "Think Poland"), since 1944, "Polish Tomorrow" , and since 1947 - "Historical Portfolio." Worth mentioning are also the scientific institutions (including the Polish University Abroad, Polish Historical Society in Exile, the Union of Polish Writers Abroad, Polish Institute, Study of the Polish underground, the Polish Library, and others). Since the 70s Pole's cultural life focuses in the Polish Social-Cultural Centre (POSK). Veteran organizations such as Polish Combatants' Association - World Federation (since 1945), an association of technicians, teachers, doctors and other professional groups, youth associations (ZHP, Catholic Association of Polish Youth and the YMCA) - and in addition, welfare organizations. Coordinating role fulfils the Polish Federation of Great Britain. During that period, 150 thousand people of Polish origin were estimated to live in UK. London was the largest concentration (about 40 thousand), Followed by Manchester (about 6 thousand) Birmingham (about 4 thousand) Bradford (about 3 thousand) Edinburgh and Glasgow (Burszta and Serwański 2003, pp. 45).

To summarise; Polish community in Britain changed, the first post-war generation has gone, unions and veterans' organizations were shrinking, and some worked only formally. In 1991 the Polish government in exile dissolved (after Poland regained its full sovereignty), whereas the so-called second and third generations simply assimilate.

CHAPTER 2

Causes and incentive aspects of migration to UK

2.1. Migration of Poles to UK - present situation

Polish membership in the EU has created a qualitatively new situation in the processes of migration. The scale of the phenomenon of emigration, its nature and consequences for the Polish economy and society has become a subject of public debate. This issue raises many controversies, extreme opinions and a lot of emotion.

Ensuring that Polish citizens have full access to the labour markets to the Member States on an equal footing with other citizens of the Union was an important objective of Polish European policy during the negotiations of the terms of Polish accession to the EU. From 1 May 2004, Poles are free to work in the new Member States (except Malta). Among the old EU countries only Britain, Ireland and Sweden opened their labour markets (Boni, 2009, p. 28). According to Boni (2009) from 1 May 2006, successive countries have agreed to dispense with the limitations and Poles can apply for a job in Spain, Portugal, Greece, and Finland. Belgium, Luxembourg and France introduced a facility for selected occupations and sectors of the economy, while Denmark has simplified the procedure for obtaining a work permit. In Germany and Austria, Poles cannot enjoy full freedom of movement for workers. These countries probably will fully open their labour markets in 2011. After a seven-year transitional period.

Complete opening of labour markets confronts Poland with opportunities and threats of full participation in the European labour market and global trends in migration. This presents in Polish politics new challenge - how to avail of the migratory movement with the greatest possible benefit for the socio - economic Polish development. Boni (2009) states that United Kingdom for many years has been pursuing an active immigration policy. Recent years were marked by a large influx of Central and Eastern Europe, particularly from Poland. Polish workers play an extremely important role not only in local labour markets, but also in the whole UK economy

Let me recall once again at this point that the directions of the inflow to the UK due largely to the rich traditions of colonialism and are very diverse. This diversity concerns not only ethnic but also its social and professional immigrant groups living in this country. The scale of immigration to the United Kingdom has increased since the early 1990s. This latest arrival of foreigners, in which an increasingly important role played newcomers from Central and Eastern Europe, constitutes 31% of all UK residents born abroad. In the 90s immigration of foreign workers in the British Isles was very conducive to economic prosperity. Economic expansion has resulted in significant improvement in the UK labour market, which began a systematic increase of employment. In addition, implemented since 1997 labour market reform has led to the activation of previously inactive and unemployed civilians. In consequence (Boni 2009), United Kingdom boasts about the best employment rates in Europe: in 2005 the employment rate reached 75% and the unemployment rate declined to 4.5%. These are some of the best indicators compared to other highly developed countries where the employment rate in this period remained stable or, as in the U.S. or Germany - has declined

In recent years the number of applications for National Insurance number (NINO called) made by foreigners has risen significantly, reflecting a considerable increase in the intensity of migration to Britain. Only in the last three years, 2002/2003 to 2005/2006, the number of applications almost doubled (from 349 thousand. Up to 660 thousand). Data from the social insurance system reflects the impact on foreign mobility of Poles, Lithuanians and Slovaks was made by liberalization of the British labour market for citizens of the EU-8. Even in the year 2002/2003 the citizens of these countries did not take any significant (in terms of volume) position among groups of foreign workers applying for the NINO. A year later, Poles were the ninth-largest group of foreigners applying for a NINO, while in 2004/2005 they became the most numerous. In 2005/2006, Poles, applied in 171 thousand- 26% of all applications to the British social insurance system. Inflows from other EU-8 countries were also noticed, mainly from Lithuania (in 2005/2006 30.5 thousand, 3rd place in terms of numbers), Slovakia (26 thousand. 4th place) and Latvia (14 thousand, 9th place), and to a lesser extent in the Czech Republic (13 thousand, 12th place). Boni (2009) claims that as a result among ten largest groups of foreign NINO applicants four come from the new Member States.

The genesis of the Polish population in UK - as I mentioned earlier - has its origins in two periods of rapid immigration. After World War II on the British Isles appeared a high demand for manpower associated with the reconstruction of the country.

Under the Act of 1947 about resettlement of Poles (The Polish Resettlement Act) Polish soldiers fighting in the West were able to remain in the UK, and the Poles residing in other countries had an opportunity to come to this country. Until 1951, over 160 thousand Polish refugees settled in the UK. Not many of these people planned to migrate permanently, but return to the Polish lands appeared to be too dangerous after the takeover by the Communists and the emergence of the Iron Curtain. In addition, because of changes in Polish borders after the war, the family villages of some migrants were then in the Soviet Union. In the period from late 1940's until the collapse of Communist in Eastern Europe, several thousand Polish immigrants arrived in Britain to unite with family, to enter into marriage, to study or to avoid politically motivated persecution. According to British census, the population of people born in Poland living in the UK decreased in the second half of the twentieth century. In 1991 this number amounted to 73.7 thousand, And in 2001 - 60.7 thousand. (Migration Bulletin No. 8 / 2006).

Another period of rapid increase began with the beginning of XXI century, when Poland was preparing to join the European Union. Despite Poland became EU Member in May 2004, twelve of the existing Member States maintained strict limits on economic migration. There were exceptions: the United Kingdom, Ireland and Sweden. As a result, the vast majority of Poles seeking for work in the European Union took a trip to the UK or Ireland, and the scale of this influx has important economic and political consequences for both host countries Opening of the labour market for citizens of new EU Member States in May 2004 initiated the largest wave of immigration (where the Poles are the largest immigrant group by far) ever took place in the Great Britain. As a result, among the migrants coming to Britain, an increasingly important role played citizens of EU-8 countries. Their number amounted to 183 thousand in 1999, 245 thousand in 2002 and just over 400 thousand in 2005.

According to British experts, WRS record contains approximately half of migrants in the UK. It reflects the dynamics of a large influx of Poles: the number of migrants rose from 71 thousand in 2004 to 127.3 thousand in 2005 and 159.9 thousand in 2006. Additionally, Poles determine almost two thirds (64.5%) of applicants for registration in the WRS: this percentage increased from 56.4% in 2004 to 71.3% in 2006. The UK statistical office estimates (based on International Passenger Survey) that in 2005, long-term migration to the United Kingdom took 49 thousand Poles, almost three times more than in 2004, when the figure was 17 thousand. Those amounts cannot be verified based on the British census, so a definitive estimate provides LFS study. According to LFS, in the UK in 2006 were 254 thousand persons born in Poland, of which 92 thousand arrived before 2004, and 162 thousand in 2004 or later (Migration Bulletin No. 9 / 2007).

According to the data from Migration Bulletin (2007) London was and still is the ultimate goal of the migration of Polish workers at the beginning of this period: in fiscal year 2002/2003 city attracted more than 70% of the total number of Poles applying for NINO. With the time, the importance of London has declined: in 2005/2006 there was 22% of Poles and other immigrants began to settle in other regions of the country, for example in East Anglia, North West, Central, and in Scotland. In Scotland and Yorkshire and Humberside Poles appeared only after 2004 and especially for those regions immigration of Poles is important. While in the Cosmopolitan town of London Polish applications for NINO in 2005/2006 accounted for 16% of all applications from abroad. In East Central England the figure was 36%, while in Northern England and Northern Ireland almost 30%.

2.2. General aspects of casual migration to the UK

For many years, Poles are going abroad. Duszczyk (2006) claims that they were initially emigrating for political reasons. After the Listopadowe Uprising more than 10 thousand people had left Poland. Among them were: a prominent politician Adam Czartoryski, poets - Adam Mickiewicz and Juliusz Slovak, composer - Fryderyk Chopin, historian - Joachim Lelewel and many more. Some of them, thanks to their achievements, have gained fame around the world. With time, people were leaving in order to find their families or simply to search of a better life

After Polish accession to the European Union (Duszczyk 2006) many countries opened their labour markets and many Poles have chosen to leave, mainly to Britain. Currently, the labour market in the UK is much more crowded and getting a good job is difficult, therefore Poles are often disappointed with reality that they find abroad. Duszczyk (2006) estimated that - in general - living outside the country is currently about 17 million Poles, not counting people who had settled in the ancient eastern territories and displaced within the former USSR.

There is an issue worth considering. What in general is the professional mobility of Poles in the European Union? On the one hand, we should consider the socio-economic consequences of migration - for migrants themselves - and the role of organizations dealing with civil advice. On the other hand, we should outline causes and social or economic consequences for Poland and the host country (in our case the UK).

Duszczyk (2006, p. 55) concluded that migration of Poles to the EU countries, including Great Britain, it is not a novelty, and also before the Polish accession in the Union was lawfully employed about 450 thousand Poles. After 1 May 2004 this number increased, but not as drastically as it was announced by media. Generelly in the European Union every year 800-900 thousand Poles is employed.

Nevertheless most Poles found employment in the UK and Ireland. Firstly phenomenon that should be noticed, called "The unauthorized addition of years" when calculating the scale of migration - data can only be used in considering each year separately. Secondly, we must be aware that in the summer a lot more people have seasonal job. Consequently, the data is as follows: abroad (generally in the EU) works about 300 thousand Poles permanently (Duszczyk 2006, pp. 56-57).

Therefore, in case of UK - who mainly migrate and what are the reasons for migration of Poles? Well, primarily young people migrate (80% of all migrants). Education does not have any meaning here, though people with high professional qualifications rather do not leave, as they have a real chance to develop their own careers in Poland. It is therefore not true that "the best leave Poland" (Anon, 2006). The main reason for economic migration is the current financial situation and prospects of obtaining job (with appropriate wages) in the country and abroad. Poles consider a trip for business purposes and compare their chances of finding employment in Poland with for example in the UK. While trying to gather information about the employment situation of the destination country - and often have idealized its image. They underestimate the importance of language knowledge of host country - it is the language barrier that appears as one of the main causes of problems in making and maintaining employment abroad

What are the social and economic consequences of Polish migration? Migrations involve consequences, both social and economic. The social consequences are mainly weakened or severed family ties. Despite the financial support from the working family members abroad, the balance is adverse - its price is often breakdown of marriages and mental problems. Ambroziak (2007, p. 8) states that financial aid is another important aspect - youth working abroad and helping elderly parents in the country, as a result lead to their socio-professional deactivation. And this is a serious problem in presence of an aging population and migration of Polish youth. While the microeconomic consequences (family) are easily measurable and predictable (increasing wealth of families), the impact of Polish migration on the labour market in Poland is leading to various speculations. Primarily unemployment has fallen, as a consequence of the departure of unemployed Poles. This is of course true, but according to many experts analyzing this phenomenon - the main reason for it is increase of exports (Ambroziak, 2007, p. 9).

Another issue worth mentioning in regarding the impact of economic migration on the Polish labour market is the deficit of persons with specific professional qualifications. Experts claim that it is the growing construction market - simultaneously weak interest in vocational training for young people - that makes the lack of workers in this industry. Lack of qualified personnel is also another problem for employers: they allocate more resources for training for future worker, who after obtaining higher qualifications migrate or look for other job (Ambrozik, 2007, pp. 9-10).

Generally, the scale and structure of economic migration to Britain shows the weakness of vocational education in Poland. Schools do not prepare young people to enter the Polish labour market, therefore relatively well-educated take the work abroad, often below their qualifications. Pursuant to Kaczmarczyk (2007, p. 42) it is a waste of human capital and potential economic losses for the state. However, these losses do not have to turn into losses in the future if the Polish economy will develop enough to encourage young migrants to return and to work towards its development.

It is already noticeable that Poles are returning (Górska 2008, p. 65), with new experiences and financial resources they establish own businesses in Poland. Unfortunately there is increasing number of migrants who returned to the homeland as have problems resulting from migration - have fallen victim to fraud abroad or have personal problems.

2.3. The substrate of Polish migration to the UK

Migration of Poles to the UK is based on economics and is mostly legal. High unemployment (the highest among EU countries) is main push factor that induces Poles to migrate. In May 2006 unemployment rate was 16.5%. Mostly young people without qualifications experience unemployment. They are the largest group among registered unemployed civilians. More than half of them expect to work longer than a year. Even university diploma does not guarantee employment. However, according to Wesołowska and Rabij (2006, pp. 30-32) higher education helps navigate the labour market and the risk of unemployment is highest for those with lower level of education. They also predominate among the migrants.

Another important reason for migration is the low wages offered by domestic employers. High unemployment continues to inhibit its growth. As a result, it is not satisfactory for many jobs. Poles are leaving because in developed countries, like Britain, they simply earn more. Nevertheless, this is often a stereotype. Abroad earn more, but when you take into account the cost of living, wages in Poland and abroad are comparable. It is worth noting also that wages in Poland are growing faster than in the West (Wesolowska and Rabij 2006, p. 33).

Wesolowska and Rabij (2006, p. 34) also states that there are other causes of migration. In many cases it is the desire to test themselves in other conditions. There is significant need to gain experience abroad and make their careers. In addition, migration can be an opportunity to improve the language and knowledge about other culture and habits. Sources of economic migration should be also discerned in aberrations committed in economic policy of the State. This is primarily a lack of consequences in the realization of market economy rules. Political errors, omissions and gradual reforms led to lower levels of human potential, and reduced the dynamics of units, a decline in the quality of institution functioning and economic activity shifting to so-called black economy. Wilczyński (2005, p.29) enounced that this was associated with a lack of prospects in obtaining high wages. The lack of radical reforms in the rapid and profound economic liberalization and the elimination of onerous barriers to enterprise has made the reforms were poorly noticeable by general public, especially young people.

2.4. The Structure of Migration to the UK

In a relatively short period of time in search of employment thousands of Poles has left their country (Barczewska-Krupa 2009, p.38). The largest quantity found a job in the UK, Ireland, Spain and Netherlands. Many Poles work also in Germany. With so many economic emigrations a number of problems appear. A lot of questions can be considered. Most are formulated as follows:

• first of all who migrates? (age, gender, qualifications);

• what are the reasons of that mass emigration?

• how Polish migrants assess their situation in host countries?

• what are the consequences of this migration that might result in development of Poland in future?

The Polish Ministry of Foreign Affairs does not have accurate statistics on emigration. Also in European Union countries, given are only estimates. Yet we know that among the economic migrants in the UK dominate young people (Barszczewska-Krupa, 2009, p. 39). According to Barczewska-Krupa (2009, pp. 40-41) the young generation of Poles, which search for work in the UK, it is not a uniform group. There are representatives from different backgrounds, ranging from the village to the large urban centres. Some of them have only completed secondary school, without a professional specialization and some are graduates.

From the survey conducted in April 2007 on the Przewodnik Młodych (A Guide for Young People) website it appears that:

• 31% of respondents desire to work abroad,

• 55% is willing to work in Poland,

• 14% has not made decision.

Why young Poles decide to depart to the UK in the aim to earn? In most cases the answer is that in the country is high unemployment and they cannot find the job. This situation forces them to migrate. When asked they point out low wages offered in Poland. They argue that working abroad allows them a decent life (Barszczewska-Krupa, 2009, p. 43). If we began to ask young emigrants to more specific questions, it would appear that their plans for the future are different. Let us note at this point that young immigrants can be divided into three basic groups (Barszczewska-Krupa, 2009, p. 44):

• travelling in purpose to use earned money and lessons learned when returning to the Poland,

• decided for permanent emigration,

• hesitant, who intend to stay abroad longer and decide whether to return to their homeland or not.

And this first group of people in recent times seems to be the most numerous and clearly defined in their intentions.

2.5. The scale of migration to the UK

The scale of migration to Britain since 2004 (accession) was certainly a surprise to the British authorities, who stated that it should be expected about 13 thousand workers from EU-8 countries on an annual basis. In the period May 2004 - December 2004 in the UK registered a little over 76 thousand Poles (56% of all applications from the EU-10). However, in 2005 registered 128 thousand, while in 2006 less than 160 thousand Polish people. And for instance in the fourth quarter of 2006 in the WRS over 40 thousand people have registered who were 74% of the applicants (Migration Bulletin No. 12 / 2006, p. 5). However, the British system of registration workers (Workers Registration Scheme) does not include people who are self-employment or illegal. At the same time the system recorded only the "entrance" to the British labour market. People leaving the country are not deleted from the records. Mentioned data emerges fairly consistent picture of Polish migration to Britain in recent years - this is earning migration, often seasonal or commuting. Depending on the season in UK live 150 thousand Polish citizens. (http://www.official-documents.gov.uk/document/cm69/6904/6904.pdf).

The analysis of WRS statistics shows that Poles constitute the largest group of workers from the 'new' Member States, taking up employment in the UK (about 65 per cent). In second place are located in Lithuania (about 9 percent), and the third Slovaks (about 8 per cent). Due to other solutions which are applied in relation to Bulgaria and Romania, a direct comparison of the EU-8 countries is impossible. For example, in 2004, 117 thousand citizens of the EU-15 settled in Britain. Nevertheless each year are coming to Britain, many immigrants from countries historically associated with the British Crown - Australia, Canada, New Zealand and South Africa (Anon, 2005).

Chapter 3

Poles in Great Britain: self-image

3.1. The Outline of subject matter - Methodological introduction

In 2008, Instytut Spraw Publicznych (the Institute of Public Relations) published a report about the image of Polish immigrants in the British press (Fomina, Frelak 2008). The most surprising result of the conducted research was, according to the authors of the report, a prevailing positive image of Poles in the British press, especially in quality newspapers. Negative articles, which were mainly found in the tabloids, focused mostly on the effects of the arrival of a large number of immigrants to Great Britain and were above all directed against the British government, not the Polish immigrants. In turn, while writing about the image of Poles in Great Britain, the Polish press was persistent in focusing its attention on the alleged smear campaigns against Poles in the British Press (Głuchowski and Kowalski, 2008, p. 6).

However, this fact may probably not surprise anybody, as headlines saying `Poles got beaten!' seem to be much more attractive and better draw readers' attention than balanced articles with positive messages. It is worth noting that the whole image of Poles in the British press is much more complex (Jędrzejczak, 2008 p. 12).

The analysis of publications about Poles in Great Britain directly suggests the existence of two parallel worlds - a world of model members of the British society and a world of the dregs of society. On one hand, according to newspapers, Poles are dynamic and successful people, who learn English quickly, express their willingness to integrate and become a part of the new community and if they encounter some problems, they know how to fight for what they deserve. On the other hand, Poles are pictured as swindlers, racists, drunkards, people dependent on the welfare state, losers and poachers who love swan and carp meat. Nonetheless, it is significant that the first world clearly prevailed over the second one in the analysed press materials about the Polish immigrants in Great Britain. What is more, although many more positive articles about the image of Poles could be found in quality newspapers, it happened not only once that the tabloids, which always look for sensational news, presented the Polish immigrants in a very good light. Qualities which were often emphasized were diligence and solidity (Fomina 2009 pp. 2-3).

The above introduction shows the opinions of the British press about the Polish immigrants and how the Polish press perceives what is written in the British press. These facts provoke to ask some additional questions:

• What do Polish immigrants think about themselves, how do they see themselves and how - in their opinion - are they seen by the British?

• Do Poles have the impression that the British see them in a stereotypical way - as drunkards and swindlers - as the majority of the Polish media tries to prove?

• Do Poles believe that the British can appreciate their diligence, courage and willingness to integrate, which can in fact be observed in the majority of the articles in the British press?

The following part of the thesis aims at answering these and other questions regarding the self-image of Poles living in Great Britain.

Before the analysis of the results of the research about the self-image of Poles in Great Britain it is worth to describe the research itself. Field research was conducted in Bradford - a middle size city situated in Northern England. The research consists of twenty eight open interviews which were carried out with respondents aged from 22 to 41 years. The majority of respondents were around 30. The respondents (Fomina 2009 p. 4) were chosen after contacting Poles living in Bradford via www.nasza-klasa.pl, a social networking website.

The main research questions were the following:

• How do Poles see themselves?

• How do Poles assess their experiences in England and what does their opinion say about themselves?

• How, according to the Polish immigrants, are Poles seen by the English?

• How do Poles look in comparison to other immigrants?

• What is the image of the whole Polish community abroad? To what extent do the immigrants identify with the Polish community abroad?

• What was, according to their opinion, the influence of the accession of Poland to the European Union on the image of Poles?

• Are there any differences in how women and men see themselves?

Respondents were asked about many issues concerning their life in England - their different experiences in places of their stay, relations with other Poles and English people, post-war Polish community and Polish institutions. Moreover, respondents were also asked for their opinions about the number of Poles and the political strength of the Polish community in Bradford (Fomina 2009 p.4). The most important conclusions of the research are presented below.

3.2. Parallel worlds - Poles in Bradford

The results of the research show how diverse Polish community in Great Britain is and how well Poles themselves realize this fact, especially those who are more educated and willing to reflect. There are three different dimensions which exist in respondents' minds; there are three parallel worlds and although respondents live in only one of them, they are aware of the presence of the other two and the fact that all three worlds barely merge with each other (Fomina 2009 p. 5):

1. World of the educated Poles who are confident and work their way up the career ladder;

2. World of the less resourceful Polish immigrants who are stuck at one place. This world is often associated with dregs of society but there one can find of course both honest factory workers and petty criminals;

3. World of post-war Polish community which is distanced from what happens around it and looks critically at all Polish newcomers.

Examples found in the British press included both a positive image of a diligent and courageous Pole as well as a Polish immigrant who poses a threat to the public order, community cohesiveness or the welfare state. Nevertheless, it is worth mentioning that the quality newspapers focused mainly on the first group, namely Polish immigrants who do well in Great Britain. This opinion is in accordance with the self-image of Poles who took part in the research and - what is be very crucial - with how the English see Poles, as stated by the respondents.

Respondents feel neither discriminated nor seen in a negative light. Furthermore, they do not think that they are shown in a stereotypical way, as Polish journalists tried to prove when they wrote about the image of Poles in the British press. Relations between the image of one's own group and the image of “other” Poles are complex. On one hand, respondents can make themselves feel more important and built a more positive image of the world they live in when they compare their own achievements and experiences with the situation of other compatriots. Fomina (2009) claims that on the other hand, respondents expressed their fears about the fact that the negative opinion about a part of the Polish immigrants can have an impact on how all other Poles (also those taking part in the research) would be seen. However, the majority of Polish respondents believe that the English, or at least those better educated ones, can see the difference between the group of Poles to which the respondents belong to and “other” Poles.

What is really stunning, according to respondents, is the fact that too many Englishmen are not aware that Poland is a member of the European Union and that Britain opened its labour market for Poles, which should automatically raise the status of Polish immigrants in Great Britain. Newspaper reports were always based on the information about the opening of the British labour market for Polish citizens. Limited awareness of the Polish membership in the EU and all consequences for Poles of this lack of knowledge of the English may be justified by a very specific character of Bradford. It is like this because Bradford is not a large city and the majority of immigrants living there come from Pakistan. This fact may divert the attention from Poland and other Central European countries. However annoying this situation for Poles may be, they have the right to believe that it is them who worked hard for such a positive reputation. It is especially because, according to respondents, Poles are also better perceived in comparison with immigrants from other East-Central European countries which are EU members (Fomina 2009 p. 25).

This section is devoted to another issue raised in the research. Respondents often emphasized that women do better abroad. However, a situation where women outdo men abroad and are much more resourceful should not surprise nowadays. This phenomenon is not new and it often occurs when people emigrate from relatively conservative countries to countries which are more progressive socially, where family and career roles depending on sexes are not that strictly imposed. It is hard for men to leave their image of a “macho” - head of the family who earns more and who is expected to do more. It happens very often that immigration, at least at the beginning, means losing a given status which was gained in the country a person comes from. Such situation leads men to frustration first, as they take it for granted that because they are men they will cope with everything from the very start and that is why they act as usual, according to the “all or nothing” rule. If they leave Poland with an MA in History and while being abroad they start working in a factory instead of a research centre, it is hard for them to change their status. They feel that they lost their first battle and are unwilling to take up new challenges. Women, in turn, are more humble and it is easier for them to adapt to new conditions and fulfil initial requirements; moreover, women often think that expectations towards them are lower and that is why even if they fail they will not be criticised. Women do everything “step by step” and this method often appears to be effective and therefore gives women more strength and makes them even more confident. Of course, it does not mean that the abovementioned behaviours describe all women and all men - it is only an attempt to explain the mechanism of the phenomenon which was mentioned by respondents in the presented research (Fomina 2009 pp. 25-26).

Graff (2008 p.47) states that it is not a secret that many Polish men think in a negative way about relationships of Polish women with men of different nationalities. It is especially characteristic for conservative, patriarchal societies that women have always been perceived as an embodiment of national virtues and regarded as guards of nation's honour.

It used to be the control of women's sexuality which constituted a defensive act of nation's honour from tarnishing its good name by foreigners, particularly religiously, ethnically or racially. Polish women who are in relationship with foreigners are, symbolically, not any more under control of Polish men, disdain them and bring dishonour to the whole Polish community. Of course, not all Polish men are guided by the abstract meaning of the nation and the symbolism of a woman; however, men's emotional way of expressing their thoughts about Polish women being in relationships with foreigners indicates that Polish men are more than bothered about the fate of “naïve girls”. An important message which respondents tried to convey was that Polish women bring dishonour to the whole Polish community and this way of thinking also shows some jealousy which reflects its real origins and raises the question: “what have they [foreigners] got that we have not?”. The awareness of the negative attitude of Polish men towards Polish women who are in mixed relationships can lead to even stronger alienation of these women abroad. What is more, another outcome of such a situation may be the fact that Poles abroad will not live together but beside each other (Fomina 2009 p. 26).

The way Poles see themselves helps to understand the famous Robert D. Putnam's distinction between bridging and bonding. Bonding social capital is characterised by strong bonds, high level of trust and sense of solidarity in one's own social group. Bridging social capital is related to coming out of one's circle and getting in touch regardless of existing divisions into social groups (Putnam 2000: 60).

When Putnam speaks of bridging social capital, he refers to a very broad notion of a civic society which is based on the participation in clubs, associations and social organizations which affiliate people of different origin, professions, material and cultural resources. This distinction is also very helpful in discussions about immigration and integration (Fomina 2009 p. 26).

After the analysis of the results of the research one can state that respondents (educated Poles who speak English) have very strong bridging social capital but their bonding social capital is much weaker. In other words - respondents are interested in getting in touch with Englishmen (members of recipient society) but at the same time they are less interested in building bonds with other Poles and creating a strong and loyal Polish community. Furthermore, the research shows that the internal diversity of the Polish Diaspora in Great Britain also plays a crucial role here. The most important division criteria are education and knowledge of the English language, as well as time of immigration (“old”, post-war Polish community and “new” Polish community established after Poland's entry into the European Union). Polish respondents, on one hand, treat the „old” Polish community as a recipient society and they know that all newcomers are carefully observed (Fomina 2009 p. 27).

Nonetheless, the reflected image is not favourable for respondents who feel a critical attitude of the “old” Polish community, its lack of trust and positive response. On the other hand, respondents look with great reserve at the group of Poles who came to Great Britain at the time they did. This group differs from respondents in its lack of education or poor education, as well as reluctance to learn English and what follows it - reluctance to integrate and a sense of being alienated in the new place. Moreover, social pathology is also something which is often associated with “other” Poles and respondents do not want to have anything in common with this phenomenon. Respondents also believe that, according to them, the negative image in the eyes of the “old” Polish community is mainly the result of associating the educated part of the “new” Polish community with the “dregs of society”. To sum up, there is a situation in which one group of Poles thinks that they are not seen in a positive way by other group of Poles, while the same group shows yet another group of Poles in a negative light. This will definitely not create favourable conditions for building bonding social capital among the Polish community in Great Britain (Fomina 2009 p. 27).

Lack of positive bonds is accompanied by a lack of a negative binder - an experience in the face of which Poles would feel the need to unite. An example of such an experience would be a feeling of threat, common feeling of discrimination of either Polish immigrants as a whole or discrimination of a specific individual with whom all Polish immigrants could identify and feel empathy. After taking all the above points into consideration, it appears very interesting that the Polish media focused so much on the alleged negative image of Polish immigrants in the British media. Such image is inconsistent with the facts, as both the abovementioned press research and subjective feelings of Polish immigrants proved. People who are well educated and can speak English do not feel discriminated, on the contrary - they believe that their image is very positive in the eyes of the English, especially when they are compared to other immigrants. This group does not concentrate on negative experiences. Respondents know where to go if they have some problems and how to cope with a tough situation like, for example, discrimination - they are aware of their rights and existing possibilities, and are in control of their own lives. They do not need a defensive wall around them which a strong and loyal Polish community would definitely be. Although respondents emphasized the lack of solidarity inside of the group of Polish immigrants, they did not complain much about it (Fomina 2009 pp. 27-28).

Alejandro Portes (2000 p.10) focused on the negative results of social capital, for example using control, putting pressure on members of the group, limiting their personal freedom. Surely, it is another reason for the weak binding social capital of respondents. Coming to England meant for many Poles leaving their “comfortable family nest” and nosy neighbours, leaving provincionalism and small-town mentality. These people know that they would have to compare their achievements with others, they have to be ready to be judged anywhere and anytime, not mentioning the fact that they would automatically find themselves under the “charge” of post-war immigrants and Polish church. All of these aspects mean taking an active part in the life of the Polish immigrants abroad and are de facto a return to the situation before these people left their homeland (Fomina 2009 p.28).

Moreover, respondents are in constant “touch” with Poland and do not need a substitute of the country in the form of Polish institutions; they do not also need to re-enact the world they irretrievably lost, as it was in the case of the post-war Polish immigrants. Everything associated with Poland is at the reach of their hands - they know that there exist Polish shops, Polish schools or Polish church, they have an access to the Polish media, they can board a plane any time and be in Poland on the same day. This is the reason why Polish immigrants do not feel that they miss something in England that they have to cherish somehow their Polish identity. Because they are not in constant touch with Polish community, they do not have the impression that they are constantly reviewed of being Polish. They are confident and confident about their identity because they are aware that there is no contradiction between being a full member of the British society and a native Pole. A positive image of Poles themselves and confidence help them to see positive aspects of living in England. The fact that they feel they proved themselves and managed with a new situation in a foreign country makes them maintain detachment from Polish identity. They do not have to prove to anybody that “we (Poles) can” because they know that it is true anyway. They do not have to defend their Polish identity, nor care about it in some special way (Fomina 2009 p. 28).

Taking into account the so-called social identity theories one can assume that the self-image of Poles favours the integration of the Polish immigration in Great Britain. If Poles felt discriminated, they would try to “dissolve” in the new society, adopt the new language, new customs and even new names, which would mean a full assimilation. However, if they did not succeed, they would assume a defensive position and try to find sources of good self-esteem in their own, strong and integrated ethnic group. On one hand, Polish respondents did not feel strong bonds with their ethnic group but on the other hand, they felt accepted by the recipient society (the English) as Poles - they have a positive self-image in the eyes of the citizens of Great Britain. Therefore, they neither need to present themselves as “true Poles” nor be more English than the English people are. Although some respondents used the word “assimilation” while describing their behaviour and the behaviour of some Poles from Bradford, it is worth to underscore that in this context one should rather speak of integration instead of assimilation (Koryś 2005 p. 16). The basic difference, which is important from the point of view of the research, lies in the fact that respondents retained their Polish identity being at the same time members of the British society.

The majority of respondents still felt they were guests in Bradford, which should not be a surprise due to their short period of stay in the new place. What is important, though, is that they see themselves as guests who are welcome, seen in a positive way and asked to “feel themselves at home”. Consequently, they try to feel this way. In order to present their situation more vividly, it is worth quoting a metaphor used by a lessee and owner of a flat: Poles in Bradford still do not feel like owners but rather like lessees who legally own the place for an unspecified period of time. They know their rights and obligations take care of their new places but also know how to pursue their rights in case some problems emerge (Fomina 2009 p.29).

The willingness to integrate with the new society is also, according to respondents, one of the basic reasons for which they won Englishmen's trust. This is a mutual process: Poles want to integrate and the Englishmen - respondents believe - appreciate it and accept them, thanks to which Polish immigrants are even more willing to become members of the British society. Interestingly, in comparison to other ethnic groups, Poles forget about the part of the Polish immigrants with whom they reluctantly identify and who also, as they say, are not interested in the integration process. What seems to be crucial here is the phenomenon of “imposing one's rules” which is characteristic, according to respondents, for Bradford inhabitants with Pakistani origin. Nevertheless, Poles avoid this phenomenon (Fomina 2009 p. 29).

The analysis of the results of the newspaper research in the first sections of this chapter showed that not an education, but knowledge of the English language, was a ticket to a better world. Many press articles focused on the problem of wasting human capital - many Poles were taking jobs which were much below their qualifications. The results of the research show that the reason for such situations is mainly lack of the knowledge of English and not the discriminating attitude of the British employers. Persons who show enough perseverance to break the language barrier achieve much and built a positive self-image which favours further integration. One can conclude that sometimes it is not enough to hold an MA degree but it is enough to have a desire and follow it - and it seems that this is also true for Polish immigrants in Great Britain and their integration in the new society (Fomina 2009 pp. 29-30).

3.3. Polish and English world - summary of the Bradford example

Results of the research show how diverse Polish immigration in Great Britain is. Poles themselves realize this fact, particularly those who are more educated and willing to reflect. To sum up:

• Persons who took part in the research were Polish immigrants who speak English. Results of the research show that the self-image of Poles consists of several aspects: their self-image based on experiences in the new country; their image in the eyes of the English; the image of how the “old” post-war Polish immigrants see the new immigrants - and the perception of other Poles.

• There are at least three dimensions in the images of the respondents who took part in the research. There are three parallel worlds whose presence the respondents are aware of but they know that all three worlds barely merge with each other:

1. World of educated Poles who are confident and work their way up the career ladder;

2. World of less resourceful Polish immigrants who are stuck at one place. This world is often associated with dregs of society but there one can find of course both honest factory workers and petty criminals;

3. World of post-war Polish community which is distanced from what happens around it and looks critically at all Polish newcomers.

• The results of the research show that respondents (educated Poles who speak English) have very strong bridging social capital but their bonding social capital is much weaker. In other words - respondents are interested in getting in touch with the English (members of recipient society) but at the same time they are less interested in building bonds with other Poles and creating a strong and loyal Polish community.

• The advantage of bridging social capital over bonding social capital stems from mutual interaction of several factors, including: self-confidence and a positive self-image of Polish respondents, distancing themselves from „other” Poles who are perceived negatively, a sense that the “old” Polish community has a negative attitude towards the “newcomers”, a lack of a negative internal binder (a feeling of being discriminated as a group); closeness of Poland and a sense of being accepted by the English.

• Relations between the self-image and the integration process are mutual.

• Positive self-image favours integration of Polish respondents in the British society and deeper integration of Polish immigrants improves their self-image.

CONCLUSION

The fact whether Polish immigrants - mainly the young generation - will return to Poland depends primarily on domestic policy in Poland. If economic development is accompanied by the creation of more jobs and growth of income, Polish immigrants will be willing to return. Support packages, linear tax, advantageous bank loans and a number of other solutions which will ensure a modest standard of living can lower the emigration rate of the younger generation. It is crucial for the whole Polish society that young people stay in the country; work in it and for it.

Our ancestors had to emigrate in the 19^th and the 20^th centuries. Political emigration saved them from persecutions, prison and even death. Economic emigration helped them to escape from poverty. Nowadays each young Pole has a free choice. Yet, it is important that they should decide about their future in a reasonable way. Being abroad, whether accompanied by financial success or not - can be, in a sense, very salutary (Czubiński 2007 p. 84).

If young people are abroad and observe carefully what happens around them, they gain some knowledge about other countries and their inhabitants. They learn their customs and culture. After they return to Poland, they will be able to see the reality more objectively. Young people can also benefit from experiences which they gain while working abroad and use this knowledge in Poland. All in all, I believe that economic emigration is a good solution for young Poles.

We live in the era of migration. As globalization continues, the number of people who migrate is still growing. According to the UN, the number of immigrants increased by 36 million (from 154 million to 191 million) between 1990 and 2005. The main reason for migration is the search for work. Seeking employment while migrating abroad has become a common phenomenon (Czubiński 2007 p. 85).

The amount of money transferred by the migrants is also still growing. According to International Monetary Fund, people who work abroad send their families over $300 billion yearly. In some countries, like Moldova, Bosnia and Herzegovina or Haiti - the income from their citizens working abroad amounts to over 20% of their GDP. This money contributes to the reduction of poverty, stabilises currency exchange rate in the country and causes the education and health expenses to grow. The number of migrating Poles is also increasing. They migrate mainly to the EU countries, mostly to Great Britain and Ireland. However, the exact numbers are difficult to estimate. This situation is caused by the fact that not all Poles who migrate to the EU countries register before they start searching for work (Modzelewska-Koncewicz, Szady-Śląska, Chiczewska 2006 pp. 59-61).

It is currently not possible to balance national profits and losses related to economic migration. It is especially difficult to answer questions which seem to be crucial for the future of Poland:

• Is Polish economic emigration a chance for a faster development of the economy or it leads to a slowdown?

• Will the emigration be permanent or temporary?

• How can we effectively stop active, mobile and resourceful people from emigrating?

What can only be said for sure is that economic migration is a serious challenge for both the migrants and employers (Modzelewska-Koncewicz, Szady-Śląska, Chiczewska 2006 p. 62).

I would like to conclude this thesis with the following, intriguing quotation:

When I was young, I thought that money was the most important thing in life; now I am old and I know that it is.

Oscar Wilde (1854 - 1900)

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Books and Articles:

• Barszczewska-Krupa A., 1999. Emigracja i Kraj, (Emigration and the Country). Łódź: Łódź University Press;

• Boni M., 2009. Wpływ wejścia do Unii Europejskiej na sytuację na rynku pracy, (Impact of accession to the European Union on the situation in the labour market). In: Polska w Unii Europejskiej - doświadczenia pierwszego roku członkostwa (Poland in the European Union - the experience of the first year of membership. ). Warsaw: Urząd Komitetu Integracji Europejskiej (Office of the Committee for European Integration);

• Burszta J., Serwański J., 2003. Migracje-Europa-Polska (Migration-Europe-Poland). Poznań: Wydawnictwo Poznańskie (Poznan Publisher);

• Czubiński A., 1997.Najnowsze dzieje Polski (Recent Polish History). Warsaw: PWN;

• Duszczyk M., 2006. Migracje zarobkowe Polski lat współczesnych (Polish Migration of Recent Years). Warsaw: Wyd. Instytutu Polityki Społecznej Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego (Publisher of Warsaw University Institute of Social Policy);

• Fomina J., Frelak J., 2008. Next Stopski London. Public Perceptions of Labour Migrations within the EU. The Case of Polish Labour Migrants in the British Press. Warsaw: Institute of Public Affairs;

• Fomina J., 2009. Światy równoległe - wizerunek własny Polaków w Wielkiej Brytanii (Parallel Worlds - an self- image of Poles in Great Britain). Warsaw: Instytut Spraw Publicznych ( Institute of Public Affairs);

• Gorgon W., 2008. BEZPIECZEŃSTWO PRACY - Społeczno-prawne aspekty ochrony pracowników (SAFETY AT WORK - Socio-legal aspects of workers protection). Warszawa;

• Górska H., 2008. Pobyt zarobkowy za granicą - szansa czy pułapka (Earning stay abroad - a chance or a trap). Warsaw: Wyd. Związku Biur Porad Obywatelskich (Association of Citizens Advice Bureaux Publisher);

• Graff A., 2008. Rzecz o płci, seksualności i narodzie (The thing about sex, sexuality and nation). Warsaw: WAB;

• Kaczmarczyk P., 2007. Raport: Współczesne migracje zagraniczne Polaków - skala, struktura i potencjalne skutki dla rynku pracy (Report on Contemporary International migration of Poles - the scale, structure and potential impacts on the labor market). Warsaw: Polish-American Freedom Foundation;

• Koryś I., 2005. Integracja imigrantów a asymilacja, segregacja i marginalizacja - słowniczek podstawowych pojęć (The integration of immigrants and assimilation, segregation and marginalization - a glossary of basic terms). [materials of International Organization for Migration- Międzynarodowej Organizacji do spraw Migracji];

• Modzelewska-Koncewicz E., Szady-Ślaska A. and Chiczewska A., 2006. Zatrudnianie Polaków za granicą i obcokrajowców w Polsce, (The employment of Poles abroad and foreigners in Poland) Warsaw: C.H. Beck Publishing;

• Rumski D., 2006. Pozytywne i negatywne aspekty przynależności Polski do Unii Europejskiej (Positive and negative aspects of Polish membership of the European Union). Poznań;

• Wilczyński W., 2005. Polski przełom ustrojowy 1989-2005. Ekonomia epoki transformacji (Polish constitutional breakthrough 1989-2005. Economics of transition period). Poznań: Wydawnictwo Wyższej Szkoły Bankowej (School of Banking Publishing);

Periodical Publications:

• Biuletyn Migracyjny Ośrodka Badań nad Migracjami (Migration Bulletin of Migration Research Centre):

1. no. 8 August 2005;

2. no. 8 August 2006;

3. no. 12 December 2006;

4. no. 7 July 2007;

5. no. 9 September 2007;

• Koradecka D. Dziennik (Journal). Gazeta Prawna (Legal Newspaper), 19th December 2007 (246) pp. 10-16;

• Biuletyn Prawny (Legal Bulletin) No. 15/2009;

• Ambroziak A., Dalekosiężne skutki migracji: Analiza Departamentu Ekspertyz Ekonomiczno-Społecznych Konfederacji Pracodawców Polskich (Far-reaching effects of migration: Analysis of Department of Economic and Social Confederations of Polish Employers Expertises). Gazeta Prawna (Legal Newspaper), 26 / 2007 pp.25-30;

• Głuchowski P. and Kowalski M., Polski Borat i tuzin londyńskich opowieści (Polish Borat, and a dozen of London's stories). Gazeta Wyborcza - suplement Duży Format, 1st May 2008;

• Wesołowska E.and Rabij M., Poznaj swoja wartość (Know your value). Newsweek Polska (Newsweek Poland), 19 / 2006, pp 15-16;

• Jędrzejczak A., Biją naszych (gazetami), [They hit ours (by tabloids) ]. Przekrój 26 / 2008, pp.20-21;

• Alesina J., Wschód jest kopalnią imigrantów (The East is The Mine of Immigrants). Il Sole 24 Ore, 18 August 2006.

Websites:

• Centralny Instytut Ochrony Pracy - Panstwowy Instytut Badawczy (Central Institute for Labour Protection - National Research Institute), 200-. BHP za granicą - Polska we Wspólnocie Europejskiej (Health and Safety abroad- Poland in European Union). [Online]. Available at: www.ciop.pl [Accessed 20 April 2010]

• http://www.welfare.ie/topics/ppsn/ppsstat.html/othereu06

• The World's most popular immigration advice site, 2005. UK immigration hit record high in 2004. [Online]. Available at: http://www.workpermit.com/news/2005_10_21/uk/uk_immigration_high.htm [Accessed on 16 April 2010];

• The Department of Social and Family Affairs, 200-. [Online]. Available at: http://www.official-documents.gov.uk/document/cm69/6904/6904 [Accessed on 30 March 2010];

• Bezrobocie (Unemployment), 2006. Dlaczego Polacy migrują? (Why do Poles migrate?). [Online]. Available at http://www.bezrobocie.org.pl/strona/244812.html [Accessed on 10 April 2010].

Other:

• Data from CBOS (Centrum Badania Opinii Społecznej) and OBOP (Ośrodek Badania Opinii Publicznej) - Center of Public Opinion Research, 2009;

• Data of Centralnego Instytutu Ochrony Pracy (Central Institute for Labour Protection)- Państwowy Instytut Badawczy (National Research Institute);

• Encyklopedia PWN (PWN Encyclopedia), (2003). Warsaw: Wydawnictwo Naukowe PWN (Scientific Publishing PWN).

QUOTATION

When I was young I thought that money was the most important thing in life; now that I am old I know that it is.
Oscar Wilde

Migration of Poles to United Kingdom

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