Go an d Say,

“

We

’

re Shutting

”

: Ju Jutsu as a

Metaphor for An alyzin g Resistan ce

Helga Dru mmon d

1,2

While it is well known that e mployees in organizations may successfully resist
manage rial impositions, re latively little is understood about how re sistance
operates. The pre sent study utilizes a martial arts me taphor known as ju jutsu
to gene rate insights for understanding how resistance is exe rcised. The ju jutsu
me taphor was chosen be cause it is a defe nsive technique whereby a physically
weake r person may resist a much stronge r one . Ju jutsu as metaphor sugge sts
resistance can be e xercise d by systematically e mploying bodily move ments which
disturb an opponent

’s balance and/or strike at physiological weak points. By

e xploring a case study of a successful e xample of organizational resistance , the
ju jutsu metaphor is utilized to ge nerate new perspectives for conceptualizing
and analyzing the dynamics of resistance .

K EY WORDS: re sistance ; m an age rial re sistance ; dyn ami cs of re sistance ;
me taphor; social constructionism.

INTRODUCTION

In theory, resistance in capitalist organizations is virtually impossible .

Such organizations are said to be instrume nts of domination, supporte d by
a le gal system which confers upon manage rs a right to command and im-
pose upon e mploye es an obligation to obey. In practice , the re is ample
evide nce to sugge st that domination is far from absolute . The conce pt of
resistance is important from an organizational standpoint be cause insur-
ge ncy is potentially de stabilizing and may frustrate important obje ctive s.
Conve rsely, from an employe e

’s perspective, resistance is potentially liber-

ating. It is the means by which the appare ntly powerless can avoid impo-
sitions which threate n something of value .

Hum an Relations, Vol. 51, No. 6, 1998

741

0018-7267/98/0600-0741 $15.00/1

Ó

1998 The Tavistock Institute

1

Institute of Public Administration and Manage ment, University of Live rpool, Live rpool, Eng-
land.

2

Re quests for re prints should be addressed to Helga Drummond, Institute of Public Admini-
stration and Manage ment, Unive rsity of Liverpool, Liverpool, England.

Broadly speaking, the literature sugge sts that the impe tus to resistance

stems from the pote ntial for tension between organizational and individual
interests (e.g., Knights & Willmott, 1990; Gouldne r, 1954; We ber, 1947) .
The contradiction is inescapable be cause the organization depe nds upon
its employe es to exe cute its dire ctives. Such depe nde ncy confers power
which may be use d for uninte nde d purpose s including resistance (Emerson,
1962) . For example , the Chine se civil service was once dominate d by low
ranking clerks who use d delay, pedantry, and selective amne sia to thwart
manage ment (Sterba, 1978) . Likewise, idealistic social policie s have be en
frustrate d by staff imple menting the m in an instrume ntal fashion or dis-
tracting le ade rs with argum ents ove r de tails (Mulford, 1978; Fourche r,
1975) . Furthermore , resistance is by no means confine d to the lower eche-
lons. For example , many busine ss proce ss re-engine ering initiative s are said
to have faile d because middle manage rs have prove d reluctant to engine er
the ir own redundancy (Willmott, 1994) .

Capitalist organizations typically rely upon bureaucratic controls to

prevent insurge ncy (e.g., Brave rman, 1974; Ouchi, 1980; Taylor, 1947) . Such
mechanisms are rarely perfect, however (e.g., Roy, 1952, 1954; Thompson
& Ackroyd, 1995). Moreover, syste ms of hie rarchical delegation may allow
employe es to acquire power informally through access to persons, infor-
mation, and instrume ntalitie s (Mechanic, 1962). Such resources may be util-
ized to mount resistance , though it is uncle ar how. In the Biblical tale

“David and Goliath,” David kills Goliath by throwing a stone at the giant’s
temple . Resistance succeede d because the stone , traveling at high ve locity,
struck a physiological weak point. Access to resources (in this case a stone)
was a ne cessary but insufficie nt condition for success. The parable implie s
that resistance also involve s dire ction and move ment.

Collinson (1994) has sugge sted a framework which contrasts two ge-

neric strategies, that is,

“resistance by distance ” and “resistance by persist-

ence .

” The former describes the way in which employees try to e scape

manage rial stricture s by

“distancing” themselves physically or symbolically

from those in control. The latte r depicts resistance as holding manage ment
to account, demanding greater involve ment in the organization and, chal-
le nging de cisions.

Collinson

’s study identifies what strategies may be available to those

intent upon resistance . While the actual operation of resistance forms part
of the analysis, it is not the central conce rn. By contrast, the pre sent study
offe rs a conce ptual framework for unde rstanding the dynamics of re sis-
tance. The research question is how may the appare ntly powe rless resist
impose d actions which affe ct some thing they value ?

The question is addre ssed via a case study. The case conce rns a decision

by a local gove rnme nt de partment to close a public swimming pool. The de-

742

Dr um m on d

cision was subse quently rescinde d due to the activitie s of a junior manager.
A martial arts metaphor is offered to addre ss the research que stion and to
ge nerate new insights into the dynamics of organizational resistance .

THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK

Resistance is define d as a struggle to escape from powe r by those sub-

ordinate d to powe r (Wrong, 1979; Barbale t, 1985) . Power may be defined
as the

“product of intended effects,” (Russell, 1975, p. 25). Power is po-

tentially a subtle , dynamic, and reciprocal phenome non (Wrong, 1979) . Ac-
cording to Simme l (1950) , no power relation is absolute . The weaker party
invariably possesses some le verage , even if it is only to accept death as an
alte rnative to compliance . Moreove r, powe r relations can change ove r time .
Charisma fade s, rewards come to be experie nced as coercion, domination
shade s into depe ndence (Wrong, 1979) .

Capitalist organizations are structured to minimize such le verage and

me tamorphosis (e .g., Brave rman, 1974; Cle gg, 1975 , 197 7; Cle gg &
Dunke rly, 1980) . According to critical theorists, there is little scope for re-
sistance . Such opportunitie s that do exist lie in agency (e.g., Cle gg, 1994;
Knights & Willmott, 1990). Age ncy arise s because organizations purchase
labor power which must then be conve rted into productive work. The space
between purchase and conve rsion provide s a margin of discretion for em-
ploye es to exe rcise resistance . In othe r words,

“The very structure of the

capital¯labor relationship presents the opportunity for exploiting capital’s

depe nde nce on labour

” (Knights & Willmott, 1990, p. 6).

Whereas critical the orists focus upon the dynamic contradictions and

tensions create d by capital

’s exploitation of labor, functionalist theorists con-

ceptualize resistance as deviations from the formal structure from an initial
assumption of equilibrium (Clegg, 1977) . In this view, the scope for resistance
lies in poorly institutionalize d syste ms of control which enable departure s
from technical rationality (Pettigrew, 1973; Pfeffer, 1982) by facilitating ac-
cess to persons, information, and instrume ntalitie s (Mechanic, 1962). Struc-
ture provide s opportunity as well as constraint (Pe ttigre w, 1973).

The foregoing pe rspe ctives assume that resistance is obje ctive ly veri-

fiable (Berge r & Luckman, 1966; Burrell & Morgan, 1979; Morgan, 1990) .
Yet resistance may be highly ambiguous. Collinson (1994, p. 29) sugge sts
that,

“Resistance frequently contains elements of consent and consent often

incorporate s aspe cts of resistance .

”

For instance , Lamme rs describe s how the Nazis were unde rmined by

the ir appare ntly conscie ntious local agents:

A directive . . . may have to be transfe rre d and translate d (re formulate d,
e laborated, operationalized) seve ral time s be fore it reaches its destination and

Ju -Jutsu as a Metaph or

743

be come s impleme nted. Such processe s . . . provide some scope for detaining,
deflecting, or diluting. (Lammers 1988, p. 439)

Whe the r such acts signify resistance depe nds upon the construction as-
signe d to the m. As Pfeffer (1981) notes,

“While events have physical ref-

erents, such as patte rns of promotion, budge t allocation and so forth, the
meaning of the se events is open to interpre tation

” (p. 186).

A MULTIPARADIGM APPROACH TO ANALYSIS

Each of the fore going pe rspe ctive s sees the scope for organizational

resistance differently. In essence, functionalist theorists regard resistance
as the product of impe rfect control, whe reas critical the orists see the op-
portunity for resistance as residing in control itself. A social-construc tionist
perspective implie s that compliance may mask resistance .

The present study examine s resistance from all three perspective s. A mul-

tiparadigm approach offers a more

“holistic” understanding than would be af-

forded by utilizing only one conceptual lens (e.g., Allison, 1971; Gioia & Pitre,
1990; Hassard, 1991; Drummond, 1996; Morgan, 1990). Each perspective is
translate d into a different language based upon a metaphor derived from the
martial arts known as ju jutsu. The rationale for this approach is described next.

RESISTANCE AND THE JU JUTSU METAPHOR

A metaphor is a linguistic device whe reby one conce pt is unde rstood

in terms of anothe r,

“time is money” for example (e.g., Brown, 1977; Lakoff

& Johnson, 1980; Morgan, 1980, 1996; Schon, 1993) . The purpose of in-
voking metaphor is to facilitate unde rstanding and to stimulate insight by
linking previously disconne cted ideas (Winne r & Gardne r, 1993) , organi-
zations as psychic prisons, for example (Morgan, 1996) .

Metaphors highlight points of corre sponde nce be tween one phenome-

non and anothe r. Yet corresponde nce can ne ve r be total othe rwise the
metaphor would be redundant. For example , to sugge st

“ice cream is like

ice cream

” illuminate s nothing. Metaphors are partial, therefore. They il-

luminate certain features of a phe nomenon while obscuring others (e.g.,
Lakoff & Johnson, 1980; Morgan, 1996) . For instance , the metaphor of the
mind as a machine highlights the mind

’s reasoning and analytical powers

but eclipse s othe r capabilitie s such as intuition and creativity.

The basic corresponde nce be tween the conce pt of resistance and the

ju jutsu metaphor rests in the question, how can a weaker party resist a
formally stronge r one ? The distinctive feature of ju jutsu philosophy (unlike
other fighting styles) is the assumption that brute force is unne cessary to
subdue an oppone nt. The scie ntific use of bodily energy can suffice . Ju

744

Dr um m on d

jutsu relie s upon the application of strate gy, physical and mental agility,
and rapidity of move ment to effect resistance (e.g., Longhurst, 1953; Suth-
erland, 1916; Uyenishi, 1921) .

The re are various forms of ju jutsu. The present study invoke s three

styles of ju jutsu as subme taphors, that is, judo, aikido, and ate mi jutsu.
The defining criteria for subcate gorization is coherence but not consiste ncy
(Lakoff & Johnson, 1980) . The submetaphors are cohe rent in that each
style assumes that the systematic application of bodily energy can succe ss-
fully counte r a physically stronge r party. They are inconsiste nt in that each
is based upon a diffe rent science of movement.

Judo focuses upon turning an oppone nt

’s strength to disadvantage . The

technique involve s moving with an aggre ssor in orde r to create an opportu-
nity to upset the aggre ssor

’s balance thus rendering their physical strength

use le ss and leaving the m vulne rable (Dominy, 1975; Uyenishi, 1921). The
next stage involve s dire cting the aggre ssor

’s own momentum into a hold, lock,

or fall. In the present study, judo is linke d metaphorically to the critical theo-
rist

’s conceptualization of resistance. The basic corresponde nce rests in the

notions of

“rule and domination” (Clegg & Dunkerly, 1980). The judo meta-

phor will be applie d to gene rate insights upon how capital

’s dependence upon

labor may be used to mount resistance.

Atemi jutsu involve s striking an oppone nt

’s physiological weak points in

orde r to cause paralysis or death. For example , the eyes, nose, and pulse
points in the ne ck, hand, and ankle s are vulne rable to pre ssure no matter
how strong the pe rson is (Longhurst, 1953). In the present study, atemi jutsu
is linke d metaphorically to the functionalist conceptualization of resistance .
The basic corresponde nce rests in the sugge stion that the opportunity for
resistance rests in poorly institutionalize d control mechanisms (e.g., Petti-
grew, 1973). The atemi jutsu metaphor will be applie d to ge nerate insights
upon how such weakne sses may be exploite d to mount resistance .

Aikido involve s moving in harmony with the attacke r

’s body subtly

drawing and dire cting the attacke r

’s energy while conserving one ’s own.

Eventually, the defender come s to dictate the attacke r

’s movements. In the

present study, aikido is linke d metaphorically to the ide a of resistance as
a socially constructe d phenomenon. The basic corresponde nce rests in the
potentially ambiguous nature of resistance sugge sted by the social construc-
tionist paradigm. The aikido metaphor will be applie d to ge ne rate insights
upon how compliance may be used to mask resistance .

METHODOLOGY

The research question conce rns how resistance is exercised in practice .

Case study methodology is appropriate to this purpose be cause the research

Ju -Jutsu as a Metaph or

745

que stion require s operational links to be trace d over time as distinct from,
say, computing frequencie s, or asking employe es to nominate their pre-
ferred strate gie s of resistance in hypothe tical situations (Yin, 1989) .

Two ke y propositions implie d by the choice of metaphor are that re-

sistance is a dynamic and pote ntially subtle phe nome non. Since case study
methodology allows the researcher to probe a comple x sequence of events
from multiple pe rspe ctive s, it is well suited to capturing the twists and turns
of eve nts and the oblique shifts whe reby resistance is exercise d (Drummond
1996; Dyer & Wilkins 1991; Yin, 1989) .

The case mate rial was obtaine d whe n the researcher was employe d as

an Assistant Director of the Leisure Service s Department. As a senior man-
ager and member of the Manage ment Team she enjoye d wide access to in-
formants and was knowle dgeable of eve nts without be ing pe rsonally involve d.
Becker (1958) sugge sts that at least two different sources of data are required
in case study research. The present study utilize d thre e main sources com-
prising

“Philip” the principal actor; the Director of Leisure Services; the Prin-

cipal Office r who was Philip

’s line manage r plus othe r members of the

departmental manage ment team including the Deputy Director.

Two main methods of data colle ction were employe d, obse rvation and

interview. Obse rvation enable s the researcher to see events as the y unfold
thus avoiding the risks of post hoc rationalization of eve nts inhe rent in
studie s utilizing particip ant recolle ction. Obse rvational data comprise d
notes of discussions at Manage ment Team and othe r meetings, informal
discussions with colle ague s and othe r staff, and note s of actual visits to the
swimming pool all recorded in a note book. A secondary source of data
comprise d a small suite of ne wspape r reports conce rning the impending
closure , inte rnal minute s, and memoranda.

Observational research relie s upon the researcher

’s interpretation. The

pre sent study also utilize d interviews in orde r to probe the meaning of
eve nts and actions from the actors

’ standpoint. Combining two methods

enable d the researcher to achie ve a more balance d perspective than using
only one. The interviews were conducte d approximate ly 1 ye ar after the
case conclude d. By the n, almost eve ryone conce rne d, including the re-
searche r, had le ft the organization. This interval repre sents a trade -off be-
tween reliability and validity. The risks of memory decay were balance d
against the possibility that responde nts would be more open about the ir
involve ment than in the imme diate afte rmath of eve nts.

The interviews were conducte d in a semistructure d fashion. Each re-

sponde nt was approache d with a pre-prepare d list of que stions relating (a)
to the ir perceptions of what happe ne d and (b) to the ir role in events. Re-
sponde nts were also encourage d to tell the ir own story. The se unstructure d

746

Dr um m on d

accounts reveale d some important details including dissension among the
decision makers which had important conse quence s.

Th e Approach to Analys is

The evide nce was analyze d line by line after the manne r advocate d

by Turner (1983). The value of this method (as distinct from utilizing a
pre-determined coding frame), is that it require s the researche r to conside r
material which might othe rwise be dismisse d as inconse que ntial. The pre-
sent study was initially approache d from a functionalist standpoint. It was
difficult to see whe re pote ntially significant eve nts such as the jumble sale
(see be low) fitted with this perspective. Such inconsiste ncies sugge sted that
a single conceptual le ns was inade quate .

The case study is related in three phase s. Each telling of the story

relate s to one of the three analytical perspectives describe d earlie r (Schon,
1993) . Table I summarize s the language of the three approache s toge ther
with supporting example s. The significance of those example s will emerge
as the story unfolds.

Analysis trace s the seque nce of eve nts from the decision to close the

pool to the moment when that de cision is sudde nly withdrawn. The purpose
in conducting analyse s is to explain the contrast be tween expe ctations and
outcome s.

Table I

Theoretical Approaches to Re sistance

Critical Theory

Social Constructionist

Functionalist

Language of

e ach analyti-
cal perspective

Scope for resistance lies in

e xploiting capitals

’

dependence upon labor.

Scope for resistance

lies in the
ambiguity of
human age ncy.

Scope for re sistance

lies in imperfect
organizational
controls.

Re pre -

sentational
metaphor

Judo

—Go with the flow

—Disturb opponents’

balance

—Direct opponents’ momen-

tum into a fall.

Aikido

—Move with

attacker in order
to draw and
direct attacker

’s

energy.

Atem i jutsu

—Strike opponents’

weak points.

Ke y supporting

e xamples

Manage r accepts instruction

to communicate decision
to close pool thereby
gaining some control over
e vents.

Manage r exploits his

job description
which require s
him to foster
community
relations in orde r
to organize
resistance .

Manage r e xploits

weaknesses in
organizational
systems to
discre dit the case
for closure .

Ju -Jutsu as a Metaph or

747

THE CASE STUDY

Resistan ce an d the Judo Metap h or: I Was Just Su pposed to Go an d
Say,

“We’re Shutting”

Victoria Baths and Washouse (hereafter referred to as Victoria) was

ope ned in 1910. By 1992, Victoria was virtually life expire d. Improve ments
in local housing conditions had rende red the bath cubicle s which were part
of the facilitie s almost redundant. The building was impossible to he at effec-
tively. Keeping the building cle an was equally proble matic. According to leg-
end, staff ente ring Victoria at night always waite d a few seconds before
switching on the lights to allow the cockroaches to scuttle back into hiding!

Most serious were the mainte nance costs. The roof consiste d of an

enormous iron and glass structure ove r 100 ft high. In 1989, the roof col-
lapse d just as a group of school childre n were about to ente r the pool.
The roof was repaire d but require d constant attention thereafter. Although
Victoria was never inte nde d to make a profit, expenditure be came severely
disproportionate to income .

In 1992, the city council faced a financial crisis. The Director of Lei-

sure Se rvices was instructe d to ide ntify cost savings of

£1.2 million. Ac-

cordingly the Director decide d to close Victoria be cause of the running
costs and the existe nce of a mode rn swimming pool only a mile away.

The de partme nt was manage d on an area basis. The Area Manage r

responsible for Victoria was calle d Philip. Philip was summone d to he ad-
quarte rs and instructe d to notify staff and clie nts of the plan. Philip asked
for support in breaking the ne ws:

I said,

“Who’s coming down when everyone gets on their high horse?” “That’s

your job,

” he (Philip’s manager) said. . . . I was just supposed to go and say,

“We’re shutting.”

Philip

’s manager saw matters differently however:

V ictoria wasn

’t the only place that was shutting. We (managment) couldn’t be in

ten place s at once . . . . We had enough to do with the trade unions jumping up
and down. Why shouldn

’t he [Philip] earn his money like the rest of us? No wonder

he was worried

—end of a cushy number.

In fact, the ne ws had alre ady reached Victoria. Whe n Philip returned, one
of the pool atte ndants had poste d notice s outside the pool prote sting
against closure . Later that day, a local counse lor removed the posters.

“I

got a phone call from the Director,

” said Philip, “No more notices to go

up outside the building.

”

As the news spread into the local community, Philip

’s office became

a focal point for contact. The staff at Victoria produce d a leafle t for dis-
tribution to homes in the locality stating,

“Please help the baths.” The leaf-

748

Dr um m on d

le t was de signe d by Philip. Printing was arrange d by a pool attendant calle d
Jim. Staff distribute d the le afle ts on the ir own time. Jim also enliste d the
support of a local tele vision cele brity who owned a nearby night club.

Within 2 months the mounting public pre ssure forced the Dire ctor to

call a public meeting. Philip was instructe d to organize it. The involve ment
of a cele brity drew tele vision cameras to the meeting. The Deputy Director
tele phone d Philip and instructe d him to bar the celebrity from ente ring.

“I ignored that,” said Philip, “. . . I just wasn’t at the door when he arrived.”

According to the Director, the purpose of the public meeting was to

explain the case for closure ,

“. . . and hopefully take the steam out of it

(the prote sts).

” Management sat at the top table on a raised dais. They

were surprise d to see Philip sitting with the audie nce and even more sur-
prised by what followe d.

Analys is

The first telling of the story reflects manage ment

’s perspective. From

manage ment

’s standpoint, the decision to close Victoria is economically and

socially defensible . It was also rational to delegate the imple mentation of
that decision to Philip. Philip was inde ed suppose d to tell the community,

“We’re shutting.”

That directive is an attempt to conve rt the purchase of labor power

into productive effort. The expe ctation was that it would be imple mented
forthwith. The instruction create s a contradiction, howe ver, as it require s
the prove rbial turkey to support Christmas (Willmott, 1994) .

Recall that the essence of the judo metaphor is

“move with the flow.”

The judo metaphor illuminate s how agency is conve rted to resistance . Man-
agement

’s instructions threaten something of value to Philip. In appearing

to accept them, Philip

“goes with the flow.” Paradoxically, compliance en-

able s Philip to achie ve some control ove r the situation. That control facili-
tate s resistance . Philip

’s office becomes a focal point for opposition. He

choose s to ignore or eve n encourage recalcitrant activitie s by staff. He is
able to set the stage for the public meeting and to position himself to mount
resistance . By appe aring to accept the dire ctive to bar the cele brity, Philip
effectively guarante es entrance . Finally, he

“throws” manage ment by unex-

pectedly siding with the community at the meeting.

Resistan ce an d the Aikid o Metap h or: I Will Be You r Spokesman

Victoria is locate d in one of the poore r districts of a city in Britain. The

facilitie s consist of three swimming pools and 50 bath cubicle s. Although
housing conditions had improve d since 1910, six of the bath cubicle s were

Ju -Jutsu as a Metaph or

749

still use d regularly. The building also contains large rooms suitable for meet-
ings. Unlike othe r parts of the city, there had be en little urban deve lopment
near Victoria. A cohesive social structure therefore existed. For example , a
pensione rs

’ swimming club had met at Victoria for over 70 years. Philip had

been employe d there for almost 30 years. According to Philip:

There was a terrific upsurge of feeling in the community. Pe ople starte d calling
into my office saying,

“What are we doing about it?” . . . people I’d known for

years . . . . The e thnics [sic

—muslim women users group] they were upset because

the baths divided off,

“Where are we going to go?”

The staff were incensed. Nobody had consulted them about closure . . . . People
wanted to do something, I was asked to attend a few me etings like . . . they [the
clients] needed someone to organize it a bit, to put their point of vie w. I said to
people,

“I will be your spokesman.”

Local school childre n painte d posters on the the me of,

“Save our swimming

pool.

” Philip displayed the posters inside Victoria, “I put them up all over

the place , in the corridors, everywhere. It gave them (the childre n) a chance
to air their views. They [manage ment] could have ove r-rule d me but the y
didn

’t.”

In fact, manage ment did conside r ordering their removal. The Deputy

Director saw the posters whe n he atte nde d a trade union meeting at Vic-
toria,

“I was vaguely disturbed . . . . The fact that Philip had allowed those

posters to be displaye d had an air of defiance about it. On the othe r hand,
if I had said,

‘Take them down,’ it might have made things worse.”

Philip also encourage d the clie nts to raise a petition,

“I got groups

working together. . . . I planne d a march to the town hall to present it
[the petition] with one or two staff and me in the background.

” Asked why

he intende d to remain in the background, Philip replie d,

“I couldn’t see

myse lf in a big de mo

—that would have been going too far.” The march

was forbidde n by the police though the pe tition was de live red.

Next, Philip telephone d the Deputy Director to obtain permission for

the pensione rs

’ swimming club to hold a jumble sale at the pool to raise

funds for mainte nance . Philip explaine d to the Deputy Dire ctor that,

“They

[the pe nsione rs] want to do something to help the pool.

” Hesitantly, the

Deputy Director acce de d:

My first re action was what a stupid idea. They [the pensioners] could neve r hope
to raise e nough money to kee p that place [V ictoria] open. I suspected Philip wasn

’t

e xactly ne utral but I was more worried about an odd pot of mone y floating around.

Linge ring doubts prompte d the Deputy Dire ctor to consult the Director.
They discusse d the issue during a tele phone conve rsation about other mat-
ters. According to the Deputy Dire ctor,

“I was just trying to cover myself

in case it ble w up. We agreed it might as well go ahead. It seemed pre tty
harmle ss, pathe tic almost, whereas to stop it would only cause a stir.

”

750

Dr um m on d

Although manage ment regarde d the propose d jumble sale as harmle ss,

Philip perceived othe rwise:

They [the pensioners] were discussing how they could he lp and we came up with
the idea of a jumble sale. They made

£200—it went nowhere with running costs

but it was symbolic, it showed commitmen t. I could se e it would make a good
story . . . . They aske d me what I thought they should do with the money and I
said the best thing would be if you could actually go down there [to the town
hall] and give it to him, [the leader of the council], which they did.

The le ader of the council was impre ssed by the gesture and concerned

about the growing le vel of protest in the media. He demande d action from
the Dire ctor. The Director de cide d to call a public meeting.

Analys is

The second telling of the story refle cts Philip

’s perspective. Recall that

aikido involve s harmonizing with the oppone nt in order to draw and direct
the ir ene rgy. In the pre sent study, harmonization is seen in the ambiguity
of age ncy. Ambiguous means capable of more than one meaning (Empson,
1984) . The Leisure Se rvices Department had committe d itse lf to a policy
of social responsive ne ss. Community relations were an important part of
Philip

’s brief. It was legitimate for Philip to listen to clients, to offer advice

and a measure of support in presenting the ir case to the council. Simulta-
neously, Philip was utilizing the community

’s energy and other resources

to effect resistance . Philip knew he was treading a delicate line and took
care not ove rstep it.

From this perspe ctive, resistance is a dialogue of opposite s. The basis

of manage ment

’s power is the appearance of rationality supported by ac-

counting technique s (Clegg & Dunke rly, 1980) . Instrumental reason is met
with a form of charisma. For instance , the money raised by the pe nsione rs
is inde ed a pathe tic sum. Its powe r lies in the juxtaposition of opposite s.

The effect of Philip

’s strategy is to “draw and direct” manage ment.

Despite doubts, manage ment is forced to move with Philip. The y are caught
by their publicize d commitment to the community. Ultimate ly, manage ment
is drawn into a public meeting. Resistance has not ye t succe eded, but the
balance of powe r has shifte d significantly.

Resistan ce an d the Atemi Jutsu Metap hor: They Had Their
In formation . I Had Min e

The proposal to close Victoria originate d from a group of third-tie r

departmental manage rs known as the

“think-tank. ” The group’s brief was

to ide ntify a battery of options for saving money. The group worked unde r
severe time pre ssure. Closing Victoria would save

£300,000, the largest sin-

Ju -Jutsu as a Metaph or

751

gle economy containe d in the group

’s report. This calculation reflected run-

ning costs of

£400,000 and income of £100,000. The Director said, “I didn’t

think the y [the clie nts] would like it, but once they he ard the sums the y

’d

at least unde rstand why we couldn

’t keep the place open.”

Although there was inde ed a mode rn swimming pool only a mile away,

the

“think-tank” failed to appreciate that traveling entaile d two bus rides,

and that, apart from the night club, there were no other amenitie s in the
locality. According to Philip, pe ople in the community said,

“We know the

building

’s decrepit. By all means give us a new one, but please don’t take

away our only facility.

”

Philip

’s responsibilitie s involve d supervising two other sports centers

beside s Victoria all locate d within a 3-mile radius. His dutie s require d him
to visit each facility daily and to liaise with he adquarte rs. Philip worke d
large ly unsupe rvise d. Senior manage ment rare ly visite d Victoria apart from
bimonthly atte ndance at trade union meetings which were he ld the re.

Unbeknown to manage ment, Philip had obtaine d a copy of the

“think-

tank

” report from a junior administrative officer at headquarte rs. He had

also acquire d detaile d knowle dge of the unde rlying calculations, Philip said,

“Some people in the ‘think tank’ thought I was doing the right thing and
le t me know what was going on. They were splitting to me.

”

Philip the n wrote to the Director challe nging the

“think-tank” figures.

Philip

’s report was ignore d. “I thought it was just Philip fighting his corner,”

said the Director.

“I never read the memo because I didn’t believe it.”

What happe ned next force d the Director to think again. The chairpe rson
ope ned the public meeting by asking Philip,

“ . . . to say a few words on

behalf of the community.

” Philip recounted, “They [senior manage ment]

were at top table . I was forced to be with the community . . . we were told
we should spe ak on behalf of community . . . .

” Philip then proceeded to

demonstrate that the income estimate s were wrong by 50% as the y ex-
clude d

£100,000 invoice d to schools:

I strutted my stuff about a bit . . . . They had their information, I had mine. I
had a grip on the statistics, they hadn

’t and I proved them all wrong. He [the

Director] had information in front of him. What he didn

’t know was I had it as

well and I was prepare d.

The top table lapse d into disarray. Philip

’s Principal Officer said:

Management didn

’t know what was happening . . . . There’d been no feedback

into the syste m . . . no prope r cost analysis . . . . W e didn

’t have accurate

information . . . . Philip kept his own records of income which we ne ver saw.

The case for closure discredited, the Director agre ed to reprieve Victoria.
The ne xt day, Philip was threate ned with dismissal but was subsequently
seconde d to a post at he adquarte rs as punishme nt.

The Deputy Director said afte rwards:

752

Dr um m on d

We neve r appre ciated the significance of what was going on. I had heard lots of
talk about subterfuge amongst manage rs, dark muttering like,

“Walls have ears in

this place.

” . . . We were blind to what was happening at Victoria. I had no idea

about the community. We only found out afterwards that the pensioner

’s club had

been me eting there for over se venty years.

It is still meeting the re.

Analys is

The third telling of the story focuses upon weakne sses in the organ-

izational control mechanisms and how the se are exploite d to effect resis-
ta nce . Re call th at ate m i ju tsu in volve s striking at an op pone n t

’s

physiological weak spots in order to cause death or paralysis.

In the present study, the principal manage rial weakne sses lie in the ir

distance from the community, their failure to monitor Philip, and their un-
reliable feedback mechanisms. Philip also exploite d the dissension within
manage ment to obtain vital information (Silve rman, 1987) . Significantly, a
junior administrative office r whose only responsibility in the decision proc-
ess was to photocopy the

“think-tank” report supplies Philip with the docu-

m e nt, whi le d isse n tin g m e m be rs of th e

“think-tank” e xplain the

calculations. Thus do access to persons, information, and instrume ntalitie s
facilitate resistance (Mechanic, 1962; Pettigre w, 1973) .

The element of surprise is an important compone nt of ju jutsu ge n-

erally (Longhurst, 1953; Uyenishi, 1921) . The de cisive act in the pre sent
study was the unexpe cted

“strike” at the weak spot in management’s case

thus de stroying the decision premises (Pfeffer, 1982) . It is at that point
that resistance succeeds as the de cision to close Victoria is reversed.

DISCUSSION

The present study began by asking how employe es can effect resis-

tance. The ju jutsu metaphor has been offered as a symbol syste m for un-
derstanding the dynamics of resistance (Brown, 1989). What emerge s is an
image of resistance as a sequence of moves whe reby control passe s from
the formally stronge r party to the weaker one le ading to a reve rsal be tween
expe ctations and outcome s (Brown, 1977) .

Before discussing the analysis, it is necessary to addre ss the issue of

relevance . The organization he re is a local authority and many of the ana-
lytical issues pursue d might be conside red particular to that conte xt. Yet
evide nce exists that the application of technical rationality applie s in the
public sector (Gandz & Murray, 1980) . Moreover, Cle gg (1994) argue s that
resistanc e has be en tie d too close ly to the study of factory ope rative s,

“Don’t public servants . . . ever engage in sabotage ?” he asks (p. 311).

Ju -Jutsu as a Metaph or

753

A

“Holistic” Picture of Resistance

The present study has linke d thre e the ore tical perspectives upon re-

sistance : critical, functionalist, and social constructionist , with three styles
of ju jutsu as submetaphors. What insights do each of the thre e analytical
perspectives add to the

“holistic” picture of resistance at Victoria?

Resistance in the present study is prompte d by an instruction to a jun-

ior manage r to imple ment a decision which threate ns something of value .
Each submetaphor represents a diffe rent phase in the playing out of that
tension by enabling the analyst to focus upon the structure of contradictions
in orde r to explain the contrast be tween expe ctations and outcome s (e.g.,
Brown, 1977; Watson, 1995b; Winne r & Gardne r, 1993; Wisdom, 1965) .

The first stage of that process of reversal was encapsulate d by the judo

metaphor as it depicts the employe e moving with events. Paradoxically, com-
pliance facilitate s a measure of control. Significantly, Philip does not invoke
the grievance procedure. Such device s have be en described as

“repressive

tole rance

” (Marcuse, cited in Lammers, 1988) as they are intended for con-

tainme nt and mainte nance of the organization

’s interests (Hyman, 1975;

Bacharach & Baratz, 1970). Even an informal protest would have be en risky
as it might have prompte d manage ment to transfe r him to other dutie s.

The data reflect the so calle d

“paradox of control” (e.g., Drummond,

forthcoming; Hatch & Erhilch, 1993; Watson, 1995b) . The organization

’s

reliance upon hierarchical dele gation was inte nde d to solve a proble m. An
uninte nde d but ine vitable conse que nce of that solution was to create a
proble m (Hatch, 1993) , be cause Philip use d his discre tion to establish him-
self as a fulcrum for resistance . By complying with manage ment

’s directives,

Philip live s to fight anothe r day.

The aikido submetaphor illuminate s the second stage of the process of

reve rsal whe reby opposite s may be said to unite , transform, and unde rgo re-
versal (Brown, 1977). The unity of opposite s is seen in the manne r in which
Philip capitalize s upon the contradiction implie d by his job de scription which
require s him to combine instrume ntal rationality with community value s. The
aikido metaphor highlights how the appe arance of compliance is use d to
mask resistance . Philip can claim that he is only doing his job. More impor-
tantly, the aikido metaphor illum inate s the proce ss of transformation
where by the balance of power gradually shifts as resistance gathe rs momen-
tum. It be gins slowly with the school childre n

’s posters and becomes more

force ful with protest marches and jumble sales. Through these activities, the
formally weaker party becomes stronge r, while the position of the formally
stronge r palpably weakens as manage ment is force d to move in an unin-
tended dire ction culminating in being force d to call a public meeting.

Whereas the aikido metaphor illuminate s the ambiguity of resistance ,

the atemi jutsu metaphor highlights its covert aspects. Power succe eds by

754

Dr um m on d

reducing the other party

’s options (Wrong, 1979). The critical act in the

present study was Philip

’s presentation at the public meeting which left

manage ment with no option but to reverse the ir decision. Yet to see resis-
tance sole ly as a function of acce ss to information is misleading and misse s
much that is theore tically significant. Philip had already told the Director
that the income calculations were wrong. If information were sufficie nt to
de stroy commitment to a de cision (Bowe n, 1987) , Philip

’s letter would

sure ly have prompte d an enquiry. Inste ad, it was ignore d. Drummond
(1996) has de monstrate d that it is how information is use d that is ultimate ly
decisive . According to Drummond, those intent upon resistance must either
await an opportunity to utilize their data to effect, or create it. In the pre-
sent study, by the time the public meeting is calle d, the stage is set. The
atemi jutsu metaphor illuminate s how a de cisive strike de live rs the coup
de grace. It succe eds, howeve r, be cause of all that has built up be hind it.

FURTHER RESEARCH

Towar d a Con tin gen cy Th eory of Resistance?

The richne ss of a metaphor depends upon the numbe r of possible con-

ceptions that can be generate d from it (Lakoff & Johnson, 1980; Morgan,
1993) . The pre sent study has tappe d only some of the insights that the
martial arts metaphor has to offer. All three submetaphors invoke d in the
present study imply transformative potential. In comparing and contrasting
the ir respective efficacy, one factor which may be relevant concerns the
disposition of the

“attacker.”

Ju jutsu is founde d upon the philosophy of economy of movement both

to conserve energy and to minimize the risk to the defender. In ju jutsu,
more forcible and potentially harmful moves are utilize d only if restraint
fails or in an extreme emergency (Dominy, 1975; Uyenishi, 1921) . Linking
organizational resistance to ju jutsu sugge sts plausible hypothe ses which
le ad to a continge ncy-base d the ory of resistance . Such a the ory would link
choice of strategy to the le vel of perceive d threat.

The most effective exercise of powe r is that which is invisible and in

particular where one party believes that the ir interests are being served by
the other party whe n the reve rse is true (Drummond, 1991; Luke s, 1974;
Wrong, 1979). Judo is

“going with the flow”; it involves least expenditure

of ene rgy and least risk to the person offering resistance . It seems the most
probable strate gy unde r conditions of low threat. For example , Drummond
(1991) has sugge sted that ove r 80% of dire ctives issue d in organizations
are oste nsibly acce pte d by employe es and then discre etly ignore d.

Ju -Jutsu as a Metaph or

755

“Aikido,” that is, “drawing and directing,” involves more sustained ap-

plication of ene rgy and slightly gre ater risk because the other party could
choose to interpre t the employe e

’s behavior as resistant and respond ac-

cordingly. Moreover, ambiguity serves more to de lay and hampe r the other
party rather than to

“stop” them directly which would might be necessary

unde r extre me conditions. Aikido is most like ly to be seen, the refore, unde r
conditions of medium threat.

Atemi jutsu moves are high in intensity but narrow in scope (Wrong,

1979) . If they fail, the de fender is left vulne rable because the act of striking
involve s disturbing one

’s own balance . Philip’s decisive challenge is akin to

a

“self-sacrificing” kick whereby a defender leaps into the air in order to

deploy both le gs against the attacke r. The technique involve s an extre me
disturban ce of balance be cause the de fende r subse que ntly falls to the
ground (Longhurst, 1953) . Philip

’s “self-sacrificing” strike revealed his in-

surgency and he was subse quently sanctione d. It seems plausible , therefore ,
that this strategy will be reserved for situations of extre me threat. In Philip

’s

case , the threat conce rne d not only the loss of a

“cushy number” but ul-

timately his social standing as de fende r of the community,

“I will be your

spoke sman.

” Escalation theory suggests that such emotional pressure in-

duces risk-seeking be havior (e.g., Drummond, 1996; Staw, 1996) , hence per-
haps Philip

’s “strutting” behavior at the public meeting.

Extending th e Metap hor to Oth er Dom ain s

Although the present study has examine d resistance within an indus-

trial relations conte xt, the ju jutsu metaphor may have something to con-
tribute to unde rstanding powe r and resistance in inte rpe rsonal relations
ge ne rally. For example , the judo metaphor may be relevant to marital re-
lations whe re one spouse repeate dly make s promise s which ne ver materi-
alize . Likewise, the aikido metaphor may be relevant to situations whe re
one party feigns illne ss to force the othe r to change the ir plans. The ate mi
jutsu metaphor might be linke d to forms of psychic viole nce (Wrong, 1979) .

Lim itation s of the Ju Jutsu Metap hor

Metaphors not only describe reality, the y also he lp constitute that re-

ality and pre scribe how it ought to be viewed and evaluate d (e.g., Brown,
1977, 1989; Morgan, 1980, 1983; Schon, 1993) . A ke y bounding assumption
implie d by the ju jutsu metaphor is the notion of resistance as delibe rate ,
systematic, and rational. The metaphor may thus be of limite d value in
conceptualizing or explaining the more spontane ous or directly confronta-
tional acts of resistance which are obse rve d empirically.

756

Dr um m on d

Ju jutsu is also a fairly obvious metaphor for studying resistance . The

relative ly high de gree of overlap between the two domains may limit the
range of insights which can be gene rate d. Invoking more dissonant image s
may highlight pre viously unsuspe cted possibilitie s (Lakoff & Johnson, 1980;
Morgan, 1993) , for example , seeing resistance as animal behavior.

CONCLUSIONS

The pre sent study has taken three the ore tical conceptualizations of re-

sistance and translate d these into a diffe rent metaphorical language in or-
der to provide a basis and a frame work for unde rstanding the dynamics of
resistance . The result is a symbol syste m with a parsimony and ele gance
of its own (Brown, 1977, 1989) .

In the words of Schon (1993) , it is also important to note what does

not happe n in the present study. Although the researcher has engage d in
an exercise of

“seeing as” no attempt has been made to map the detailed

the ore tical propositions implie d by the various conce ptualizations of resis-
tance onto corresponding ele ments of the various style s of ju jutsu offered
as submetaphors. Inste ad, restructured descriptions of each have be en co-
ordinate d with one anothe r. The result is a shift in the meaning of both
the theoretical conce ptualizations of resistance and in the notions of ju
jutsu implie d by the pre sent study. Analysis move s away from resistance
per se, and focuse s upon explaining the contrast between expe ctations and
outcome s. Likewise, the technique s of ju jutsu elaborate d earlie r in this
pape r come to be seen mainly as a science of move ment.

Ultimate ly, what links both construct and metaphor is the notion of

paradox (Brown, 1977, 1989; Drummond, forthcoming; Hatch, 1993; Wat-
son, 1995a,b) . Although the thre e the ore tical perspectives invoke d in the
present study focus upon diffe rent aspects of resistance , the y are all roote d
in the fundame ntal contradiction implie d by conflicting interests. The para-
dox of ju jutsu exists in the notion of turning an oppone nt

’s strength against

the m. By linking the two we can see into the heart of anothe r paradox,
that is, the une xpected and the inevitable .

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BIOGRAPHICAL NOTES

HELGA DRUMMO ND holds the Chair of Decision Science s at the University of Liverpool

’s

Institute of Public Administration and Manage ment. She began her caree r in local gove rn-
me nt. He r two most se nior appointments were as He ad of Pe rsonne l and operational Assistant
Director. She comple ted a PhD while working as a practitioner. Her other research intere sts
include decision making and e scalation in decision making. She is currently working on pro-
jects utilizing different metaphors to explore escalation including the notion of irony as a tool
of discove ry.

Ju -Jutsu as a Metaph or

759