The Iberian Imprint on Medieval Southern Italy

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THE IBERIAN IMPRINT ON MEDIEVAL SOUTHERN ITALY

PAUL OLDFIELD

The Iberian Imprint on Medieval Southern

Italy

PAUL OLDFIELD

Manchester Metropolitan University

Abstract

This article explores the Iberian influence on medieval southern Italy from the mid-
eleventh to the mid-thirteenth century. While a great deal of historical research has
uncovered the impact of many other regions on southern Italy that of Iberia has often
been overlooked, at least before the famous Sicilian Vespers. Yet, both regions had
notable commonalities and a variety of connections throughout the central middle ages.
South Italian rulers demonstrated an enduring interest in the western Mediterranean
(particularly in the Balearic Islands) and the security of its seas. King Roger II, William
I and Frederick II all married Iberian princesses, each of whom played an important role
in south Italian politics. These marriages maintained lines of communication between
both regions and brought other Iberians to southern Italy. There is also evidence of contact
through the development of scholarly courts and the emergence of centres of learning and
translation in southern Italy and Iberia. Underpinning all of these relationships was the
Mediterranean itself, which allowed for ease of movement, and on which thriving com-
mercial activity connected the two regions. Finally, faith and pilgrimage offered another
outlet for south Italians and Iberians of all denominations to interact with one another.

istorically southern Italy (stretching from the Abruzzi in the

north to the island of Sicily in the south) has been a region open
to a wide range of external, foreign influences. The central middle

ages, labelled as the ‘Norman’ and ‘Staufen’ period in southern Italy, was
no exception. Fortunately, a range of studies has elucidated the ways in
which the region, during the medieval period, has been shaped by factors
emanating from beyond its borders. The influence of the Papacy, Byzantium,
the medieval Empire, northern Italy, England, Normandy, Islam and
the Holy Land, have all each been accorded worthy attention.

But what

I would like to thank Professors S. Barton, G. A. Loud and D. S. H. Abulafia for their helpful
comments and input.

Works in English alone include (on the papacy) G. A. Loud, ‘The Papacy and the Rulers of Southern

Italy, 1058–1198’, in

The Society of Norman Italy

, ed. G. A. Loud and A. J. Metcalfe (Leiden, 2002),

pp. 151–84; (on Byzantium) W. B. McQueen, ‘Relations between the Normans and Byzantium
1071–1112’,

Byzantion

, lvi (1986), 427–76; (on the medieval Empire) D. S. H. Abulafia,

Frederick II:

A Medieval Emperor

(2002); (on northern Italy) D. S. H. Abulafia,

The Two Italies: Economic Relations

between the Norman Kingdom of Sicily and the Northern Communes

(Cambridge, 1977); (on England

PAUL OLDFIELD

313

about the Iberian peninsula? It is well known that the histories of southern
Italy and Iberia were firmly entwined for centuries following the ‘Sicilian
Vespers’ of 1282.

But what of the earlier period?

In many ways the two regions shared much in common, particularly

during the eleventh through to the thirteenth centuries. Both, located at
the southern extremity of the continent, were areas of Latin Christian
expansion against Islam, and in southern Italy also against Greek Chris-
tianity. In Iberia and southern Italy there was an influx of foreign Christian
settlers, a large element of which came from modern-day France.

Christian

expansion also created a complex framework for Christian–Muslim
interaction in both regions, which also saw the greater articulation and
development of ‘Christian’ monarchies which became leading powers
within the Mediterranean. Indeed, the kingdoms of Sicily and Aragon
were by the early thirteenth century theoretically papal fiefs. Finally, the
Mediterranean itself was a further commonality, binding the two regions
into a shared commercial nexus and providing a medium for communi-
cation. Yet despite this, little is known about the relationship between the
two regions, and more specifically, for the purpose of this article, little is
known on Iberian influence within southern Italy in the period from

.1050 to

.1250. This seems a notable gap because so many other regions

have left their imprint on southern Italy during that time-span.

An immediate problem of historical investigation, quite simply, is that

south Italian sources covering the eleventh through to the early thirteenth
centuries do not at first glance reveal much trace of an Iberian presence
in their lands. Moreover, as if to emphasize this, South Italians had
relatively little to say about events in Iberia itself. Perhaps this reticence
reflects both the limited horizons of particular writers and the likelihood
that, on the few occasions when their attention was drawn further afield,
it was to other more high-profile arenas, such as the Holy Land, the
struggles between Empire and Papacy, and southern Italy’s relationship
with Byzantium. Indeed, the work attributed to Archbishop Romuald II
of Salerno cannot, as an intended world chronicle, be accused of being
limited in scope, yet there is little mention of Iberian affairs in the section
on the medieval period.

It does, for example, briefly refer, under the year

1118, to the creation of the imperial anti-pope Gregory VIII and gives

and Normandy) G. A. Loud, ‘The Kingdom of Sicily and the Kingdom of England, 1066 –1216’,

History

, lxxxviii (2003), 540–65; (on Fatimid Egypt and North Africa) J. Johns,

Arabic Administration

in Norman Sicily: The Royal Diwan

(Cambridge, 2002); (on the Holy Land) G. A. Loud, ‘Norman

Italy and the Holy Land’, in

The Horns of Hattin

, ed. B. Z. Kedar (Jerusalem, 1992), pp. 49–62.

S. Runciman,

The Sicilian Vespers

(Cambridge, 1958) remains a masterly analysis of the broader

significance of this uprising.

J. Gautier-Dalché, ‘Les Colonies Étrangères en Castille: I. Au nord du Tage’,

Anuario de estudios

medievales

, x (1980), 469–86.

Romualdi Salernitani Chronicon

, ed. C. A. Garufi,

R[erum] I[talicarum] S[criptores]

7 part 1

(Città di Castello, 1935) [hereafter

Romuald

]; the early part of Romuald’s chronicle does incorporate

works from other texts which cover events in Iberia from late antiquity through to Charlemagne’s
reign.

314

THE IBERIAN IMPRINT ON MEDIEVAL SOUTHERN ITALY

the earlier outline of his career in Iberia. Yet, the author’s fleeting notice
of Iberian ecclesiastical politics is only deployed in order to relate the
wider context of the papacy’s conflict with Henry V.

Where South Italians displayed at least some interest in Iberian affairs

was in the developing discourse between Islam and Christianity. South
Italian works of this period more frequently turn their attention to
events in the Holy Land.

Some, however, also briefly noted events in

Iberia, perhaps understandably given that Sicily had its own Muslim
population. The chronicler Amatus of Montecassino, writing shortly
after 1078, mentioned Christian–Islamic warfare in Iberia. As part of his
introductory framework, in which Norman activity was glowingly placed
into its European context, Amatus noted the role of Normans in the
siege of Muslim Barbastro (1064 –5) near Zaragoza, and particularly of
Robert Crispin, who later went first to Italy (briefly) and then on to
Constantinople.

It is striking that there are no references in South

Italian works to the capture of Toledo from the Muslims in 1085 by
King Alfonso VI of Castile-León (1072–1109), an event that carried
some resonance throughout Christendom. But it must be remembered
that this same year also saw the deaths of the enigmatic duke of Apulia,
Robert Guiscard, and of Pope Gregory VII in exile at Salerno, and that
these episodes not surprisingly filled entries in South Italian works.
Elsewhere, the Montecassino annals briefly noted the Pisan attack
(1113 –15) on the Muslim Balearic islands of Majorca and Minorca.

Besides the fall of Toledo, perhaps the other defining moment in the
contest between Islam and Christianity in the twelfth and thirteenth
centuries was the victory of a combined Christian force over the Almohad
Caliph Muhammed al-Nasir at the battle of Las Navas de Tolosa in July
1212. The South Italian chronicle written by Richard of S. Germano
recorded the event, describing the triumph of the kings of Castile, Navarre
and Aragon, and how the king of Castile sent a letter to Pope Innocent
III ‘telling of the great victory granted by heaven to the Christian princes’
along with some booty. In the first version of his work, Richard even
copied out in full the letter sent by the victorious King Alfonso VIII of
Castile (1158–1214) to the pope which outlined the victory in detail.

Thereafter, Richard continued to note briefly events in Spain; in 1225 he

Romuald

, p. 209.

For example, the chronicler Geoffrey Malaterra noted Bohemond’s setting off on the First Crusade.

De Rebus Gestis Rogerii Calabriae et Siciliae Comitis, auctore Gaufredo Malaterra

, ed. E. Pontieri,

RIS

5 (Bologna, 1927–8), bk IV. 24, p. 102, and

Romuald

(pp. 229, 255) discussed both the First

and Second Crusade.

The History of the Normans by Amatus of

Montecassino, trans. P. Dunbar and G. A. Loud

(Woodbridge, 2004), bk I. 43, 46 –7 and notes 9–10; A. Ferreiro, ‘The Siege of Barbastro, 1064 –65:
A Reassessment’,

Journal of Medieval History

, ix (1983), 129– 44.

Annales Casinenses

, ed. G. H. Pertz,

Monumenta Germaniae Historica

xix (Hanover, 1846),

p. 308; G. Scalia, ‘Contributi Pisani alla lotta anti-islamica nel Mediterraneo centro-occidentale
durante il secolo xi e nei primi decenni del xii’,

Anuario de estudios medievales

, x (1980), 135– 44.

Rycardi de Sancto Germano notarii Chronica

, ed. C. A. Garufi,

RIS

8 part 2 (Bologna, 1937)

[hereafter

Rycardi de Sancto Germano notarii Chronica

], pp. 35–43.

PAUL OLDFIELD

315

recorded the entry of the ‘kings of Spain’ into the land of Muhammed
al-Nasir, and in 1236 he registered Fernando III of León-Castile’s (1217/
30–52) capture of Córdoba, the ‘most noble city of the Saracens’.
Recounting the city’s fall, Richard even turned to verse:

O Córdoba, you lie defeated! The victorious Fernando, the king of Spain,
worthy of remembrance, has defeated you in order that you may be available
to God.

While on the whole South Italians appear to have had little to say

about Iberia, it seems this does not accurately reflect the relationship
between the two regions and that important and high-level contacts
existed between them. Aware of the importance of southern Italy’s
strategic location, Roger II of Sicily and his successors displayed a strong
interest in wider Mediterranean affairs. The Sicilian conquest of Byzantine
Corfu in 1147, the attack on Thessalonika in 1185, and the creation of a
protectorate in North Africa in the 1140s and 1150s all had expansionist
motives. Moreover, particularly in the case of the latter, economic enter-
prise seems to have been a key factor too.

This combination of aims

may well have been behind the eagerness of Sicilian rulers to assist in the
Christian offensive against Iberian Islam, and also in the Balearic
Islands. The rulers of Sicily were notably keen to free the Mediterranean
from Muslim piratical raids, and thus safeguard the free passage of
shipping and lucrative trade through their ports. In 1128 Roger II offered
the count of Barcelona fifty galleys to be used against the Muslims in
‘the service of God’ in

partibus Hispanie

, with the booty and conquests

to be shared. The count’s envoys had travelled to Palermo, and Roger
had sent his own legates in the other direction; but the offensive never
subsequently materialized.

Around 1159 King William I sent a fleet

into Iberian waters to raid Muslim Ibiza, but this had to be redirected to
North Africa where the Almohads were conquering Norman-ruled
Mahdia in Tunisia.

Later, after William II had finally made peace with

the Almohads, he arranged an attack on Majorca in 1181– 2 which was
ruled by a rival Berber dynasty that had succeeded to the Almoravids.

The expedition proved a failure, but it seems that William was considering

Ibid., pp. 123, 191.

D. Abulafia, ‘The Norman Kingdom of Africa and the Norman Expeditions to Majorca and

the Muslim Mediterranean’, in

Anglo-Norman Studies VII. Proceedings of the Battle Conference

1984

(1985) [hereafter, Abulafia, ‘The Norman Kingdom’], 26– 49.

Rogerii II Regis Diplomata Latina

(Codex Diplomaticus Regni Siciliae, Ser. I.ii (1)), ed. C-R. Bruhl

(Cologne, 1987) pp. 23– 4, nos. 1–2; Abulafia, ‘The Norman Kingdom’, pp. 30 –2.

Ibn al-Ath

Bibilioteca Arabo-Sicula

, trans. M. Amari (2 vols., Turin, 1880 –81), i. 125;

The

History of the Tyrants of Sicily by ‘Hugo Falcandus’, 1154 –1169

, trans. G. A. Loud and T. Wiedemann

(Manchester, 1998) [hereafter

Falcandus

], p. 78;

Romuald

, p. 242; Abulafia, ‘The Norman Kingdom’,

p. 42.

Annales Casinenses

, p. 312;

Gli Annales Pisani di Bernardo Maragone

, ed. M. L. Gentile,

RIS

2nd ser. 6, pt. II, (Bologna, 1936), pp. 72–3; D. Abulafia,

A Mediterranean Emporiu: The Catalan

Kingdom of Majorca

(Cambridge, 1994), pp. 5–6.

316

THE IBERIAN IMPRINT ON MEDIEVAL SOUTHERN ITALY

another in 1185 before opting for an offensive against Byzantium.

inquiry held at Campobasso in 1226 records how William II had levied a

collecta

through the entire

patria

to fund the expeditions in the 1180s

to Majorca and the Byzantine empire, suggesting that the Balearics
indirectly hit the pockets of the average South Italian.

The insecurity of

Iberian waters appears to have encouraged the rulers of southern Italy
to make pre-emptive strikes, not primarily for conquest, but more so to
safeguard commerce. It does seem also that the raids brought prestige;
an anonymous letter written to the treasurer of the church of Palermo in
the 1190s proudly recalled the ‘immense booty and spoils’ which had
been accrued from plundering ‘Africa’ and ‘Spain’, and extolled the role
of the people of Messina in this, presumably because the fleets embarked
from that port and were crewed largely by locals.

If it is uncertain how far the rulers of Sicily and Christian Iberia coop-

erated in these expeditions, there were much more visible contacts in the
form of marriage alliances. It is notable that relations between the Christian
rulers of Iberia and the new kings of Sicily do not appear to have been
shrouded in the hostility and suspicion that often characterized South
Italian relations with other powers such as the papacy, and the two
empires. Both Iberia and southern Italy were sufficiently distant so as
not to threaten the other, while there were enough commonalities
between the emerging kingdoms within these regions to forge valuable
connections. Iberian princesses found their way to southern Italy in the
twelfth and early thirteenth centuries, well before that other South Italian–
Iberian matrimonial union between Constance and Peter III of Aragon
tied Sicily and Aragon together after the events of 1282. Moreover, these
Iberian princesses in varying ways, directly and indirectly, shaped develop-
ments in southern Italy. In

.1117 Roger II, still only count of Sicily at

that point, married Elvira the daughter of King Alfonso VI of Castile-
León.

Houben suggests that Elvira, half-Moorish, may have brought

with her the Iberian ethos of coexistence (

convivencia

), and that this may

have influenced Roger’s own attitude towards his Muslim subjects. This
is, of course, only speculation but interesting speculation nonetheless. It
may also be that Roger and Elvira’s third son Anfusus was named after
Alfonso VI.

Elvira’s illness and death in early 1135 carried notable

consequences. It occurred in the midst of Roger’s attempts to win acceptance
of his new royal status, which he had acquired in 1130. Large parts of the

The Travels of Ibn Jubayr

, trans. R. J. C. Broadhurst (1952) [hereafter

Ibn Jubayr

], p. 354.

E. Jamison,

I Conti di Molise e di Marsia nei secoli xii e xiii

(Casalbordino, 1932), app., pp. 94–5,

no. 10.

‘A Letter Concerning the Sicilian Tragedy to Peter, Treasurer of the Church of Palermo’, additional

text in

Falcandus

, p. 256.

Romuald

, p. 222;

Chronicon Regum Legionensium

, in

The World of El Cid: Chronicles of the

Spanish Reconquest

, trans. S. Barton and R. Fletcher (Manchester, 2000) [hereafter

World of El

Cid

, trans. Barton and Fletcher], p. 87.

H. Houben,

Roger II of Sicily: A Ruler between East and West

(Cambridge, 2002) [hereafter

Houben,

Roger II of Sicily

], pp. 35–6.

PAUL OLDFIELD

317

South Italian mainland had persistently risen in revolt against Roger’s
aims. However, by late 1134, as the new king returned from campaigning
on the mainland for his customary winter stay in Sicily, much of the
region he left behind appeared to be subdued. Alexander of Telese states
that the death of Elvira caused Roger ‘bitter grief ’, and that he shut
himself away for some days. It appears that this medieval marriage was
one of genuine affection, and Roger’s misery may have been compounded
by the possibility that he had passed on the illness to Elvira, having
previously been laid low himself. The upshot of all this was the delay of
Roger’s usual arrival on the mainland until much later in the summer,
and in the meantime the growing rumour of his own death. In the con-
fusion before Roger’s return a number of leading mainland nobles and
cities regained hope of throwing off the king’s rule. When Roger finally
reappeared on the mainland he was forced to spend the majority of that
campaigning season regaining order.

While it is highly improbable that

Roger could have effectively halted the civil war (which would last until
1139) in 1135, it would seem that his attempts to do so were notably
stalled as a result of his personal setbacks at the start of that year.

Another Iberian princess had an even greater influence on south Italian

affairs in the second half of the twelfth century. At some point between
1144 to 1151 Margaret, the daughter of King García Ramírez of Navarre,
was married to Roger II of Sicily’s son William, prince of Capua. William
eventually succeeded his father as king of Sicily in 1154 and his tumultuous
reign lasted until 1166. As queen and, after William I’s death, as regent,
Margaret played an active role in the highest political circles within the
kingdom. The fantastically intricate work of the so-called ‘Hugo Falcandus’
reveals Margaret’s prominent position at a court riddled with political
intrigue and faction, and suggests that she developed her own independent
policies. The first notice of Margaret’s political activities is in 1160 when
she was said to have heard of the assassination of the chief royal official,
Maio of Bari, with ‘anger and intolerance, and exploded with even
more anger at Matthew Bonellus [the assassin] and his associates’.

Maio’s

murder formed part of a broad power struggle in which certain groups
within the kingdom objected to this official’s growing pre-eminence and
his attempts at reform. Margaret’s response suggests that she was either
a supporter of Maio and his efforts to centralize government, or that she
was passionately aware of royal prerogatives and the potential damage
that the assassination could have on her husband’s position. Indeed, in the
event, popular feeling against Maio prevented William I from punishing
Matthew Bonellus, who emerged as a more powerful figure as a result.
Later Falcandus claims that the palace Saracens, who had been prominent
in Maio’s plans and feared for their safety because of this association
and Bonellus’s growing power, were advised by the queen to communicate

Alexandri Telesini abbatis Ystoria Rogerii Regis Sicilie Calabrie atque Apulie

, ed. L. De Nava,

FSI

112 (Rome, 1991), bk. III. 1–27.

Falcandus

, p. 98.

318

THE IBERIAN IMPRINT ON MEDIEVAL SOUTHERN ITALY

their fears to the king.

This apparently contributed to a circuitous

round of events in which the king grew more hostile to Bonellus who,
becoming more desperate, joined a conspiracy which led to a palace
coup and the brief imprisoning of William I in 1161.

Margaret’s more direct influence came to the fore after the death of

King William I in 1166. William’s last wishes were for Margaret to act as
regent with ‘the care and administration of the entire realm’, until their
twelve-year-old son William II came of age. Margaret was to govern with
the advice of the three familiares (chief counsellors) who were already
in office.

For the next five years the supreme authority within the

kingdom of Sicily, at least in theory, was an Iberian woman. In certain
instances Margaret was able to rule independently, while at others she
was at the mercy of advisers who jostled for position around her. In
some cases her authority was established, in others it was flouted – but
this was how the system had always operated and it was the same for
both Roger II and William I. Margaret acted decisively to quell the forces
of discontent that had rumbled during her husband’s reign; her regency
began with the offering of a very large olive branch and the patronage of
a range of individuals. Prisoners were released, exiles reinstated, and the
redemption fees, which had burdened the mainland as a result of its
restlessness under William I, were cancelled. Tax privileges were granted,
certain slaves freed, unjust customs abandoned, estates and towns granted
to members of the nobility, and eight new counts were created.

On top

of this Margaret reformed the previous equal ranking of the familiares.
Caid Peter, a converted Muslim, was raised above his colleagues, the notary
Matthew and the bishop-elect of Syracuse. Despite all the political
machinations and seething unrest, even Falcandus, never slow to find
fault, recognized that a year into her regency ‘the storm had died down’,
and that the queen had ‘conquered’ discontent through conciliation.

Romuald of Salerno was even more glowing, stating that by her actions
‘she strongly kindled loyalty and love for her son in the minds of every-
body, and made the loyal more loyal and the devoted more devoted’.

Yet Margaret’s regency was still fraught. Ironically among the many

to cause her trouble were her own relatives who had come to Sicily
through their family ties: Count Gilbert of Gravina, Count Henry of
Montescaglioso, and Stephen of Perche. In each situation Margaret
showed herself to be determined, if not always effective; while in the case
of Stephen she clearly overreached. The interesting aspect is the extent to

Ibid., p. 101.

Ibid., pp. 101–13.

Ibid., p. 137. Margaret issued royal charters on her own and in the name of William II; see

for example I Diplomi Greci ed Arabi di Sicilia pubblicati nel testo originale, ed. S. Cusa, Salvatore
(Palermo, 1868–82), pp. 421–2; Le carte che si conservano nello archivio dello capitolo metropolitano
della città di Trani (dal IX secolo fino all’anno 1266), ed. A. Prologo (Barletta, 1877), no. 61.

Falcandus, pp. 139, 156 –7; Romuald, p. 154.

Falcandus, pp. 156–7.

Romuald, p. 154.

PAUL OLDFIELD

319

which Margaret’s relations were able to obtain powerful positions, if only
briefly. Stephen was a Frenchman from Margaret’s mother’s family,
as too, most probably, was Gilbert.

The latter had apparently earned

William I’s favour as a result of Margaret’s pleas, and became perhaps
the leading administrative official on the mainland in the later years of
William I’s reign.

But during Margaret’s regency he aimed higher, and

strove to take Caid Peter’s supreme role; a move which Margaret stead-
fastly resisted.

It seems that Margaret had a close connection to the

‘baptized’ palace Saracens, and was for the most part eager to protect
their position.

Ultimately, Gilbert’s enemies were able to convince a

willing Margaret that he would be best packed off to undertake a military
role on the mainland instead.

The rise of Stephen of Perche however demonstrated both Margaret’s

power and the ultimate limits of her authority. Stephen’s arrival in Sicily
had been earnestly solicited by Margaret who apparently loved him as a
brother because of the connections between the counts of Perche and her
father, the king of Navarre.

Margaret resisted the attempts of Matthew

the notary to obtain the chancellorship and instead offered it, and
the archbishopric of Palermo, to the somewhat reluctant Stephen. The
concentration of power in the hands of one man, and an outsider at that,
provoked a response similar to the one against Maio of Bari. Conspiracies
were formed and pressure intensified on Stephen, until in spring 1168 he
was forced into exile.

The chancellorship thereafter fell into abeyance

and a new arrangement of ten familiares was created, one of the first acts
of which was to expel Gilbert of Gravina from the kingdom for his
alliance with Stephen of Perche.

In many ways this episode seems

to mark the end of Margaret’s more assertive role in government, which
formally lapsed when William II reached his majority in 1171. But this
impression may stem from the fact that Falcandus’s work ends abruptly
in 1168. Thereafter the same probing sources do not exist to compare
Margaret’s position with her earlier one, nor to offer an accurate assess-
ment as to how far William II’s reign was as peaceful as on the surface it
appears to be.

In fact, a key figure in Stephen of Perche’s downfall had been another

relative of Margaret’s – her brother Henry, who had arrived from Iberia

Though Falcandus (p. 83) does say that Gilbert was summoned from Spain. For the French

branch of Margaret’s family see Falcandus, table II.

Ibid., p. 126.

Ibid., pp. 144 –6.

See her support for the palace Saracens in 1160, her promotion of Caid Peter in 1166 (see above

nn. 22, 26), her reconfirmation of Caid Peter’s personal freedom (Falcandus, p. 148), her protection
of Robert of Calatabiano at the palace Saracen’s request, though this meant attempting to shift
blame onto the departed Caid Peter (Falcandus, p. 167), and her protection of Caid Richard
(Falcandus, p. 198).

Falcandus, pp. 148 –9.

Ibid., p. 160.

Ibid., pp. 213 –14.

Ibid., p. 215.

320

THE IBERIAN IMPRINT ON MEDIEVAL SOUTHERN ITALY

after hearing of William I’s death, and was, according to Falcandus,
motivated by desire for wealth. In the event Margaret conferred on him
the county of Montescaglioso on mainland southern Italy, together with
those cities in Sicily which the previous count had held.

It seems that

Henry was somewhat erratic. Before crossing to the mainland, where the
main core of his territories lay, he lingered at the port city of Messina.
Here he spent lavishly on feasts and gambling, and attracted an unsavoury
crowd; so much so that the queen had to order him to cross the Straits.

Henry’s subsequent role in the political plotting, aimed at earning himself
a more esteemed position at court, was one which, to a large part, he was
manipulated into by others seeking their own personal gains. When
Henry’s plot against the chancellor, Stephen of Perche, was uncovered he
was arrested and imprisoned at Reggio. From here Margaret planned to
send him back to her brother King Sancho along with 1,000 ounces of
gold. However, growing antipathy towards the chancellor, and a popular
uprising at Messina, saw the Messinesi cross the Straits and help release
Henry. Following the subsequent expulsion of the chancellor, Henry,
alongside some of the other conspirators, was promoted onto the newly
formed council of ten familiares.

Afterwards he was transferred to the

mainland county of the Principate in late December 1168, and was last
recorded in early 1172.

Thus, for some years an Iberian ruled over

important territories within the kingdom, and played a key role in the
elite circles.

Falcandus’s account of Henry’s activities in these years is also interest-

ing for other reasons. It is clear that Henry came to Sicily with ‘many
Spanish knights’. His later role in the plotting suggests that even more
Spanish knights had recently joined him in southern Italy.

These

knights played an active part in Henry’s machinations. When the latter
was arrested, Falcandus states that the ‘Spaniards’ fled across the Straits.
Once in Calabria they were attacked by the local Greek community
(it is not entirely clear why) and many perished in the harsh winter that
followed.

With the case of Henry in mind it seems likely that high-

profile arrivals, such as Elvira and Margaret, brought with them their
own Iberian entourage and hangers-on. Indeed, according to one document,
Aegidius, abbot of the prominent Holy Trinity, Venosa in Lucania from
1167–81, who also nearly became the abbot of Montecassino, was ‘from
Spanish stock [natio] and came to this region [southern Italy] with Queen
Margaret’.

As Margaret’s case suggests, contact was retained with her

Ibid., p. 155; Henry also married a daughter of Roger II, Romuald, pp. 154 –5.

Falcandus, p. 156.

Ibid., pp. 175 –9, 184 –92, 195 – 6, 214.

Ibid., p. 156, n. 155; E. Cuozzo, ‘ “Milites” e “testes” nella contea normanna del Principato’,

Bullettino del istituto storico italiano per il medio evo, lxxxviii (1979), 162.

Falcandus, pp. 155, 176.

Ibid., pp. 179, 189–90.

Ibid., p. 190 and n. 220; H. Houben, Die Abtei Venosa und das Mönchtum im normannisch-staufischen

Süditalien (Tübingen, 1995), pp. 160 –3, 440.

PAUL OLDFIELD

321

homeland and the attempts of her brother, King Sancho of Navarre,
in 1166 to establish cordial relations between the Genoese and his
nephew the new king William II of Sicily indicate deeper channels of
communication.

Furthermore, Falcandus offers a revealing insight into the perception

among the elite circles at Palermo of Iberians (and also probably more
generally of any outsiders not conversant with the French-influenced
etiquette of the royal court). The author elaborates on Margaret’s brother
Henry: ‘he had been called Rodrigo, a name which the Sicilians did not
like because it was unknown to them and laughed at as barbarous;
so the queen told him to call himself Henry.’

Later, when the plotters

were attempting to destabilize Henry’s friendship with Stephen of Perche
by suggesting to the former that he should be the supreme governor of
the kingdom, Henry ‘replied to them that he was ignorant of the French
language (which was an important requirement at court) and did not
have the energy to be able to uphold such a burden’.

When some of the

kingdom’s magnates began to feel marginalized by Stephen’s growing
power, among their points of complaint was the chancellor’s foreign
birth. Added to this was the rumour that Margaret’s relationship with
Stephen of Perche might be more than professional; and seemingly to
emphasize the overlooking of the ‘native’ nobility, and its experience in
Sicilian affairs, reference was made to the queen being a Spaniard and
Stephen being a Frenchman.

This might indeed suggest some latent

prejudice towards ‘outsiders’, though it was in the magnates’ interest to
contrast the ‘foreignness’ of those in power with the ‘Sicilianness’ of
themselves who were out of it, and Margaret’s origins were never at any
other point criticized.

Finally, there was yet another Iberian princess who arrived in southern

Italy. In 1209 the young king Frederick II married Constance, the sister
of Peter II of Aragon.

Negotiations had been ongoing from 1202,

while in 1209 Count Matthew of Lesina, a master justiciar, was dispatched
to Aragon to escort Constance back to southern Italy.

As part of the mar-

riage contract Constance received a large donation of territory, including

Codice Diplomatico della Repubblica di Genova, ed. C. Imperiale di Sant’Angelo, FSI 79 (Rome, 1938),

pp. 61–2, no. 22.

Falcandus, p. 155.

Ibid., p. 179.

Ibid., p. 169.

Rycardi de Sancto Germano notarii Chronica, p. 32.

D. Matthew, The Norman Kingdom of Sicily (Cambridge, 1992), pp. 304 –5. Constance brought

with her a contingent of Provençal and Aragonese knights which, after contracting disease, soon
returned to Iberia; D. Abulafia, Frederick II: A Medieval Emperor (2002) [hereafter Abulafia,
Frederick II ], p. 106; Historia Diplomatica Friderici Secundi, ed. J. L. A. Huillard-Bréholles (6 vols.,
Paris, 1852– 61), i(i). 90 –2, 131–3, 139–40, 145–6; in October 1210 Frederick II granted the county
of Agrigento in Sicily to Constance’s uncle Sancho of Aragon, as well as the Sicilian county of
Ragusa and the nearby region of Noto to the latter’s son Nuñez, Die Urkunden Friedrichs II.
1198 –1212, ed. W. Kock, MGH Diplomat regum et imperatorum Germaniae, 14 pt. 1 (Hanover, 2002),
332 –3, no. 13a.

322

THE IBERIAN IMPRINT ON MEDIEVAL SOUTHERN ITALY

lands in Sicily near Palermo and in the Val Demone, and in Apulia the
whole of the ‘honour of the county of Monte S. Angelo’ (which brought
with it the cities of Siponto and Vieste).

When Frederick left the king-

dom in 1212 to go north in pursuit of his imperial ambitions, Constance
was left as regent of the land and of their young son Henry: once again
the kingdom was under the de facto authority of an Iberian queen. While
there is not the depth of material that Falcandus gives on Margaret’s
regency, it does seem that Constance, with the help of key officials, was
an active ruler until 1216 when her husband called her to Germany.
Despite this, the mainland region was in some disorder due to the recent
invasion of Otto IV. The royal administration there seems to have been
notably scaled back. Some diplomas, carrying Constance and Henry’s
names, do still survive; these show them to have remained on Sicily, but
some of the recipients of these acts were on the mainland. Royal revenues
and privileges were allocated and ecclesiastical disputes tackled.

In 1216, for example, Constance awarded to the archbishop of Salerno
and his church the revenues from the nearby settlement of Eboli.

Indeed, being some ten years older than her young husband, and the
widow of a Hungarian king, it seems that she provided mature guidance
for Frederick. On Constance’s death in the early 1220s Frederick’s grief
and emotional attachment to his wife were as palpable as Roger II’s had
been on the death of his own Iberian wife.

Clearly some high-profile Iberians played significant roles in southern

Italy in the twelfth and early thirteenth centuries. There were still other
high-level contacts. During the same period the two regions developed as
leading centres for translating activities and for the transmission of
learning that had been preserved by the Islamic world, and which was
now more accessible to the Christian one. In fact, this marked a reorien-
tation of relations between Sicily and Iberia, which had previously been
part of an Islamic cultural triangle with North Africa. This triangle,
however, was broken to some extent by the Christian advances in the late
eleventh century in both regions.

Toledo and Palermo subsequently

became more prominent in the translation and transmission of knowledge
to Latin Christendom, and cross-over between the two centres was
inevitable. Famous scholars, though not necessarily Iberian, passed from
Iberia to southern Italy. The origins of Roger II’s court geographer
Al-Idrisi are obscure; he was probably Moroccan though he may have
trained in Iberia for a while before arriving in Sicily.

It now appears

Patrologia Latina, ed. J. P. Migne, (221 vols., Paris, 1844 –64), 214, col. 281–2, no. lxxxiv.

For example, Acta Imperii inedita saeculi XIII et XIV, ed. E. Winkelmann (2 vols., Innsbruck,

1880 –5) [hereafter Acta Imperii inedita], i. 371–7, nos. 438–43; Matthew, The Norman Kingdom of
Sicily, pp. 310–2.

Acta Imperii inedita, i. 376–7, no. 443.

Abulafia, Frederick II, p. 106.

A. J. Metcalfe, Muslims and Christians in Norman Sicily: Arabic Speakers and the End of Islam

(2003) [hereafter Metcalfe, Muslims and Christians in Norman Sicily], pp. 100 –1.

See Idrisi, La première géographie de l’Occident, trans. H. Bresc and A. Nef (Paris, 1999), pp. 13 –15.

PAUL OLDFIELD

323

that the English scientist Adelard of Bath, who studied in southern Italy,
may not actually have gone to Toledo, but the Scotsman Michael Scot
had trained there. Among his many achievements, Scot translated Aristotle’s
works and was central to the transfer of those of Avicenna and Averroes
to western Christianity. He received patronage from the archbishop of
Toledo and later became a leading scholar at Frederick II’s court from
the 1220s until his death in 1236.

According to Abulafia, Scot ‘imported

to Frederick’s court the Arabized science of Castile’ so much so that the
south Italian court was culturally dependent on Castile. There was also
an Arnold the Catalan who taught natural philosophy at Frederick II’s
new university at Naples.

The Iberian links so far described have largely been within the sphere

of the highest social, cultural and political strata. However, there were
still broader Iberian connections and influences on southern Italy. Above
all, Mediterranean commerce was an obvious point of contact, and as
seen it played a key part in Sicilian ventures against the Balearic Islands.
Before the late eleventh century Islamic Sicily, Iberia, North Africa and
the Levant were connected within a flourishing commercial network in
which Jewish merchants were notably active.

As the twelfth century

progressed southern Italy and Iberia remained closely tied through the
ever widening Mediterranean trading system of the North Italian maritime
cities – primarily Genoa and Pisa.

Sicily formed an important part of

the Genoese commercial circuit, which helped maintain the connection
with Iberia and Africa. When the Iberian Muslim traveller Ibn Jubayr
left Sicily in 1185 for his homeland it was on board a Genoese ship.
Already on his outward journey Ibn Jubayr had crossed the Gibraltar
Straits to Ceuta and caught another vessel from Genoa bound for Alex-
andria (which put in briefly at Sicily), and en route came into contact
with a Rumi (Christian) ship heading for Sicily from Cartagena in the
province of Murcia.

At Trapani in Sicily Ibn Jubayr noted ships bound

for al-Andalus and Ceuta carrying pilgrims and Muslim merchants.

letter written in Iberia by an Egyptian Jewish merchant in 1137 outlined
his intention to return home on the boat of a man from the Tyrrhenian
coastal port of Gaeta.

Later, the Iberian Jew, Benjamin of Tudela, noted,

at some point around the 1160s, Sicilian merchants at Barcelona.

description of Muslim Seville at the time of its siege of 1248 (though

See L. Thorndike, Michael Scot (1965).

R. A. Fletcher, Moorish Spain (Berkeley, 1992), pp. 150–2; Abulafia, Frederick II, pp. 254 – 64.

S. D. Goitein, Letters of Medieval Jewish Traders (Princeton, 1973) [hereafter Goitein, Letters of

Medieval Jewish Traders], pp. 111–12, 169, 242.

The key works on this are by D. Abulafia, Two Italies: Economic Relations between the Norman

Kingdom of Sicily and the Northern Communes (Cambridge, 1977); Italy, Sicily and the Mediterranean
1100 –1400 [collected essays] (1987); Commerce and Conquest in the Mediterranean 1100–1500
[collected essays] (Aldershot, 1993).

Ibn Jubayr, pp. 26, 28, 352–3.

Ibid., p. 350.

Goitein, Letters of Medieval Jewish Traders, p. 258, n. 10.

The Itinerary of Benjamin of Tudela, trans. M. N. Adler (1907), p. 2.

324

THE IBERIAN IMPRINT ON MEDIEVAL SOUTHERN ITALY

probably written some decades later) also referred to trading ships arriving
there from all parts, including Sicily.

A fourteenth-century Islamic source

recorded the rewards that King Roger II gave to his court geographer
Al-Idrisi as including a ‘ship filled with “European” merchandise of royal
quality which hailed from Barcelona’.

Indeed, the Liber Sancti Jacobi,

parts of which seem to have been compiled around 1140 possibly in
southern France, noted a citizen of Barcelona who was captured by
Saracens in 1100 while travelling to Sicily on business (negotium). There
is little reason to doubt the veracity of this fragment of incidental news
of a Sicilian voyage.

It certainly seems that there was constant movement

between the two regions.

It should not be forgotten that two of the best

sources on the Muslim and Jewish communities in twelfth-century
southern Italy were penned by the two aforesaid travellers from Iberia,
Ibn Jubayr and Benjamin, as they journeyed through the land with
seemingly relative ease.

Indeed, it is interesting to note in Ibn Jubayr’s

account the shock and perplexity of a Muslim from al-Andalus at
encountering the strange fate of his Sicilian co-religionists, and also the
moments in which he sees comparisons between the two regions’ land-
scapes: for him Sicily ‘is a daughter of Spain’ owing to its abundant
produce, Palermo carried some similarity to Córdoba, while the lands
around Trapani reminded him also of the country around the same
Spanish city, but better still.

Southern Italy and Sicily acted as important stopping-off points for

most traffic from the western Mediterranean heading east, and vice versa.
For all travellers, of whatever faith, movement may have been aided by
the continued existence and broad similarities of funduqs (in their Islamic
form) or fondacos (in the Latin Christian) throughout the Mediterranean,
as has recently been demonstrated by Constable. These institutions were
akin to hostelries for all types of travellers (Ibn Jubayr stayed in Sicilian
funduqs) and were places to rest, store goods, trade and regulate
commerce. While some may have only accommodated people of certain
faiths, they generally appear to have acted as important points of cross-
cultural contact by offering foreigners protection and channels for
communication with the indigenous community.

Besides trade, southern

Italy was also a vital transit stage for pilgrims and crusaders. Benjamin
of Tudela described the ports of Trani in Apulia and Messina in Sicily as

Primera Crónica General, in Christians and Moors in Spain (vol. II 1195–1614), trans. C. Smith

(Warminster, 1989), p. 57.

Houben, Roger II of Sicily, p. 106.

The Liber Sancti Jacobi: Codex Calixtinus, trans. W. Muir Whitehill (3 vols., Santiago de Compostela,

1944), i. 286.

This is traced in O. R. Constable, Trade and Traders in Muslim Spain: The Commercial Realignment

of the Iberian Peninsula, 900–1500 (Cambridge, 1994).

Ibn Jubayr was from Valencia and worked as the secretary for the governor of Granada, while

Benjamin was from the Christian-ruled kingdom of Castile.

Ibn Jubayr, pp. 339, 348 –50.

O. R. Constable, Housing the Stranger in the Mediterranean World: Lodging, Trade and Travel in

Late Antiquity and the Middle Ages (Cambridge, 2003).

PAUL OLDFIELD

325

key assembly centres for pilgrims heading for Jerusalem.

While many

Christians from Iberia engaged in the crusading movement in their
homeland rather than in more distant regions, some did venture to the
Holy Land, and in doing so very likely passed through southern Italy.

The mid-twelfth-century Iberian ‘Chronicle of the Emperor Alfonso’
recorded the journey of Count Rodrigo González de Lara, husband of
Alfonso VI’s daughter, to Jerusalem in the 1130s where he ‘joined in
many battles with the Saracens’. On his return to Spain he was said to
have crossed the Adriatic, which suggests passing through southern
Italy.

There is also mention in a hagiographical text, to be used with

caution, of a man from Iberia (de Hispanis finibus), called Peter Raymond,
arriving in the twelfth century at the northern Apulian city of Troia in
order to be healed by the relics of the local saints.

The aforementioned

Abbot Aegidius seems to be a rare case of an Iberian holding a south
Italian ecclesiastical office, though others may well have come over in
royal entourages. An astute piece of detective work by Hiestand has
however uncovered what he terms ‘a Spanish monastery on Apulian
soil’.

The monastery of S. Angelo di Orsara, founded probably in the

early twelfth century in the diocese of Troia, had possessions in north-
west Iberia in and around Zamora granted to it in 1148 by King Alfonso
VII. By 1229, in financial difficulties, the monastery passed, through a
papal decree, into the ownership of the Iberian order of Calatrava.
Moreover, at least one abbot, Martin, was from Iberia and it had been he
who had travelled back to his homeland and received the territories from
the king in person. Heistand argues that the onomastic evidence for the
other abbots and monks of the monastery strongly indicates Castilian or
Leonese origin.

There may, in short, have been Iberians, of a range of faiths, stopping

off in southern Italy, and unwittingly opening channels for interaction
between the different regions.

Faith may have been one domain which

brought people from Iberia into contact with South Italians, and it
worked in the opposite direction too; the cult of the shrine of St James
of Compostela had a definite impact in southern Italy. A range of South

Benjamin of Tudela, pp. 9, 78; P. Oldfield, ‘St. Nicholas the Pilgrim: Shedding Light on the City

of Trani’, Anglo-Norman Studies, xxx (2008).

There are occasional charter references to Iberians in the Kingdom of Jerusalem in the twelfth

and thirteenth centuries: Regesta Regni Hierosolymitani (1097–1291), ed. R. Röhricht (Innsbruck,
1893), i. no. 91 [Peter Barchionensis (of Barcelona) a canon of the Holy Sepulchre, Jerusalem],
no. 229 [William de Yspania, another canon of the Holy Sepulchre], no. 530 [John Yspanus, a monk
of Mount Tabor], no. 1046 [Roger Hispanus, a Hospitaller].

Chronica Adefonsi Imperatoris, in The World of El Cid, trans. Barton and Fletcher, p. 184.

A. Poncelet, ‘La Translation des SS. Éleuthère, Pontien et Anastase’, Analecta Bollandiana, ixxx

(1910), 425.

R. Hiestand, ‘S. Michele in Orsara. Un capitolo dei rapporti pugliesi-iberici nei secoli xii–xiii’,

Archivio Storico Pugliese, xliv (1991), 67–79.

It is not possible to verify the tradition that in 1144 some Jews fled from Spain to Trani as a

result of persecution, Italia Sacra sive de Episcopis Italiae, ed. F. Ughelli (2nd edn. by N. Colletti,
10 vols., Venice, 1717–21), viii. 885.

326

THE IBERIAN IMPRINT ON MEDIEVAL SOUTHERN ITALY

Italians were drawn on pilgrimages to Galicia including in 1148 a man
from Molfetta, ‘compelled by divine inspiration’; a merchant at Benevento
who in 1183 intended to go on the pilgrimage; and a subdeacon at
Aversa, in 1202, who was preparing for ‘the journey to blessed James of
Galicia’. Though not directly connected in the same way, the North Italian
hermit, and later saint, William of Vercelli founded the South Italian
monastery of Montevergine in 1119 after already making the pilgrimage
to St James’s shrine.

It would be going somewhat beyond the scope of this article to

explore further the reverse South Italian imprint on Iberia in the same
detail. Nevertheless, a brief overview would be useful to provide a
broader context into which the present findings could be placed. As seen
above, many of the contacts were reciprocal and moved in both directions,
especially in relation to commerce, pilgrimage and the communication
that arose from diplomatic relations. Contemporary South Italian chron-
iclers took a relatively brief interest in Iberian affairs, and likewise Italian
affairs seem to have held little interest for Iberian commentators. The
Historia Silense, the Chronicon Regum Legionensium, the Historia Roderici
and the Chronica Adefonsi Imperatoris, all works of the twelfth century,
barely mention southern Italy.

There is brief reference in the Chronicon

Regum Legionensium to Elvira’s marriage to Roger II, and the Chronica
Adefonsi Imperatoris noted Muslim piratical raids on Bari, for which
there is no other evidence, and may result from a muddled recollection of
the period when that city was briefly the centre of a Muslim emirate.

There is not a great deal of evidence for South Italians taking up residence
in Iberia, though further investigation of the charter documentation may
unearth the odd case. Some of the Sicilian Muslim elites, such as the
poets Ibn Hamdis and Ibn al-Qattd, may have migrated to al-Andalus
during the Norman takeover, but in some cases their stay was only
temporary and the more frequent destination was North Africa.

The

majority of lower-status Muslims appear to have stayed in Sicily, and
those who did flee Christian rule were also more likely to go to North
Africa. In Christian Barcelona, Bensch’s study has revealed a small
range of individuals bearing ‘foreign’ toponymic surnames, the majority
of which appeared after 1140, with a large number from northern Italy,
but none from the south.

However, South Italians may have had a tran-

sient presence in the city, according to Benjamin of Tudela’s description

Le Carte di Molfetta (1076–1309), ed. F. Carabellese, Codice Diplomatico Barese vii (Bari,

1912), pp. 31–2, no. 17; Le più antiche carte del capitolo della cattedrale di Benevento (668–1200),
ed. A. Ciarelli, V. de Donato and V. Matera (Rome, 2002), pp. 301– 4, no. 112; Codice Diplomatico
Svevo di Aversa [ parte prima], ed. C. Salvati (Naples, 1980), pp. 53–5, no. 26. Another case is recorded
at Mercogliano in 1208, Codice Diplomatico Verginiano, ed. P. M. Tropeano (Montevergine, 1977–
2000), xiii, pp. 240–2, no. 1273; Acta Sanctorum, June vii (Paris, 1867), p. 100.

English translations of these works are in The World of El Cid, trans. Barton and Fletcher.

Chronicon Regum Legionensium, p. 87; Chronica Adefonsi Imperatoris, pp. 208, 248 [both in The

World of El Cid, trans. Barton and Fletcher].

Metcalfe, Muslims and Christians in Norman Sicily, pp. 28 –9.

S. P. Bensch, Barcleona and its Rulers, 1096–1291 (Cambridge, 1995), p. 228.

PAUL OLDFIELD

327

of Sicilian merchants there.

Indeed, ‘transient’ may be an apt descrip-

tion for the south Italian imprint on Iberia before the later thirteenth
century.

It appears that Iberia did impact upon southern Italy during the

period from c.1050 –c.1250 in a variety of ways which at first glance
might be overlooked. South Italian chroniclers did show some interest in
Christian–Islamic conflict in Iberia, while conditions in the western
Mediterranean, and above all in the Balearics, influenced the strategic
policies of Roger II and his successors. Marriage alliances saw Iberian
princesses not only arrive in southern Italy, but especially in the cases of
Margaret of Navarre and Constance of Aragon, play important political
roles in the highest circles of the kingdom.

The information that can be

gleaned from these marital connections suggests that they kept open
channels of communication with Iberia and encouraged other Iberians
to settle in southern Italy. While it would be hard to prove that these
individuals brought with them a defined ‘Iberian’ identity which shaped,
at the very least in an unconscious way, some of their actions in southern
Italy, it would be equally impossible to deny this. Similarly immeasurable
are the ‘cultural’ crossovers that arose as a result of both regions’ devel-
opment as centres of translation and learning, largely through their interface
with the Islamic world. The Mediterranean itself appears to have offered
the broadest channel through which the Iberian world impacted upon
southern Italy. On its waves passed a commerce that tied the two regions
together, and other ships which carried pilgrims of a range of faiths, in
both directions. Further research, of the type that unearthed a ‘Spanish’
monastery in Apulia, may well uncover more Iberians in southern Italy,
and indeed more southern Italians in Iberia.

But even without this it is

reasonable to conclude that, well before the Sicilian Vespers, Iberia played
a not insignificant role in the creation of the unique cultural, social and
political mosaic that developed in medieval southern Italy.

See above n. 62.

For the complex and influential role of medieval queens see Queens and Queenship in Medieval

Europe: Proceedings of a Conference held at King’s College London (April 1995), ed. A. Duggan
(Woodbridge, 1997).

For example, in 1182 a Palermitan canon was called John de yspaniis, I Documenti inediti

dell’epoca normanna in Sicilia, ed. C. A. Garufi (Palermo, 1899), pp. 173– 4, no. 72, and in 1196 a
‘William de Valencia’ perhaps near Messina, Les Actes Latins de S. Maria di Messina (1103–1250),
ed. L.-R. Ménager (Palermo, 1963), p. 113, no. 11. See also the evidence in H. Bresc, ‘La formazione
del popolo Siciliano’, Tre millenni di storia linguistica della Sicilia, Atti del Covegno della Società
italiana di Glottologia (Palermo, 1983, and Pisa, 1985) [reprinted in his Politique et société en Sicile,
XIIe–XVe siècles (Aldershot, 1990)], pp. 259, 262.

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