Ab
duction
in
Natural
Language
Understanding
Jerry
R.
Hobbs
Articial
In
telligence
Cen
ter
SRI
In
ternational
1
Language
and
Kno
wledge
W
e
are
able
to
understand
language
so
w
ell
b
ecause
w
e
kno
w
so
m
uc
h.
When
w
e
read
the
sen
tence
(1)
John
dro
v
e
do
wn
the
street
in
a
car.
w
e
kno
w
immediately
that
the
driving
and
hence
John
are
in
the
car
and
that
the
street
isn't.
W
e
attac
h
the
prep
ositional
phrase
to
the
v
erb
\dro
v
e"
rather
than
to
the
noun
\street".
This
is
not
syn
tactic
kno
wledge,
b
ecause
in
the
syn
tactically
similar
sen
tence
(2)
John
dro
v
e
do
wn
a
street
in
Chicago.
it
is
the
street
that
is
in
Chicago.
Therefore,
a
large
part
of
the
study
of
language
should
b
e
an
in
v
estigation
of
the
question
of
ho
w
w
e
use
our
kno
wledge
of
the
w
orld
to
understand
discourse.
This
question
has
b
een
examined
primarily
b
y
researc
hers
in
the
eld
of
articial
in
telligence
(AI),
in
part
b
ecause
they
ha
v
e
b
een
in
terested
in
linking
language
with
actual
b
eha
vior
in
sp
ecic
situations,
whic
h
has
led
them
to
an
attempt
to
represen
t
and
reason
ab
out
fairly
complex
w
orld
kno
wledge.
In
this
c
hapter
I
describ
e
ho
w
a
particular
kind
of
reasoning,
called
abduction,
pro-
vides
a
framew
ork
for
addressing
a
broad
range
of
problems
that
are
p
osed
in
discourse
and
that
require
w
orld
kno
wledge
in
their
solutions.
I
rst
defend
rst-order
logic
as
a
mo
de
of
represen
tation
for
the
information
con
v
ey
ed
b
y
sen
tences
and
the
kno
wledge
w
e
bring
to
the
discourses
w
e
in
terpret,
but
with
one
ca
v
eat:
Reasoning
m
ust
b
e
defeasible.
I
discuss
sev
eral
w
a
ys
that
defeasible
inference
has
b
een
formalized
in
AI,
and
in
tro
duce
ab
duction
as
one
of
those
metho
ds.
Then
in
successiv
e
sections
I
sho
w
ho
w
v
arious
problems
in
local
pra
gma
tics,
suc
h
as
reference
resolution,
meton
ym
y
,
in
terpreting
comp
ound
nominals,
and
w
ord
sense
disam
biguation
can
b
e
solv
ed
via
ab
duction;
ho
w
this
pro
cessing
can
b
e
em
b
edded
in
an
ab
ductiv
e
pro
cess
for
recognizing
the
syn
tactic
structure
of
sen
tences;
ho
w
this
in
turn
can
b
e
em
b
edded
in
a
pro
cess
for
recognizing
the
structure
of
discourse;
and
1
ho
w
these
can
all
b
e
in
tegrated
with
the
recognition
of
the
sp
eak
er's
plan.
I
close
with
a
discussion
of
some
of
the
principal
outstanding
researc
h
issues.
2
Logic
as
the
Language
of
Though
t
A
v
ery
large
b
o
dy
of
w
ork
in
AI
b
egins
with
the
assumptions
that
information
and
kno
wl-
edge
should
b
e
represen
ted
in
rst-order
logic
and
that
reasoning
is
theorem-pro
ving.
On
the
face
of
it,
this
seems
implausible
as
a
mo
del
for
p
eople.
It
certainly
do
esn't
seem
as
if
w
e
are
using
logic
when
w
e
are
thinking,
and
if
w
e
are,
wh
y
are
so
man
y
of
our
though
ts
and
actions
so
illogical?
In
fact,
there
are
psyc
hological
exp
erimen
ts
that
purp
ort
to
sho
w
that
p
eople
do
not
use
logic
in
thinking
ab
out
a
problem
(e.g.,
W
ason
and
Johnson-Laird
1972).
I
b
eliev
e
that
the
claim
that
logic
is
the
language
of
though
t
comes
to
less
than
one
migh
t
think,
ho
w
ev
er,
and
that
th
us
it
is
more
con
tro
v
ersial
than
it
ough
t
to
b
e.
It
is
the
claim
that
a
broad
range
of
cognitiv
e
pro
cesses
are
amenable
to
a
high-lev
el
description
in
whic
h
six
k
ey
features
are
presen
t.
The
rst
three
of
these
features
c
haracterize
prop
osi-
tional
logic
and
the
next
t
w
o
rst-order
logic.
I
will
express
them
in
terms
of
\concepts",
but
one
can
just
as
easily
substitute
prop
ositions,
neural
elemen
ts,
or
a
n
um
b
er
of
other
terms.
Conjunction:
There
is
an
additiv
e
eect
(P
^
Q)
of
t
w
o
distinct
concepts
(P
and
Q)
b
eing
activ
ated
at
the
same
time.
Mo
dus
P
onens:
The
activ
ation
of
one
concept
(P
)
triggers
the
activ
ation
of
another
concept
(Q)
b
ecause
of
the
existence
of
some
structural
relation
b
et
w
een
them
(P
Q).
Recognition
of
Ob
vious
Con
tradictions:
The
recognition
of
con
tradictions
in
general
is
undecidable,
but
w
e
ha
v
e
no
trouble
with
the
easy
ones,
for
example,
that
cats
aren't
dogs.
Predicate-Argumen
t
Relations:
Concepts
can
b
e
related
to
other
concepts
in
sev-
eral
dieren
t
w
a
ys.
F
or
example,
w
e
can
distinguish
b
et
w
een
a
dog
biting
a
man
(bite(D
;
M
))
and
a
man
biting
a
dog
(bite(M
;
D
)).
Univ
ersal
Instan
tiation
(or
V
ariable
Binding):
W
e
can
k
eep
separate
our
kno
wl-
edge
of
general
(univ
ersal)
principles
(\All
men
are
mortal")
and
our
kno
wledge
of
their
instatiations
for
particular
individuals
(\So
crates
is
a
man"
and
\So
crates
is
mortal").
An
y
plausible
prop
osal
for
a
language
of
though
t
m
ust
ha
v
e
at
least
these
features,
and
once
y
ou
ha
v
e
these
features
y
ou
ha
v
e
rst-order
logic.
Note
that
in
this
list
there
are
no
complex
rules
for
double
negations
or
for
con
tra-
p
ositiv
es
(if
P
implies
Q
then
not
Q
implies
not
P
).
In
fact,
most
of
the
psyc
hological
exp
erimen
ts
purp
orting
to
sho
w
that
p
eople
don't
use
logic
really
sho
w
that
they
don't
2
use
the
con
trap
ositiv
e
rule
or
that
they
don't
handle
double
negations
w
ell.
If
the
tasks
in
those
exp
erimen
ts
w
ere
recast
in
to
problems
in
v
olving
the
use
of
mo
dus
p
onens,
no
one
w
ould
think
to
do
the
exp
erimen
ts
b
ecause
it
is
ob
vious
that
p
eople
w
ould
ha
v
e
no
trouble
with
the
task.
As
an
aside,
let
me
men
tion
that
man
y
researc
hers
in
linguistics
and
in
kno
wledge
represen
tation
mak
e
use
of
higher-order
logic.
It
is
straigh
tforw
ard,
through
v
arious
kinds
of
reication,
to
recast
these
logics
in
to
rst-order
logic,
and
in
view
of
the
resulting
simplication
in
c
haracterizing
the
reasoning
pro
cess,
there
are
v
ery
go
o
d
reasons
to
do
so
(Hobbs
1985a).
There
is
one
further
prop
ert
y
w
e
need
of
the
logic
if
w
e
are
to
use
it
for
represen
ting
and
reasoning
ab
out
commonsense
w
orld
kno
wledge|defeasibilit
y
or
nonmonotonicit
y
.
3
Nonmonotonic
Logic
The
logic
of
mathematics
is
monotonic,
in
that
once
w
e
kno
w
the
truth
v
alue
of
a
state-
men
t,
nothing
else
w
e
learn
can
c
hange
it.
Virtually
all
commonsense
kno
wledge
b
ey
ond
mathematics
is
uncertain
or
defeasible.
Whatev
er
general
principles
w
e
ha
v
e
are
usually
only
true
most
of
the
time
or
true
with
high
probabilit
y
or
true
unless
w
e
disco
v
er
evi-
dence
to
the
con
trary
.
It
is
almost
alw
a
ys
p
ossible
that
w
e
ma
y
ha
v
e
to
c
hange
what
w
e
b
eliev
ed
to
b
e
the
truth
v
alue
of
a
statemen
t
up
on
gaining
more
information.
Almost
all
commonsense
kno
wledge
should
b
e
tagged
with
\insofar
as
I
ha
v
e
b
een
able
to
determine
with
m
y
limited
access
to
the
facts
and
m
y
limited
resources
for
reasoning."
The
logic
of
commonsense
kno
wledge
m
ust
b
e
nonmonotonic.
The
dev
elopmen
t
of
nonmonotonic
logics
has
b
een
a
ma
jor
fo
cus
in
AI
researc
h
(Gins-
b
erg
1987).
One
early
attempt
in
v
olv
ed
\negation
as
failure"
(Hewitt
1972);
w
e
assume
that
not
P
is
true
if
w
e
fail
to
pro
v
e
that
P
.
Another
early
nonmonotonic
logic
(Mc-
Dermott
and
Do
yle
1980)
had
rules
of
the
form
\If
P
is
true
and
Q
is
consisten
t
with
ev
erything
else
w
e
kno
w,
then
tak
e
Q
to
b
e
true."
Probably
the
most
thoroughly
in
v
estigated
nonmonotonic
logic
w
as
that
dev
elop
ed
b
y
McCarth
y
(1980).
He
in
tro
duced
abnormality
conditions
whic
h
the
reasoner
then
minimized.
F
or
example,
the
general
fact
that
birds
y
is
expressed
(3)
(8
x)bir
d(x)
^
:ab
1
(x)
f
l
y
(x)
That
is,
if
x
is
a
bird
and
not
abnormal
in
a
w
a
y
sp
ecic
to
this
rule,
then
x
ies.
F
urther
axioms
migh
t
sp
ell
out
the
exceptions:
(4)
(8
x)peng
uin(x)
ab
1
(x)
That
is,
p
enguins
are
abnormal
in
the
w
a
y
sp
ecic
to
the
\birds
y"
rule.
Then
to
dra
w
conclusions
w
e
minimize,
in
some
fashion,
those
things
w
e
tak
e
to
b
e
abnormal.
If
all
w
e
kno
w
ab
out
Tw
eet
y
is
that
he
is
a
bird,
then
w
e
assume
he
is
not
abnormal,
and
th
us
w
e
conclude
he
can
y
.
If
w
e
subsequen
tly
learn
that
Tw
eet
y
is
a
p
enguin,
w
e
retract
the
assumption
that
he
is
not
abnormal
in
that
w
a
y
.
3
A
problem
arises
with
this
approac
h
when
w
e
ha
v
e
man
y
axioms
with
dieren
t
abnor-
malit
y
conditions.
There
ma
y
b
e
man
y
w
a
ys
to
minimize
the
abnormalities,
eac
h
leading
to
dieren
t
conclusions.
This
is
illustrated
b
y
an
example
that
is
kno
wn
as
the
Nix
on
dia-
mond
(Reiter
and
Criscuolo
1981).
Supp
ose
w
e
kno
w
that
generally
Quak
ers
are
pacists.
W
e
can
write
this
as
(5)
(8
x)Quak
er
(x)
^
:ab
2
(x)
pacif
ist(x)
Supp
ose
w
e
also
kno
w
that
Republicans
are
generally
not
pacists.
(6)
(8
x)R epubl
ican(x)
^
:ab
3
(x)
:pacif
ist(x)
Then
what
do
w
e
conclude
when
w
e
learn
that
Nixon
is
b
oth
a
Quak
er
and
a
Republican?
Assuming
b
oth
abnormalit
y
conditions
results
in
a
con
tradiction.
If
w
e
tak
e
ab
2
to
b
e
false,
w
e
conclude
Nixon
is
a
pacist.
If
w
e
tak
e
ab
3
to
b
e
false,
w
e
conclude
Nixon
is
not
a
pacist.
Ho
w
do
w
e
c
ho
ose
b
et
w
een
the
t
w
o
p
ossibilities?
Researc
hers
ha
v
e
made
v
arious
suggestions
for
ho
w
to
think
ab
out
this
problem
(e.g.,
Shoham
1987).
In
general,
some
sc
heme
is
needed
for
c
ho
osing
among
the
p
ossible
com
binations
of
assumptions.
In
recen
t
y
ears
there
has
b
een
considerable
in
terest
in
AI
in
the
reasoning
pro
cess
kno
wn
as
ab
duction,
or
inference
to
the
b
est
explanation.
As
it
is
normally
conceiv
ed
in
AI,
it
can
b
e
view
ed
as
one
v
ariet
y
of
nonmonotonic
logic.
4
Ab
duction
The
simplest
w
a
y
to
explain
ab
duction
is
b
y
comparing
it
with
t
w
o
w
ords
it
rh
ymes
with|deduction
and
induction.
In
deduction,
from
P
and
P
Q,
w
e
conclude
Q.
In
induction,
from
P
and
Q,
or
more
lik
ely
a
n
um
b
er
of
instances
of
P
and
Q
together
with
other
considerations,
w
e
conclude
P
Q.
Ab
duction
is
the
third
p
ossibilit
y
.
F
rom
an
observ
able
Q
and
a
general
principle
P
Q,
w
e
conclude
that
P
m
ust
b
e
the
underlying
reason
that
Q
is
true.
W
e
assume
P
b
ecause
it
explains
Q.
Of
course,
there
ma
y
b
e
man
y
suc
h
p
ossible
P
's,
some
con
tradictory
with
others,
and
therefore
an
y
metho
d
of
ab
duction
m
ust
include
a
metho
d
for
ev
aluating
and
c
ho
osing
among
alternativ
es.
A
t
a
rst
cut,
supp
ose
in
trying
to
explain
Q
w
e
kno
w
P
^
R
Q
and
w
e
kno
w
R .
Then
R
pro
vides
partial
evidence
that
Q
is
true,
making
the
assumption
of
P
more
reasonable.
In
addition,
if
w
e
are
seeking
to
explain
t
w
o
things,
Q
1
and
Q
2
,
then
it
is
reasonable
to
fa
v
or
assuming
a
P
that
explains
b
oth
of
them
rather
than
a
dieren
t
explanation
for
eac
h.
The
conclusions
w
e
dra
w
in
this
w
a
y
are
only
assumptions
and
ma
y
ha
v
e
to
b
e
retracted
later
if
w
e
acquire
new,
con
tradictory
information.
That
is,
this
metho
d
of
reasoning
is
nonmonotonic.
Ab
duction
has
a
history
.
Prior
to
the
late
sev
en
teen
th
cen
tury
science
w
as
view
ed
as
deductiv
e,
at
least
in
the
ideal.
It
w
as
felt
that,
on
the
mo
del
of
Euclidean
geometry
,
one
should
b
egin
with
prop
ositions
that
w
ere
self-eviden
t
and
deduce
whatev
er
consequences
one
could
from
them.
The
mo
dern
view
of
scien
tic
theories,
probably
b
est
expressed
b
y
Lak
atos
(1970),
is
quite
dieren
t.
One
tries
to
construct
abstract
theories
from
whic
h
4
observ
able
ev
en
ts
can
b
e
deduced
or
predicted.
There
is
no
need
for
the
abstract
theories
to
b
e
self-eviden
t,
and
they
usually
are
not.
It
is
only
necessary
for
them
to
predict
as
broad
a
range
as
p
ossible
of
the
observ
able
data
and
for
them
to
b
e
\elegan
t",
whatev
er
that
means.
Th
us,
the
mo
dern
view
is
that
science
is
fundamen
tally
ab
ductiv
e.
W
e
seek
hidden
principles
or
causes
from
whic
h
w
e
can
deduce
the
observ
able
evidence.
This
view
of
science,
and
hence
the
notion
of
ab
duction,
can
b
e
seen
rst,
insofar
as
I
am
a
w
are,
in
some
passages
in
Newton's
Principia
(1934
[1686]).
A
t
the
end
of
Principia,
in
a
justication
for
not
seeking
the
cause
of
gra
vit
y
,
he
sa
ys,
\And
to
us
it
is
enough
that
gra
vit
y
do
es
really
exist,
and
act
according
to
the
la
ws
whic
h
w
e
ha
v
e
explained,
and
abundan
tly
serv
es
to
accoun
t
for
all
the
motions
of
the
celestial
b
o
dies,
and
of
our
sea."
(Newton
1934:547)
The
justication
for
gra
vit
y
(P
)
and
its
la
ws
(P
Q)
is
not
in
their
self-eviden
tial
nature
but
in
what
they
accoun
t
for
(Q).
In
the
eigh
teen
th
cen
tury
,
the
German
philosopher
Christian
W
ol
(1963
[1728])
sho
ws,
to
m
y
kno
wledge,
the
earliest
explicit
a
w
areness
of
the
imp
ortance
of
ab
ductiv
e
reasoning.
He
presen
ts
almost
the
standard
Euclidean
accoun
t
of
certain
kno
wledge,
but
with
an
imp
ortan
t
pro
vision
in
his
recognition
of
the
inevitabilit
y
and
imp
ortance
of
h
yp
otheses:
Philosoph
y
m
ust
use
h
yp
otheses
insofar
as
they
pa
v
e
the
w
a
y
to
the
disco
v
ery
of
certain
truth.
F
or
in
a
philosophical
h
yp
othesis
certain
things
whic
h
are
not
rmly
established
are
assumed
b
ecause
they
pro
vide
a
reason
for
things
whic
h
are
observ
ed
to
o
ccur.
No
w
if
w
e
can
also
deduce
other
things
whic
h
are
not
observ
ed
to
o
ccur,
then
w
e
ha
v
e
the
opp
ortunit
y
to
either
observ
e
or
exp
erimen
tally
detect
things
whic
h
otherwise
w
e
migh
t
not
ha
v
e
noticed.
In
this
w
a
y
w
e
b
ecome
more
certain
as
to
whether
or
not
an
ything
con
trary
to
exp
erience
follo
ws
from
the
h
yp
othesis.
If
w
e
deduce
things
whic
h
are
con
trary
to
exp
erience,
then
the
h
yp
othesis
is
false.
If
the
deductions
agree
with
exp
erience,
then
the
probabilit
y
of
the
h
yp
othesis
is
increased.
And
th
us
the
w
a
y
is
pa
v
ed
for
the
disco
v
ery
of
certain
truth.
(W
ol
1963:67)
He
also
recognizes
the
principle
of
parsimon
y:
\If
one
cannot
necessarily
deduce
from
a
h
yp
othesis
the
things
for
whic
h
it
is
assumed,
then
the
h
yp
othesis
is
spurious."
(W
ol
1963:68)
Ho
w
ev
er,
he
views
h
yp
otheses
as
only
pro
visional,
a
w
aiting
deductiv
e
pro
of.
The
term
\ab
duction"
w
as
rst
used
b
y
C.
S.
Pierce
(e.g.,
1955).
His
denition
of
it
is
as
follo
ws:
(7)
The
surprising
fact,
Q,
is
observ
ed;
But
if
P
w
ere
true,
Q
w
ould
b
e
a
matter
of
course,
Hence,
there
is
reason
to
susp
ect
that
P
is
true.
(Pierce
1955:151)
(He
actually
used
A
and
C
for
P
and
Q.)
Pierce
sa
ys
that
\in
pure
ab
duction,
it
can
nev
er
b
e
justiable
to
accept
the
h
yp
othesis
otherwise
than
as
an
in
terrogation",
and
that
\the
whole
question
of
what
one
out
of
a
n
um
b
er
of
p
ossible
h
yp
otheses
ough
t
to
b
e
en
tertained
b
ecomes
purely
a
question
of
econom
y
."
That
is,
there
m
ust
b
e
an
ev
aluation
sc
heme
for
c
ho
osing
among
p
ossible
ab
ductiv
e
inferences.
The
earliest
form
ulation
of
ab
duction
in
articial
in
telligence
w
as
b
y
Morgan
(1971).
He
sho
w
ed
ho
w
a
complete
set
of
truth-preserving
rules
for
generating
theorems
could
b
e
turned
in
to
a
complete
set
of
falseho
o
d-preserving
rules
for
generating
h
yp
otheses.
5
The
rst
use
of
ab
duction
in
an
AI
application
w
as
b
y
P
ople
(1973),
in
the
con
text
of
medical
diagnosis.
He
ga
v
e
the
form
ulation
of
ab
duction
sk
etc
hed
ab
o
v
e
and
sho
w
ed
ho
w
it
can
b
e
implemen
ted
in
a
theorem-pro
ving
framew
ork.
Literals
(or
prop
ositions)
that
are
\abandoned
b
y
deduction
in
the
sense
that
they
fail
to
ha
v
e
successor
no
des"
(P
ople
1973:150)
are
tak
en
as
the
candidate
h
yp
otheses.
That
is,
one
tries
to
pro
v
e
the
symptoms
and
signs
exhibited
and
the
parts
of
a
p
oten
tial
pro
of
that
cannot
b
e
pro
v
en
are
the
candidate
h
yp
otheses.
Those
h
yp
otheses
are
b
est
that
accoun
t
for
the
most
data,
and
in
service
of
this
principle,
he
in
tro
duced
factoring
or
syn
thesis,
whic
h
attempts
to
unify
goal
literals.
Hyp
otheses
where
this
is
used
are
fa
v
ored.
That
is,
that
explanation
is
b
est
that
minimizes
the
n
um
b
er
of
causes.
W
ork
on
ab
duction
in
articial
in
telligence
w
as
reviv
ed
in
the
1980s
at
sev
eral
sites.
Reggia
and
his
colleagues
(e.g.,
Reggia
et
al.,
1983;
Reggia
1985)
form
ulated
ab
ductiv
e
inference
in
terms
of
parsimonious
co
v
ering
theory
.
Charniak
and
McDermott
(1985)
pre-
sen
ted
the
basic
pattern
of
ab
duction
and
then
discussed
man
y
of
the
issues
in
v
olv
ed
in
trying
to
decide
among
alternativ
e
h
yp
otheses
on
probabilistic
grounds.
Co
x
and
Pietrzyk
o
wski
(1986)
presen
t
a
form
ulation
in
a
theorem-pro
ving
framew
ork
that
is
v
ery
similar
to
P
ople's,
though
apparen
tly
indep
enden
t.
It
is
esp
ecially
v
aluable
in
that
it
con-
siders
ab
duction
abstractly
,
as
a
mec
hanism
with
a
v
ariet
y
of
p
ossible
applications,
and
not
just
as
a
handmaiden
to
diagnosis.
Josephson
and
Josephson
(1994)
pro
vide
a
comprehensiv
e
treatmen
t
of
ab
duction,
its
philosophical
bac
kground,
its
computational
prop
erties,
and
its
utilization
in
AI
applica-
tions.
I
ha
v
e
indicated
that
the
practice
of
science
is
fundamen
tally
ab
ductiv
e.
The
extension
of
ab
duction
to
ordinary
cognitiv
e
tasks
is
v
ery
m
uc
h
in
line
with
the
p
opular
view
in
cognitiv
e
science
that
p
eople
going
ab
out
in
the
w
orld
trying
to
understand
it
are
scien
tists
in
the
small.
This
view
can
b
e
extended
to
natural
language
understanding|in
terpreting
discourse
is
coming
up
with
the
b
est
explanation
for
what
is
said.
The
rst
app
eal
to
something
lik
e
ab
duction
that
I
am
a
w
are
of
in
natural
language
understanding
w
as
b
y
Grice
(1967,
1989),
when
he
in
tro
duced
the
notion
of
conversa-
tional
implica
ture
to
handle
examples
lik
e
the
follo
wing:
(8)
A:
Ho
w
is
John
doing
on
his
new
job
at
the
bank?
B:
Quite
w
ell.
He
lik
es
his
colleagues
and
he
hasn't
em
b
ezzled
an
y
money
y
et.
Grice
argues
that
in
order
to
see
this
as
coheren
t,
w
e
m
ust
assume,
or
dra
w
as
a
con
v
er-
sational
implicature,
that
b
oth
A
and
B
kno
w
that
John
is
dishonest.
Although
he
do
es
not
sa
y
so,
an
implicature
can
b
e
view
ed
as
an
ab
ductiv
e
mo
v
e
for
the
sak
e
of
ac
hieving
the
b
est
in
terpretation.
Lewis
(1979)
in
tro
duces
the
notion
of
a
ccommod
a
tion
in
con
v
ersation
to
explain
the
phenomenon
that
o
ccurs
when
y
ou
\sa
y
something
that
requires
a
missing
presupp
osi-
tion,
and
straigh
ta
w
a
y
that
presupp
osition
springs
in
to
existence,
making
what
y
ou
said
acceptable
after
all."
The
hearer
accommo
dates
the
sp
eak
er.
Thomason
(1990)
argued
that
Grice's
con
v
ersational
implicatures
are
based
on
Lewis's
rule
of
accommo
dation.
W
e
migh
t
sa
y
that
implicature
is
a
pro
cedural
c
haracterization
6
of
something
that,
at
the
functional
or
in
teractional
lev
el,
app
ears
as
accommo
dation.
Implicature
is
the
w
a
y
w
e
do
accommo
dation.
In
the
middle
1980s
researc
hers
at
sev
eral
sites
b
egan
to
apply
ab
duction
to
natural
language
understanding
(Norvig
1983,
1987;
Wilensky
1983;
Wilensky
et
al.
1988;
Char-
niak
and
Goldman
1988,
1989;
Hobbs
et
al.
1988;
Hobbs
et
al.
1993).
A
t
least
in
the
last
case
the
recognition
that
implicature
w
as
a
use
of
ab
duction
w
as
a
k
ey
observ
ation
in
the
dev
elopmen
t
of
the
framew
ork.
Norvig,
Wilensky
,
and
their
asso
ciates
prop
osed
an
op
eration
called
concretion,
one
of
man
y
that
tak
e
place
in
the
pro
cessing
of
a
text.
It
is
a
\kind
of
inference
in
whic
h
a
more
sp
ecic
in
terpretation
of
an
utterance
is
made
than
can
b
e
sustained
on
a
strictly
logical
basis"
(Wilensky
et
al.
1988:50).
Th
us,
\to
use
a
p
encil"
generally
means
to
write
with
a
p
encil,
ev
en
though
one
could
use
a
p
encil
for
man
y
other
purp
oses.
Charniak
and
his
asso
ciates
also
dev
elop
ed
an
ab
ductiv
e
approac
h
to
in
terpretation.
Charniak
(1986)
expressed
the
fundamen
tal
insigh
t:
\A
standard
platitude
is
that
under-
standing
something
is
relating
it
to
what
one
already
kno
ws.
:
:
:
One
extreme
example
w
ould
b
e
to
pro
v
e
that
what
one
is
told
m
ust
b
e
true
on
the
basis
of
what
one
already
kno
ws.
:
:
:
W
e
w
an
t
to
pro
v
e
what
one
is
told
given
c
ertain
assumptions."
(Charniak
1986:585)
Charniak
and
Goldman
dev
elop
ed
an
in
terpretation
pro
cedure
that
incremen
tally
built
a
b
elief
net
w
ork
(P
earl
1988),
where
the
links
b
et
w
een
the
no
des,
represen
ting
inuences
b
et
w
een
ev
en
ts,
w
ere
determined
from
axioms
expressing
w
orld
kno
wledge.
They
felt
that
one
could
mak
e
not
unreasonable
estimates
of
the
required
probabilities,
giving
a
principled
seman
tics
to
the
n
um
b
ers.
The
net
w
orks
w
ere
then
ev
aluated
and
am
biguities
w
ere
resolv
ed
b
y
lo
oking
for
the
highest
resultan
t
probabilities.
Stic
k
el
in
v
en
ted
a
metho
d
called
weighted
abduction
(Stic
k
el
1988;
Hobbs
et
al.
1993)
that
builds
the
ev
aluation
criteria
in
to
the
pro
of
pro
cess.
Briey
,
prop
ositions
to
b
e
pro
v
ed
are
giv
en
an
assumption
cost|what
y
ou
will
ha
v
e
to
pa
y
to
assume
them.
When
w
e
bac
k
c
hain
o
v
er
a
rule
of
the
form
P
Q,
the
cost
is
passed
bac
k
from
Q
to
P
,
according
to
a
w
eigh
t
asso
ciated
with
P
.
Generally
,
P
will
cost
more
to
assume
than
Q,
so
that
short
pro
ofs
are
fa
v
ored
o
v
er
long
ones.
But
if
partial
evidence
is
found,
for
example,
if
P
^
R
Q
and
w
e
can
pro
v
e
R ,
then
it
will
cost
less
to
assume
P
than
to
assume
Q,
and
w
e
get
a
more
sp
ecic
in
terpretation.
In
addition,
if
w
e
need
to
pro
v
e
Q
1
and
Q
2
and
P
implies
b
oth,
then
it
will
cost
less
to
assume
P
than
to
assume
Q
1
and
Q
2
.
This
feature
of
the
metho
d
allo
ws
us
to
exploit
the
implicit
redundancy
inheren
t
in
natural
language
discourse.
W
eigh
ted
ab
duction
suggests
a
simple
w
a
y
to
incorp
orate
the
uncertain
t
y
of
kno
wl-
edge
in
to
the
axioms
expressing
the
kno
wledge.
Prop
ositions
can
b
e
assumed
at
a
cost.
Therefore,
w
e
can
ha
v
e
prop
ositions
whose
only
role
is
to
b
e
assumed
and
to
levy
a
cost.
F
or
example,
let's
return
to
the
rule
that
birds
y
.
W
e
can
express
it
with
the
axiom
(9)
(8
x)[bir
d(x)
^
etc
1
(x)
f
l
y
(x)]
That
is,
if
x
is
a
bird
and
some
other
unsp
ecied
conditions
hold
for
x
(etc
1
(x)),
then
x
ies.
The
predicate
etc
1
enco
des
the
unsp
ecied
conditions.
There
will
nev
er
b
e
a
w
a
y
to
pro
v
e
it;
it
can
only
b
e
assumed
at
cost.
The
cost
of
etc
1
will
dep
end
in
v
ersely
on
the
7
certain
t
y
of
the
rule
that
birds
y
.
It
will
cost
to
use
this
rule,
but
the
lo
w
est-cost
pro
of
of
ev
erything
w
e
are
trying
to
explain
ma
y
nev
ertheless
in
v
olv
e
this
rule
and
hence
the
inference
that
birds
y
.
W
e
kno
w
that
p
enguins
don't
y:
(10)
(8
x)[peng
uin(x)
:f
l
y
(x)]
If
w
e
kno
w
Tw
eet
y
is
a
p
enguin,
w
e
kno
w
he
do
esn't
y
.
Th
us,
to
assume
etc
1
is
true
of
Tw
eet
y
w
ould
lead
to
a
con
tradiction,
so
w
e
don't.
The
relation
b
et
w
een
the
etc
predicates
and
the
abnormalit
y
predicates
of
McCarth
y's
nonmonotonic
logic
is
ob
vious:
etc
1
is
just
:ab
1
.
The
framew
ork
of
\In
terpretation
as
Ab
duction"
(IA)
(Hobbs
et
al.
1993)
follo
ws
di-
rectly
from
this
metho
d
of
ab
ductiv
e
inference,
and
it
is
the
IA
framew
ork
that
is
presen
ted
in
the
remainder
of
this
c
hapter.
Whereas
in
Norvig
and
Wilensky's
w
ork,
ab
duction
or
concretion
w
as
one
pro
cess
among
man
y
in
v
olv
ed
in
natural
language
understanding,
in
the
IA
framew
ork
ab
duction
is
the
whole
story
.
Whereas
in
Charniak
and
Goldman's
w
ork,
sp
ecic
pro
cedures
in
v
olving
ab
duction
are
implemen
ted
to
solv
e
sp
ecic
in
terpretation
problems,
in
the
IA
framew
ork
there
is
only
one
pro
cedure|ab
duction|that
is
used
to
explain
or
pro
v
e
the
logical
form
of
the
text,
and
the
solutions
to
sp
ecic
in
terpretation
problems
fall
out
as
b
ypro
ducts
of
this
pro
cess.
It
should
b
e
p
oin
ted
out
that
in
addition
to
what
is
presen
ted
b
elo
w
there
ha
v
e
b
een
a
n
um
b
er
of
other
researc
hers
who
ha
v
e
used
ab
duction
for
v
arious
natural
language
understanding
problems,
including
Nagao
(1989)
for
resolving
syn
tactic
am
biguit
y
,
Dasigi
(1988)
for
resolving
lexical
am
biguit
y
,
Ra
yner
(1993)
for
asking
questions
of
a
database,
Ng
and
Mo
oney
(1990)
and
Lascarides
and
Ob
erlander
(1992)
for
recognizing
discourse
structure,
McRo
y
and
Hirst
(1991)
for
making
repairs
in
presupp
osition
errors,
App
elt
and
P
ollac
k
(1990)
for
recognizing
the
sp
eak
er's
plan,
and
Harabagiu
and
Moldo
v
an
(1998)
for
general
text
understanding
using
W
ordNet
as
a
kno
wledge
base.
5
In
terpretation
as
Ab
duction
In
the
IA
framew
ork
w
e
can
describ
e
v
ery
concisely
what
it
is
to
in
terpret
a
sen
tence:
(11)
Pro
v
e
the
logical
form
of
the
sen
tence,
together
with
the
selectional
constrain
ts
that
predicates
imp
ose
on
their
argumen
ts,
allo
wing
for
co
ercions,
Merging
redundancies
where
p
ossible,
Making
assumptions
where
necessary
.
By
the
rst
line
w
e
mean
\pro
v
e,
or
deriv
e
in
the
logical
sense,
from
the
predicate
calcu-
lus
axioms
in
the
kno
wledge
base,
the
logical
form
that
has
b
een
pro
duced
b
y
syn
tactic
analysis
and
seman
tic
translation
of
the
sen
tence."
In
a
discourse
situation,
the
sp
eak
er
and
hearer
b
oth
ha
v
e
their
sets
of
priv
ate
b
eliefs,
and
there
is
a
large
o
v
erlapping
set
of
m
utual
b
eliefs.
An
utterance
liv
es
on
the
b
oundary
b
et
w
een
m
utual
b
elief
and
the
sp
eak
er's
priv
ate
b
eliefs.
It
is
a
bid
to
extend
the
area
of
8
m
utual
b
elief
to
include
some
priv
ate
b
eliefs
of
the
sp
eak
er's.
It
is
anc
hored
referen
tially
in
m
utual
b
elief,
and
when
w
e
succeed
in
pro
ving
the
logical
form
and
the
constrain
ts,
w
e
are
recognizing
this
referen
tial
anc
hor.
This
is
the
giv
en
information,
the
denite,
the
presupp
osed.
Where
it
is
necessary
to
mak
e
assumptions,
the
information
comes
from
the
sp
eak
er's
priv
ate
b
eliefs,
and
hence
is
the
new
information,
the
indenite,
the
asserted.
Merging
redundancies
is
a
w
a
y
of
getting
a
minimal,
and
hence
a
b
est,
in
terpretation.
Merging
redundancies
and
minimizing
the
assumptions
result
naturally
from
the
metho
d
of
w
eigh
ted
ab
duction.
6
Ab
duction
and
Lo
cal
Pragmatics
Lo
cal
pragmatics
encompasses
those
problems
that
are
p
osed
within
the
scop
e
of
individual
sen
tences,
ev
en
though
their
solution
will
generally
require
greater
con
text
and
w
orld
kno
wledge.
Included
under
this
lab
el
are
the
resolution
of
coreference,
resolving
syn
tactic
and
lexical
am
biguit
y
,
in
terpreting
meton
ym
y
and
metaphor,
and
nding
sp
ecic
meanings
for
v
ague
predicates
suc
h
as
in
the
comp
ound
nominal.
Consider
a
simple
example
that
con
tains
three
of
these
problems.
(12)
The
Boston
oÆce
called.
This
sen
tence
p
oses
at
least
three
lo
cal
pragmatics
problems,
the
problems
of
resolving
the
reference
of
\the
Boston
oÆce",
expanding
the
meton
ym
y
to
\[Some
p
erson
at]
the
Boston
oÆce
called",
and
determining
the
implicit
relation
b
et
w
een
Boston
and
the
oÆce.
Let
us
put
these
problems
aside
for
the
momen
t,
ho
w
ev
er,
and
in
terpret
the
sen
tence
according
to
the
IA
c
haracterization.
W
e
m
ust
pro
v
e
ab
ductiv
ely
the
logical
form
of
the
sen
tence
together
with
the
constrain
t
\call"
imp
oses
on
its
agen
t,
allo
wing
for
a
co
ercion.
That
is,
w
e
m
ust
pro
v
e
ab
ductiv
ely
the
expression
(ignoring
tense
and
some
other
complexities)
(13)
(9
x;
y
;
z
;
e)cal
l
0
(e;
x)
^
per
son(x)
^
r
el
(x;
y
)
^
oÆc
e(y
)
^
B
oston(z
)
^
nn(z
;
y
)
That
is,
there
is
a
calling
ev
en
t
e
b
y
x
where
x
is
a
p
erson.
x
ma
y
or
ma
y
not
b
e
the
same
as
the
explicit
sub
ject
of
the
sen
tence,
but
it
is
at
least
related
to
it,
or
co
ercible
from
it,
represen
ted
b
y
r
el
(x;
y
).
y
is
an
oÆce
and
it
b
ears
some
unsp
ecied
relation
nn
to
z
whic
h
is
Boston.
per
son(x)
is
the
requiremen
t
that
cal
l
0
imp
oses
on
its
agen
t
x.
(Briey
,
p(x)
means
p
is
true
of
x,
and
p
0
(e;
x)
means
that
e
is
the
ev
en
tualit
y
of
p's
b
eing
true
of
x.
See
Hobbs
(1985a)
for
explication
of
and
justication
for
this
st
yle
of
logical
form.
The
predicate
r
el
is
for
accomo
dating
meton
ym
y
.
Ho
w
it
is
in
tro
duced
is
discussed
in
the
next
section.
The
in
teresting
and
imp
ortan
t
question
of
what
sp
ecic
relations
can
instan
tiate
it
is
b
ey
ond
the
scop
e
of
this
c
hapter.)
The
sen
tence
can
b
e
in
terpreted
with
resp
ect
to
a
kno
wledge
base
of
m
utual
kno
wledge
that
con
tains
the
follo
wing
facts:
(14)
B
oston(B
1
)
that
is,
B
1
is
the
cit
y
of
Boston.
9
(15)
oÆc
e(O
1
)
^
in(O
1
;
B
1
)
that
is,
O
1
is
an
oÆce
and
is
in
Boston.
(16)
per
son(J
1
)
that
is,
John
J
1
is
a
p
erson.
(17)
w
or
k
-f
or
(J
1
;
O
1
)
that
is,
John
J
1
w
orks
for
the
oÆce
O
1
.
(18)
(8
y
;
z
)in(y
;
z
)
nn(z
;
y
)
that
is,
if
y
is
in
z
,
then
z
and
y
are
in
a
p
ossible
comp
ound
nominal
relation.
(19)
(8
x;
y
)w
or
k
-f
or
(x;
y
)
r
el
(x;
y
)
that
is,
if
x
w
orks
for
y
,
then
y
can
b
e
co
erced
in
to
x.
Giv
en
these
axioms,
the
pro
of
of
all
of
the
logical
form
is
straigh
tforw
ard
except
for
the
conjunct
cal
l
0
(e;
x).
Hence,
w
e
assume
that;
it
is
the
new
information
con
v
ey
ed
b
y
the
sen
tence.
This
in
terpretation
is
illustrated
in
the
pro
of
graph
of
Figure
1,
where
a
rectangle
is
dra
wn
around
the
assumed
literal
cal
l
0
(e;
x).
Suc
h
pro
of
graphs
pla
y
the
same
role
in
in
ter-
pretation
as
parse
trees
pla
y
in
syn
tactic
analysis.
They
are
pictures
of
the
in
terpretations,
and
w
e
will
see
sev
eral
suc
h
diagrams
in
this
c
hapter.
No
w
notice
that
the
three
lo
cal
pragmatics
problems
ha
v
e
b
een
solv
ed
as
a
b
y-pro
duct.
W
e
ha
v
e
resolv
ed
\the
Boston
oÆce"
to
O
1
.
W
e
ha
v
e
determined
the
implicit
relation
in
the
comp
ound
nominal
to
b
e
in.
And
w
e
ha
v
e
expanded
the
meton
ym
y
to
\John,
who
w
orks
for
the
Boston
oÆce,
called."
F
or
an
illustration
of
the
resolution
of
lexical
am
biguit
y
,
consider
an
example
from
Hirst
(1987):
(20)
The
plane
taxied
to
the
terminal.
The
w
ords
\plane",
\taxied",
and
\terminal"
are
all
am
biguous.
Supp
ose
the
kno
wledge
base
consists
of
the
follo
wing
axioms:
(21)
(8
x)air
pl
ane(x)
pl
ane(x)
or
an
airplane
is
a
plane.
(22)
(8
x)w
ood-smoother
(x)
pl
ane(x)
or
a
w
o
o
d
smo
other
is
a
plane.
(23)
(8
x;
y
)mov
e-on-g
r
ound(x;
y
)
^
air
pl
ane(x)
taxi(x;
y
)
or
for
an
airplane
x
to
mo
v
e
on
the
ground
to
y
is
for
it
to
taxi
to
y
.
(24)
(8
x;
y
)r
ide-in-cab(x;
y
)
^
per
son(x)
taxi(x;
y
)
10
Logical
F
orm:
cal
l
0
(e;
x)
^
per
son(x)
^
r
el
(x;
y
)
^
oÆc
e(y
)
^
B
oston(z
)
^
nn(z
;
y
)
Kno
wledge
Base:
per
son(J
1
)
C
C
C
C
C
C
O
w
or
k
-f
or
(x;
y
)
r
el
(x;
y
)
6
w
or
k
-f
or
(J
1
;
O
1
)
6
oÆc
e(O
1
)
Æ
B
oston(B
1
)
in(y
;
z
)
nn(z
;
y
)
Æ
in(O
1
;
B
1
)
6
Figure
1:
In
terpretation
of
\The
Boston
oÆce
called."
or
for
a
p
erson
x
to
ride
in
a
cab
to
y
is
for
x
to
taxi
to
y
.
(25)
(8
y
)air
por
t-ter
minal
(y
)
ter
minal
(y
)
or
an
airp
ort
terminal
is
a
terminal.
(26)
(8
y
)computer
-ter
minal
(y
)
ter
minal
(y
)
or
a
computer
terminal
is
a
terminal.
(27)
(8
z
)air
por
t(z
)
(9
x;
y
)air
pl
ane(x)
^
air
por
t-ter
minal
(y
)
or
airp
orts
ha
v
e
airplanes
and
airp
ort
terminals.
The
logical
form
of
the
sen
tence
will
b
e,
roughly
,
(28)
(9
x;
y
)pl
ane(x)
^
taxi(x;
y
)
^
ter
minal
(y
)
The
minimal
pro
of
of
this
logical
form
will
in
v
olv
e
assuming
the
existence
of
an
airp
ort,
deriving
from
that
the
airplane,
and
th
us
the
plane,
and
the
airp
ort
terminal,
and
th
us
the
terminal,
assuming
x
is
mo
ving
on
the
ground
to
y
,
and
recognizing
the
redundancy
11
Logical
F
orm:
pl
ane(x)
^
taxi(x;
y
)
^
ter
minal
(y
)
Kno
wledge
Base:
6
air
pl
ane(x)
pl
ane(x)
@
@
@
@
@
@
@
@
@
I
mov
e-on-g
r
ound(x;
y
)
^
air
pl
ane(x)
taxi(x;
y
)
S
S
S
S
S
S
S
S
S
S
S
S
o
air
por
t-ter
minal
(y
)
ter
minal
(y
)
S
S
S
S
S
S
S
S
S
o
>
6
air
por
t(z
)
air
pl
ane(x)
^
air
por
t-ter
minal
(y
)
w
ood-smoother
(x)
pl
ane(x)
r
ide-in-cab(x;
y
)
^
per
son(x)
taxi(x;
y
)
computer
-ter
minal
(y
)
ter
minal
(y
)
Figure
2:
In
terpretation
of
\The
plane
taxied
to
the
terminal."
of
the
airplane
with
the
one
in
that
reading
of
\taxi".
This
in
terpretation
is
illustrated
in
Figure
2.
Another
p
ossible
in
terpretation
w
ould
b
e
one
in
whic
h
w
e
assumed
that
a
w
o
o
d
smo
other,
a
ride
in
a
taxi,
and
a
computer
terminal
all
existed.
It
is
b
ecause
w
eigh
ted
ab
duction
fa
v
ors
merging
redundancies
that
the
correct
in
terpretation
is
the
one
c
hosen.
That
in
terpretation
allo
ws
us
to
minimize
the
assumptions
w
e
mak
e.
7
Syn
tax
b
y
Ab
duction
In
Hobbs
(1998)
an
extensiv
e
subset
of
English
grammar
is
describ
ed
in
detail,
largely
fol-
lo
wing
P
ollard
and
Sag's
(1994)
Head-Driv
en
Phrase
Structure
Grammar
but
cast
in
to
the
IA
framew
ork.
In
this
treatmen
t,
the
predicate
S
y
n
is
used
to
express
the
relation
b
et
w
een
a
string
of
w
ords
and
the
ev
en
tualit
y
it
con
v
eys.
Certain
axioms
in
v
olving
S
y
n,
the
com-
position
axioms,
describ
e
ho
w
the
ev
en
tualit
y
con
v
ey
ed
emerges
from
the
concatenation
of
strings.
Other
axioms,
the
lexical
axioms,
link
S
y
n
predications
ab
out
w
ords
with
the
corresp
onding
logical-form
fragmen
ts.
There
are
also
al
terna
tion
axioms
whic
h
12
alter
the
places
in
the
string
of
w
ords
where
predicates
nd
their
argumen
ts.
In
this
c
hapter,
a
simplied
v
ersion
of
the
predicate
S
y
n
will
b
e
used.
W
e
will
tak
e
S
y
n
to
b
e
a
predicate
of
sev
en
argumen
ts.
(29)
S
y
n(w
;
e;
f
;
x;
a;
y
;
b)
w
is
a
string
of
w
ords.
e
is
the
ev
en
tualit
y
describ
ed
b
y
this
string.
f
is
the
category
of
the
head
of
the
phrase
w
.
If
the
string
w
con
tains
the
logical
sub
ject
of
the
head,
then
the
argumen
ts
x
and
a
are
the
empt
y
sym
b
ol
\
".
Otherwise,
x
is
a
v
ariable
refering
to
the
logical
sub
ject
and
a
is
its
category
.
Similarly
,
y
is
either
the
empt
y
sym
b
ol
or
a
v
ariable
refering
to
the
logical
ob
ject
and
b
is
either
the
empt
y
sym
b
ol
or
the
category
of
the
logical
ob
ject.
F
or
example,
(30)
S
y
n(\reads
a
no
v
el";
e;v;
x;n;
;
)
sa
ys
that
the
string
of
w
ords
\reads
a
no
v
el"
is
a
phrase
describing
an
ev
en
tualit
y
e
and
has
a
head
of
category
v
erb.
Its
logical
ob
ject
\a
no
v
el"
is
in
the
string
itself,
so
the
last
t
w
o
argumen
ts
are
the
empt
y
sym
b
ol.
Its
logical
sub
ject
is
not
part
of
the
string,
so
the
fourth
argumen
t
is
the
v
ariable
x
standing
for
the
logical
sub
ject
and
the
fth
argumen
t
sp
ecies
that
the
phrase
describing
it
m
ust
ha
v
e
a
noun
as
its
head.
In
Hobbs
(1998)
the
full
S
y
n
predicate
con
tains
argumen
t
p
ositions
for
further
complemen
ts
and
ller-gap
information,
and
the
category
argumen
ts
can
record
syn
tactic
features
as
w
ell.
Tw
o
of
the
most
imp
ortan
t
comp
osition
axioms
are
the
follo
wing:
(31)
(8
w
1
;
w
2
;
x;
a;
e;
f
)S
y
n(w
1
;
x;
a;
;
;
;
)
^
S
y
n(w
2
;
e;
f
;
x;
a;
;
)
S
y
n(w
1
w
2
;
e;
f
;
;
;
;
)
(8
w
1
;
w
2
;
e;
f
;
x;
a;
y
;
b)S
y
n(w
1
;
e;
f
;
x;
a;
y
;
b)
^
S
y
n(w
2
;
y
;
b;
;
;
;
)
S
y
n(w
1
w
2
;
e;
f
;
x;
a;
;
)
The
rst
axiom
corresp
onds
to
the
traditional
\S
!
NP
VP"
rule.
It
sa
ys
that
if
w
1
is
a
string
describing
an
en
tit
y
x
and
headed
b
y
a
w
ord
of
category
a
and
w
2
is
a
string
describing
ev
en
tualit
y
e,
headed
b
y
a
w
ord
of
category
f
,
and
lac
king
a
logical
sub
ject
x
of
category
a,
then
the
concatenation
w
1
w
2
is
a
string
describing
ev
en
tualit
y
e
and
headed
b
y
a
w
ord
of
category
f
.
The
second
axiom
corresp
onds
to
the
traditional
\VP
!
V
NP"
rule.
It
sa
ys
that
if
w
1
is
a
string
describing
ev
en
tualit
y
e,
headed
b
y
a
w
ord
of
category
f
,
and
lac
king
a
logical
sub
ject
x
of
category
a
and
a
logical
ob
ject
y
of
category
b
and
w
2
is
a
string
describing
an
en
tit
y
y
and
headed
b
y
a
w
ord
of
category
b,
then
the
concatenation
w
1
w
2
is
a
string
describing
ev
en
tualit
y
e,
headed
b
y
a
w
ord
of
category
f
,
and
lac
king
a
logical
sub
ject
x
of
category
a,
but
not
lac
king
a
logical
ob
ject.
A
t
ypical
lexical
axiom
is
the
follo
wing:
(32)
(8
e;
x;
y
)past(e)
^
r
ead
0
(e;
x;
y
)
^
per
son(x)
^
text(y
)
S
y
n(\read";
e;v;
x;n;
y
;n)
That
is,
if
e
is
the
ev
en
tualit
y
in
the
past
of
a
p
erson
x
reading
a
text
y
,
then
the
v
erb
\read"
can
b
e
used
to
describ
e
e
pro
vided
noun
phrases
describing
x
and
y
are
13
found
in
the
appropriate
places,
as
sp
ecied
b
y
comp
osition
axioms.
Lexical
axioms
th
us
enco
de
the
logical
form
fragmen
t
corresp
onding
to
a
w
ord
(past(e)
^
r
ead
0
(e;
x;
y
)),
selectional
constrain
ts
(per
son(x)
and
text(y
)),
the
sp
elling
(or
in
a
more
detailed
accoun
t,
the
phonology)
of
the
w
ord
(\read"),
its
category
(v
erb),
and
the
syn
tactic
constrain
ts
on
its
complemen
ts
(that
x
and
y
m
ust
come
from
noun
phrases).
The
lexical
axioms
constitute
the
in
terface
b
et
w
een
syn
tax
and
w
orld
kno
wledge;
kno
wledge
ab
out
reading
is
enco
ded
in
axioms
in
v
olving
the
predicate
r
ead
0
,
whereas
kno
wledge
of
syn
tax
is
enco
ded
in
axioms
in
v
olving
S
y
n,
and
these
t
w
o
are
link
ed
here.
In
terpreting
a
sen
tence
W
is
then
pro
ving
the
expression
(33)
(9
e)S
y
n(W
;
e;v;
;
;
;
)
i.e.,
pro
ving
that
W
is
headed
b
y
a
v
erb,
describ
es
some
ev
en
tualit
y
e,
and
is
complete
in
that
it
do
es
not
lac
k
a
logical
sub
ject
and
logical
ob
ject.
The
parse
of
the
sen
tence
is
found
b
ecause
comp
osition
axioms
are
used
in
the
pro
of.
The
logical
form
is
generated
b
ecause
that
part
of
the
pro
of
b
ottoms
out
in
lexical
axioms.
The
lo
cal
pragmatics
problems
are
solv
ed
b
ecause
that
logical
form
is
then
pro
v
ed.
That
is,
in
the
course
of
pro
ving
that
a
string
of
w
ords
is
a
grammatical,
in
terpretable
sen
tence,
the
in
terpretation
pro
cess
bac
k
c
hains
through
comp
osition
axioms
to
lexical
axioms
(the
syn
tactic
pro
cessing)
and
then
is
left
with
the
logical
form
of
the
sen
tence
to
b
e
pro
v
ed.
A
pro
of
of
this
logical
form
w
as
the
IA
c
haracterization
of
the
in
terpretation
of
a
sen
tence
giv
en
in
the
previous
section.
The
pro
of
graph
of
the
syn
tactic
part
of
the
in
terpretation
of
\John
read
Ulysses"
is
sho
wn
in
Figure
3.
Note
that
kno
wledge
that
John
is
a
p
erson
and
Ulysses
is
a
text
is
used
to
establish
the
selectional
constrain
ts
asso
ciated
with
\read".
In
Hobbs
(1998)
there
are
ab
out
a
dozen
comp
osition
axioms,
corresp
onding
to
similar
rules
in
P
ollard
and
Sag
(1994).
There
is
one
lexical
axiom
for
ev
ery
w
ord
sense
and
sub
categorization
pattern;
the
lexical
axioms
constitute
the
lexicon.
There
are
also
a
n
um
b
er
of
alternation
axioms
that
handle
suc
h
things
as
passiv
e
constructions.
These
axioms
alter
the
order
of,
or
otherwise
mo
dify
,
the
argumen
ts
of
the
predicate
asso
ciated
with
a
construction's
head.
Meton
ymic
co
ercion
relations
can
b
e
in
tro
duced
b
y
means
of
an
alternation
axiom
of
the
form
(34)
S
y
n(w
;
e;
f
;
x
0
;
a;
y
;
b)
^
r
el
(x
0
;
x)
S
y
n(w
;
e;
f
;
x;
a;
y
;
b)
That
is,
a
w
ord
or
phrase
w
lo
oking
for
a
sub
ject
referring
to
x
0
can
b
e
used
to
describ
e
the
same
situation
if
its
sub
ject
refers
to
x
instead,
where
x
is
related
to
x
0
b
y
a
co
ercion
relation
r
el
.
As
presen
ted
so
far,
ab
duction
pla
ys
no
role
in
this
enco
ding
of
syn
tactic
kno
wledge.
Syn
tactic
pro
cessing
is
just
logical
deduction.
The
principal
adv
an
tage
of
the
framew
ork
is
that
it
allo
ws
syn
tactic
analysis
to
b
e
done
with
other
in
terpretion
pro
cesses
in
a
uni-
form
framew
ork.
In
addition,
v
arious
sorts
of
ungrammaticalit
y|telegraphic
discourse,
disuencies,
scram
bling|can
b
e
handled
b
y
means
of
assumptions.
14
6
6
6
6
6
6
6
@
@
I
H
H
H
H
Y
per
son(x)
past(e)
S
y
n(\John";
x;n;
;
;
;
)
J
ohn
0
(e
1
;
x)
S
y
n(\John
read
Ulysses";
e;v;
;
;
;
)
S
y
n(\read
Ulysses";
e;v;
x;n;
;
)
S
y
n(\read";
e;v;
x;n;
y
;n)
S
y
n(\Ulysses";
y
;n;
;
;
;
)
r
ead
0
(e;
x;
y
)
nov
el
(y
)
U
l
y
sses
0
(e
2
;
y
)
text(y
)
Figure
3:
P
arse
of
\John
read
Ulysses."
In
this
section
w
e
ha
v
e
recast
the
problem
of
in
terpreting
a
sen
tence
as
one
of
pro
ving
that
the
string
of
w
ords
is
a
grammatical,
in
terpretable
sen
tence.
Lo
cal
pragmatics
is
subsumed
under
that
c
haracterization
in
the
w
ord
\in
terpretable".
It
is
w
ell
kno
wn
that
there
are
in
teractions
b
et
w
een
syn
tactic
pro
cessing
and
pragmatics.
By
solving
b
oth
problems
with
one
pro
of
and
c
ho
osing
among
pro
ofs
b
y
means
of
a
common
ev
aluation
metric,
w
e
can
mo
del
those
in
teractions.
Sometimes
less
fa
v
ored
solutions
will
b
e
c
hosen
in
eac
h
part
of
the
pro
of
b
ecause
that
results
in
the
lo
w
est-cost
pro
of
o
v
erall.
In
the
next
section
w
e
will
see
ho
w
this
picture
can
b
e
em
b
edded
in
an
ev
en
larger
picture.
8
Recognizing
Discourse
Structure
When
t
w
o
segmen
ts
of
discourse
are
adjacen
t,
that
v
ery
adjacency
con
v
eys
information.
Eac
h
segmen
t,
insofar
as
it
is
coheren
t,
con
v
eys
information
ab
out
a
situation
or
ev
en
tu-
alit
y
,
and
the
adjacency
of
the
segmen
ts
con
v
eys
the
suggestion
that
the
t
w
o
situations
are
related
in
some
fashion,
or
are
parts
of
larger
units
that
are
related.
P
art
of
what
it
is
to
understand
a
discourse
is
to
disco
v
er
what
that
relation
is.
Ov
erwhelmingly
,
the
relations
that
obtain
b
et
w
een
discourse
segmen
ts
are
based
on
causal,
similarit
y
,
or
gure-ground
relations
b
et
w
een
the
situations
they
con
v
ey
.
W
e
can
th
us
dene
a
n
um
b
er
of
coherence
rela
tions
in
terms
of
the
relations
b
et
w
een
the
situations.
This
will
not
b
e
explored
further
here,
but
it
is
describ
ed
in
greater
detail
in
Kehler
(this
v
olume).
Here
it
will
b
e
sho
wn
ho
w
this
asp
ect
of
discourse
structure
can
b
e
15
built
in
to
the
ab
duction
framew
ork.
Supp
ose
w
1
and
w
2
are
t
w
o
adjacen
t
segmen
ts
of
discourse
and
that
w
1
w
2
is
their
concatenation.
If
S
eg
ment(w
;
e)
sa
ys
that
the
string
w
is
a
coheren
t
segmen
t
of
discourse
describing
the
ev
en
tualit
y
e
and
C
oher
enceR el
(e
1
;
e
2
;
e)
sa
ys
that
there
is
a
coherence
relation
b
et
w
een
e
1
and
e
2
and
that
the
com
bination
of
the
t
w
o
con
v
eys
e,
then
w
e
can
express
the
basic
comp
osition
rule
for
discourse
as
(35)
(8
w
1
;
w
2
;
e
1
;
e
2
;
e)S
eg
ment(w
1
;
e
1
)
^
S
eg
ment(w
2
;
e
2
)
^
C
oher
enceR el
(e
1
;
e
2
;
e)
S
eg
ment(w
1
w
2
;
e)
That
is,
when
w
e
com
bine
t
w
o
coheren
t
segmen
ts
of
discourse
with
a
coherence
relation
w
e
get
a
coheren
t
segmen
t
of
discourse.
By
applying
this
successiv
ely
to
a
stretc
h
of
discourse,
w
e
get
a
tree-lik
e
structure
for
the
whole
discourse.
This
pro
cess
b
ottoms
out
in
sen
tences,
after
whic
h
syn
tactic
rules
tell
us
the
structure
and
meaning
of
the
string
of
w
ords.
This
is
captured
b
y
the
rule
(36)
(8
w
;
e)S
y
n(w
;
e;v;
;
;
;
)
S
eg
ment(w
;
e)
That
is,
a
grammatical
sen
tence
con
v
eying
e
is
a
coheren
t
segmen
t
of
discourse
con
v
eying
e.
In
the
previous
section
the
solution
to
lo
cal
pragmatics
problems|pro
ving
the
logical
form|w
as
em
b
edded
in
the
problem
of
nding
the
syn
tactic
structure
of,
or
parsing,
a
sen
tence.
These
t
w
o
axioms
no
w
em
b
ed
parsing
the
sen
tence
in
the
problem
of
recognizing
the
discourse
structure
of
the
whole
text.
If
W
is
a
text,
then
in
terpreting
W
is
a
matter
of
pro
ving
that
it
is
a
coheren
t
segmen
t
of
discourse
con
v
eying
some
ev
en
tualit
y
e:
(37)
(9
e)S
eg
ment(W
;
e)
No
w
let
us
consider
an
example.
Explanation
is
a
coherence
relation,
and
a
rst
appro
ximation
of
a
denition
of
the
Explanation
relation
w
ould
b
e
that
the
ev
en
tualit
y
describ
ed
b
y
the
second
segmen
t
causes
the
ev
en
tualit
y
describ
ed
b
y
the
rst:
(38)
(8
e
1
;
e
2
)cause(e
2
;
e
1
)
C
oher
enceR el
(e
1
;
e
2
;
e
1
)
That
is,
if
what
is
describ
ed
b
y
the
second
segmen
t
could
cause
what
is
describ
ed
b
y
the
rst
segmen
t,
then
there
is
a
coherence
relation
b
et
w
een
the
segmen
ts.
In
explanations,
what
is
explained
is
the
dominan
t
segmen
t
(the
nucleus
in
the
terms
of
Rhetorical
Struc-
ture
Theory
(Mann
and
Thompson
1986)),
so
it
is
e
1
that
is
describ
ed
b
y
the
comp
osed
segmen
t.
Hence,
the
third
argumen
t
of
Coher
enc
eR
el
is
e
1
.
Consider
a
v
ariation
on
a
classic
example
of
pronoun
resolution
diÆculties
from
Wino-
grad
(1972):
(39)
The
p
olice
prohibited
the
w
omen
from
demonstrating.
They
feared
violence.
Ho
w
do
w
e
kno
w
\they"
in
the
second
sen
tence
refers
to
the
p
olice
and
not
to
the
w
omen?
As
in
Section
6,
w
e
will
ignore
this
lo
cal
pragmatics
problem
and
pro
ceed
to
in
terpret
the
text
b
y
ab
duction.
T
o
in
terpret
the
text
is
to
pro
v
e
ab
ductiv
ely
the
expression
16
(40)
(9
e)S
eg
ment(\The
p
olice
:
:
:
violence.",
e)
This
in
v
olv
es
pro
ving
that
eac
h
sen
tence
is
a
segmen
t,
b
y
pro
ving
they
are
grammatical,
in
terpretable
sen
tences,
and
pro
ving
there
is
a
coherence
relation
b
et
w
een
them.
T
o
pro
v
e
they
are
sen
tences,
w
e
w
ould
tap
in
to
an
expanded
v
ersion
of
the
sen
tence
grammar
of
Section
7.
This
w
ould
b
ottom
out
in
the
logical
forms
of
the
sen
tences,
via
the
lexical
axioms,
and
th
us
require
us
to
pro
v
e
ab
ductiv
ely
those
logical
forms.
One
w
a
y
to
pro
v
e
there
is
a
coherence
relation
b
et
w
een
the
sen
tences
is
to
pro
v
e
there
is
an
Explanation
relation
b
et
w
een
them
b
y
sho
wing
there
is
a
causal
relation
b
et
w
een
the
ev
en
tualities
they
describ
e.
After
bac
k-c
haining
in
this
manner,
w
e
are
faced
with
pro
ving
the
expression
(41)
(9
e
1
;
p;
d;
w
;
e
2
;
y
;
v
;
z
)pol
ice(p)
^
pr
ohibit
0
(e
1
;
p;
d)
^
demonstr
ate
0
(d;
w
)
^
cause(e
2
;
e
1
)
^
f
ear
0
(e
2
;
y
;
v
)
^
v
iol
ent
0
(v
;
z
)
That
is,
there
is
a
prohibiting
ev
en
t
e
1
b
y
the
p
olice
p
of
a
demonstrating
ev
en
t
d
b
y
the
w
omen
w
.
There
is
a
fearing
ev
en
t
e
2
b
y
someone
y
(\they")
of
violence
v
b
y
someone
z
.
The
fearing
ev
en
t
e
2
causes
the
prohibiting
ev
en
t
e
1
.
This
expression
is
just
the
(simplied)
logical
forms
of
the
t
w
o
sen
tences,
plus
the
h
yp
othesized
causal
relation
b
et
w
een
them.
Supp
ose,
plausibly
enough,
w
e
ha
v
e
in
our
kno
wledge
base
the
follo
wing
axioms:
(42)
(8
e
2
;
y
;
v
)f
ear
0
(e
2
;
y
;
v
)
(9
d
2
)disw
ant
0
(d
2
;
y
;
v
)
^
cause(e
2
;
d
2
)
That
is,
if
e
2
is
a
fearing
b
y
y
of
v
,
then
that
will
cause
the
state
d
2
of
y
not
w
an
ting
or
\disw
an
ting"
v
.
(43)
(8
d;
w
)demonstr
ate
0
(d;
w
)
(9
v
;
z
)cause(d;
v
)
^
v
iol
ent
0
(v
;
z
)
That
is,
demonstrations
cause
violence.
(44)
(8
d;
v
;
d
2
;
y
)cause(d;
v
)
^
disw
ant
0
(d
2
;
y
;
v
)
(9
d
1
)disw
ant
0
(d
1
;
y
;
d)
^
cause(d
2
;
d
1
)
That
is,
if
someone
y
disw
an
ts
v
and
v
is
caused
b
y
d,
then
that
will
cause
y
to
disw
an
t
d
as
w
ell.
If
y
ou
don't
w
an
t
the
eect,
y
ou
don't
w
an
t
the
cause.
(45)
(8
d
1
;
p;
d)disw
ant
0
(d
1
;
p;
d)
^
author
ity
(p)
(9
e
1
)pr
ohibit
0
(e
1
;
p;
d)
^
cause(d
1
;
e
1
)
That
is,
if
those
in
authorit
y
disw
an
t
something,
that
will
cause
them
to
prohibit
it.
(46)
(8
e
1
;
e
2
;
e
3
)cause(e
1
;
e
2
)
^
cause(e
2
;
e
3
)
cause(e
1
;
e
3
)
That
is,
cause
is
transitiv
e.
(47)
(8
p)pol
ice(p)
author
ity
(p)
17
S
eg
ment(\The
p
olice
:
:
:
violence.";
e
1
)
6
C
oher
enceR el
(e
1
;
e
2
;
e
1
)
A
A
A
A
A
K
S
eg
ment(\The
p
olice
:
:
:
demonstrating.";
e
1
)
S
eg
ment(\They
:
:
:
violence.";
e
2
)
6
6
S
y
n(\The
p
olice
:
:
:
demonstrating.";
e
1
;v;
;
;
;
)
S
y
n(\They
feared
violence.";
e
2
;v;
;
;
;
)
6
cause(e
2
;
e
1
)
6
A
A
A
K
pr
ohibit
0
(e
1
;
p;
d)
cause(d
1
;
e
1
)
cause(e
2
;
d
1
)
y
=
p
6
*
@
@
@
@
I
6
author
ity
(p)
disw
ant
0
(d
1
;
y
;
d)
cause(d
2
;
d
1
)
Æ
6
*
A
A
A
A
K
6
6
pol
ice(p)
disw
ant
0
(d
2
;
y
;
v
)
cause(d;
v
)
cause(e
2
;
d
2
)
v
iol
ent
0
(v
;
z
)
Æ
3
1
@
@
@
@
@
@
@
I
Æ
6
demonstr
ate
0
(d;
w
)
f
ear
0
(e
2
;
y
;
v
)
Figure
4:
In
terpretation
of
\The
p
olice
prohibited
the
w
omen
from
demonstrating.
They
feared
violence."
18
That
is,
the
p
olice
are
in
authorit
y
.
F
rom
these
axioms,
w
e
can
pro
v
e
all
of
the
ab
o
v
e
logical
form
except
the
prop
ositions
pol
ice(p),
demonstr
ate
0
(d;
w
),
and
f
ear
0
(f
;
y
;
v
),
whic
h
w
e
assume.
This
is
illustrated
in
Figure
3.
Notice
that
in
the
course
of
doing
the
pro
of,
w
e
unify
y
with
p,
th
us
resolving
the
problematic
pronoun
reference
that
originally
motiv
ated
this
example.
\They"
refers
to
the
p
olice.
One
can
imagine
a
n
um
b
er
of
v
ariations
on
this
example.
If
w
e
had
not
included
the
axiom
that
demonstrations
cause
violence,
w
e
w
ould
ha
v
e
had
to
assume
the
violence
and
the
causal
relation
b
et
w
een
demonstrations
and
violence.
Moreo
v
er,
other
coherence
relations
migh
t
b
e
imagined
here
b
y
constructing
the
surrounding
con
text
in
the
righ
t
w
a
y
.
It
could
b
e
follo
w
ed
b
y
the
sen
tence
\But
since
they
had
nev
er
demonstrated
b
efore,
they
did
not
kno
w
that
violence
migh
t
result."
In
this
case,
the
second
sen
tence
w
ould
pla
y
a
sub
ordinate
role
to
the
third,
forcing
the
resolution
of
\they"
to
the
w
omen.
Eac
h
example,
of
course,
has
to
b
e
analyzed
on
its
o
wn,
and
c
hanging
the
example
c
hanges
the
analysis.
In
Winograd's
original
v
ersion
of
this
example,
(48)
The
p
olice
prohibited
the
w
omen
from
demonstrating,
b
ecause
they
feared
violence.
the
causalit
y
w
as
explicit,
th
us
eliminating
the
coherence
relation
as
a
source
of
am
biguit
y
.
The
literal
cause(e
2
;
e
1
)
w
ould
b
e
part
of
the
logical
form.
Winograd's
con
trasting
text,
in
whic
h
\they"
is
resolv
ed
to
the
w
omen,
is
(49)
The
p
olice
prohibited
the
w
omen
from
demonstrating,
b
ecause
they
adv
o
cated
violence.
Here
w
e
w
ould
need
the
facts
that
when
one
demonstrates
one
adv
o
cates
and
that
adv
o-
cating
something
tends
to
bring
it
ab
out.
Then
sho
wing
a
causal
relation
b
et
w
een
the
clauses
will
result
in
\they"
b
eing
iden
tied
with
the
demonstrators.
9
Recognizing
the
Sp
eak
er's
Plan
As
presen
ted
so
far,
understanding
discourse
is
seeing
the
w
orld
of
the
text
as
coheren
t,
whic
h
in
turn
in
v
olv
es
viewing
the
con
ten
t
of
the
text
as
observ
ables
to
b
e
explained.
The
fo
cus
has
b
een
on
the
information
con
v
ey
ed
explicitly
or
implicitly
b
y
the
discourse.
W
e
can
call
this
the
inf
orma
tional
accoun
t
of
a
discourse.
But
utterances
are
em
b
edded
in
the
w
orld
as
w
ell.
They
are
pro
duced
to
realize
a
sp
eak
er's
in
ten
tion,
or
more
generally
,
they
are
actions
in
the
execution
of
a
sp
eak
er's
plan
to
ac
hiev
e
some
goal.
The
description
of
ho
w
a
discourse
realizes
the
sp
eak
ers'
goals
ma
y
b
e
called
the
intentional
accoun
t
of
the
discourse.
Let
us
consider
the
in
ten
tional
accoun
t
from
the
broadest
p
ersp
ectiv
e.
An
in
telligen
t
agen
t
is
em
b
edded
in
the
w
orld
and
m
ust,
at
eac
h
instan
t,
understand
the
curren
t
situation.
The
agen
t
do
es
so
b
y
nding
an
explanation
for
what
is
p
erceiv
ed.
Put
dieren
tly
,
the
agen
t
m
ust
explain
wh
y
the
complete
set
of
observ
ables
encoun
tered
constitutes
a
coheren
t
situation.
Other
agen
ts
in
the
en
vironmen
t
are
view
ed
as
in
ten
tional,
that
is,
as
planning
19
mec
hanisms,
and
this
means
that
the
b
est
explanation
of
their
observ
able
actions
is
most
lik
ely
to
b
e
that
the
actions
are
steps
in
a
coheren
t
plan.
Th
us,
making
sense
of
an
en
vironmen
t
that
includes
other
agen
ts
en
tails
making
sense
of
the
other
agen
ts'
actions
in
terms
of
what
they
are
in
tended
to
ac
hiev
e.
When
those
actions
are
utterances,
the
utterances
m
ust
b
e
understo
o
d
as
actions
in
a
plan
the
agen
ts
are
trying
to
eect.
That
is,
the
sp
eak
er's
plan
m
ust
b
e
recognized|the
in
ten
tional
accoun
t.
Generally
,
when
a
sp
eak
er
sa
ys
something
it
is
with
the
goal
of
the
hearer
b
elieving
the
con
ten
t
of
the
utterance,
or
thinking
ab
out
it,
or
considering
it,
or
taking
some
other
cog-
nitiv
e
stance
to
w
ard
it.
Let
us
subsume
all
these
men
tal
terms
under
the
term
\cognize".
Then
w
e
can
summarize
the
relation
b
et
w
een
the
in
ten
tional
and
informational
accoun
ts
succinctly
in
the
follo
wing
form
ula:
(50)
in
ten
tional-accoun
t
=
g
oal
(A;
cog
niz
e(B
;
informational-accoun
t)
The
sp
eak
er
ostensibly
has
the
goal
of
c
hanging
the
men
tal
state
of
the
hearer
to
include
some
men
tal
stance
to
w
ard
the
con
ten
t
c
haracterized
b
y
the
informational
accoun
t.
Th
us,
the
informational
accoun
t
is
em
b
edded
in
the
in
ten
tional
accoun
t.
When
w
e
reason
ab
out
the
sp
eak
er's
in
ten
tion,
w
e
are
reasoning
ab
out
ho
w
this
goal
ts
in
to
the
larger
picture
of
the
sp
eak
er's
ongoing
plan.
W
e
are
asking
wh
y
the
sp
eak
er
seems
to
b
e
trying
to
get
the
hearer
to
b
eliev
e
this
particular
con
ten
t.
The
informational
accoun
t
explains
the
situation
describ
ed
in
the
discourse;
the
in
ten
tional
accoun
t
explains
wh
y
the
sp
eak
er
c
hose
to
con
v
ey
this
information.
The
(defeasible)
axiom
that
encapsulates
this
is
(51)
(8
s;
h;
e
1
;
e;
w
)g
oal
(s;
e
1
)
^
cog
niz
e
0
(e
1
;
h;
e)
^
S
eg
ment(w
;
e)
utter
(s;
h;
w
)
That
is,
normally
if
a
sp
eak
er
s
has
a
goal
of
the
hearer
h
cognizing
a
situation
e
and
w
is
a
string
of
w
ords
that
con
v
eys
e,
then
s
will
utter
w
to
h.
W
e
app
eal
to
this
axiom
to
in
terpret
the
utterance
as
an
in
ten
tional
comm
unicativ
e
act.
That
is,
if
y
ou
(U
)
utter
to
me
(I
)
a
string
of
w
ords
(W
),
then
to
explain
this
observ
able
ev
en
t,
I
ha
v
e
to
pro
v
e
(52)
utter
(U;
I
;
W
)
and
I
b
egin
to
do
so
b
y
bac
k
c
haining
on
the
ab
o
v
e
axiom.
Reasoning
ab
out
the
sp
eak
er's
plan
is
a
matter
of
establishing
the
rst
t
w
o
prop
ositions
in
the
an
teceden
t
of
the
axiom.
Determining
the
informational
con
ten
t
of
the
utterance
is
a
matter
of
establishing
the
third,
as
describ
ed
in
the
previous
sections.
The
t
w
o
sides
of
the
pro
of
inuence
eac
h
other
since
they
share
v
ariables
and
since
minimalit
y
results
when
b
oth
are
explained
and
when
they
share
prop
ositions.
Both
the
in
ten
tional
and
informational
accoun
ts
are
necessary
.
The
informational
ac-
coun
t
is
needed
b
ecause
w
e
ha
v
e
no
direct
access
to
the
sp
eak
er's
plan.
W
e
can
only
infer
it
from
history
and
b
eha
vior.
The
con
ten
t
of
the
utterance
is
often
the
b
est
evi-
dence
of
the
sp
eak
er's
in
ten
tion,
and
often
the
in
ten
tion
is
no
more
than
to
con
v
ey
that
particular
con
ten
t.
On
the
other
hand,
the
in
ten
tional
accoun
t
is
necessary
in
cases
lik
e
pragmatic
ellipsis,
where
the
informational
accoun
t
is
highly
underdetermined
and
the
global
in
terpretation
is
primarily
shap
ed
b
y
our
b
eliefs
ab
out
the
sp
eak
er's
plan.
20
P
erhaps
most
in
teresting
are
cases
of
gen
uine
conict
b
et
w
een
the
t
w
o
accoun
ts.
The
informational
accoun
t
do
es
not
seem
to
b
e
true,
or
it
seems
to
run
coun
ter
to
the
sp
eak
er's
goals
for
the
hearer
to
come
to
b
eliev
e
it,
or
it
ough
t
to
b
e
ob
vious
that
the
hearer
already
do
es
b
eliev
e
it.
T
autologies
are
an
example
of
the
last
of
these
cases|tautologies
suc
h
as
\b
o
ys
will
b
e
b
o
ys,"
\fair
is
fair,"
and
\a
job
is
a
job."
Norvig
and
Wilensky
(1990)
cite
this
gure
of
sp
eec
h
as
something
that
should
cause
trouble
for
an
ab
duction
approac
h
that
seeks
minimal
explanations,
since
the
minimal
explanation
is
that
they
just
express
a
kno
wn
truth.
Suc
h
an
explanation
requires
no
assumptions
at
all.
In
fact,
the
phenomenon
is
a
go
o
d
example
of
wh
y
an
informational
accoun
t
of
discourse
in
terpretation
has
to
b
e
em
b
edded
in
an
in
ten
tional
accoun
t.
Let
us
imagine
t
w
o
paren
ts,
A
and
B,
sitting
in
the
pla
yground
and
talking.
(53)
A:
Y
our
Johnn
y
is
certainly
acting
up
to
da
y
,
isn't
he?
B:
Bo
ys
will
b
e
b
o
ys.
In
order
to
a
v
oid
dealing
with
the
complications
of
plurals
and
tense
in
this
example,
let
us
simplify
B's
utterance
to
(54)
B:
A
b
o
y
is
a
b
o
y
.
Sev
eral
informational
accoun
ts
of
this
utterance
are
p
ossible.
The
rst
is
the
Literal
Extensional
In
terpretation.
The
rst
\a
b
o
y"
in
tro
duces
a
sp
ecic,
previously
uniden
tied
b
o
y
and
the
second
sa
ys
ab
out
him
that
he
is
a
b
o
y
.
The
second
informational
accoun
t
is
the
Literal
In
tensional
In
terpretation.
The
sen
tence
expresses
a
trivial
implicativ
e
re-
lation
b
et
w
een
t
w
o
general
prop
ositions|boy
(x)
and
boy
(x).
The
third
is
the
Desired
In
terpretation.
The
rst
\a
b
o
y"
iden
ties
the
t
ypical
mem
b
er
of
a
class
whic
h
Johnn
y
is
a
mem
b
er
of
and
the
second
con
v
eys
a
general
prop
ert
y
,
\b
eing
a
b
o
y",
as
a
w
a
y
of
con
v
eying
a
sp
ecic
prop
ert
y
,
\misb
eha
ving",
whic
h
is
true
of
mem
b
ers
of
that
class.
More
precisely
,
the
logical
form
of
the
sen
tence
can
b
e
written
as
follo
ws:
(55)
(9
e
1
;
e
2
;
x;
y
;
z
;
w
)boy
0
(e
1
;
x)
^
r
el
(z
;
x)
^
be(z
;
w
)
^
r
el
(w
;
y
)
^
boy
0
(e
2
;
y
)
The
sen
tence
expresses
a
be
relation
b
et
w
een
t
w
o
en
tities,
but
either
or
b
oth
of
its
argu-
men
ts
ma
y
b
e
sub
ject
to
co
ercion.
Th
us,
w
e
ha
v
e
in
tro
duced
the
t
w
o
r
el
relations.
The
logical
form
can
b
e
giv
en
the
tortured
paraphrase,
\z
is
w
,
where
z
is
related
to
x
whose
b
o
y-ness
is
e
1
and
w
is
related
to
y
whose
b
o
y-ness
is
e
2
."
The
required
axioms
are
as
follo
ws:
Ev
erything
is
itself:
(56)
(8
x)be(x;
x)
Implication
can
b
e
expressed
b
y
\to
b
e":
(57)
(8
e
1
;
e
2
)impl
y
(e
1
;
e
2
)
be(e
1
;
e
2
)
Implication
is
reexiv
e:
(58)
(8
e)impl
y
(e;
e)
21
Bo
ys
misb
eha
v
e:
(59)
(8
e
1
;
x)boy
0
(e
1
;
x)
(9
e
3
)misbehav
e
0
(e
3
;
x)
^
impl
y
(e
1
;
e
3
)
Misb
eha
v
ers
are
often
b
o
ys:
(60)
(8
e
3
;
x)misbehav
e
0
(e
3
;
x)
^
etc
1
(x)
(9
e
2
)boy
0
(e
2
;
x)
Iden
tit
y
is
a
p
ossible
co
ercion
relation:
(61)
(8
x)r
el
(x;
x)
An
en
tit
y
can
b
e
co
erced
in
to
a
prop
ert
y
of
the
en
tit
y:
(62)
(8
e;
x)boy
0
(e;
x)
r
el
(e;
x)
(8
e;
x)misbehav
e
0
(e;
x)
r
el
(e;
x)
Note
that
w
e
ha
v
e
axioms
in
b
oth
directions
relating
b
o
ys
and
misb
eha
ving;
in
Hobbs
et
al.
(1993)
the
general
w
a
y
of
expressing
axioms
is
with
biconditionals
and
etc
predicates.
The
axioms
with
the
co
ercion
relation
r
el
in
the
consequen
t
b
egin
to
sp
ell
out
the
range
of
p
ossible
in
terpretations
for
r
el
.
No
w
the
Literal
Extensional
In
terpretation
is
established
b
y
taking
the
t
w
o
co
ercion
relations
to
b
e
iden
tit
y
,
taking
be
to
b
e
expressing
iden
tit
y
,
and
assuming
boy
(e
1
;
x)
(or
equiv
alen
tly
,
boy
(e
2
;
y
)).
In
the
Literal
In
tensional
In
terpretation,
z
is
iden
tied
with
e
1
,
w
is
iden
tied
with
e
2
,
and
boy
0
(e
1
;
x)
and
boy
0
(e
2
;
y
)
are
tak
en
to
b
e
the
t
w
o
co
ercion
relations.
Then
e
2
is
iden
tied
with
e
1
and
be(e
1
;
e
1
)
is
in
terpreted
as
a
consequence
of
impl
y
(e
1
;
e
1
).
Again,
boy
(e
1
;
x)
is
assumed.
In
the
Desired
In
terpretation,
the
rst
co
ercion
relation
is
tak
en
to
b
e
boy
0
(e
1
;
x),
iden-
tifying
z
as
e
1
.
The
second
co
ercion
relation
is
tak
en
to
b
e
misbehav
e
0
(e
3
;
y
),
iden
tifying
w
as
e
3
.
If
etc
1
(y
)
is
assumed,
then
misbehav
e
0
(e
3
;
y
)
explains
boy
(e
2
;
y
).
If
boy
(e
1
;
x)
is
assumed,
it
can
explain
misbehav
e
0
(e
3
;
y
),
iden
tifying
x
and
y
,
and
also
impl
y
(e
1
;
e
3
).
The
latter
explains
be(e
1
;
e
3
).
Considering
the
informational
accoun
t
alone,
the
Literal
Extensional
In
terpretation
is
minimal
and
hence
w
ould
b
e
fa
v
ored.
The
Desired
In
terpretation
is
the
w
orst
of
the
three.
But
the
Literal
Extensional
and
In
tensional
In
terpretations
lea
v
e
the
fact
that
the
utterance
o
ccurred
unaccoun
ted
for.
In
the
in
ten
tional
accoun
t,
this
is
what
w
e
need
to
explain.
The
explanation
w
ould
run
something
lik
e
this:
B
w
an
ts
A
to
b
eliev
e
that
B
is
not
resp
onsible
for
Johnn
y's
misb
eha
ving.
Th
us,
B
w
an
ts
A
to
b
eliev
e
that
Johnn
y
misb
eha
v
es
necessarily
.
Th
us,
giv
en
that
Johnn
y
is
necessarily
a
b
o
y
,
B
w
an
ts
A
to
b
eliev
e
that
Johnn
y's
b
eing
a
b
o
y
implies
that
he
misb
eha
v
es.
Th
us,
B
w
an
ts
to
con
v
ey
to
A
that
b
eing
a
b
o
y
implies
misb
eha
ving.
Th
us,
giv
en
that
b
o
y-ness
implies
misb
eha
ving
is
a
p
ossible
in
terpretation
of
a
b
o
y
b
eing
a
b
o
y
,
B
w
an
ts
to
sa
y
to
A
that
a
b
o
y
is
a
b
o
y
.
22
The
con
ten
t
of
the
utterance
under
the
Literal
Extensional
and
In
tensional
In
terpre-
tations
do
not
lend
themselv
es
to
explanations
for
the
fact
that
the
utterance
o
ccurred,
whereas
the
Desired
In
terpretation
do
es.
The
requiremen
t
for
the
globally
minimal
ex-
planation
in
an
in
ten
tional
accoun
t,
that
is,
the
requiremen
t
that
b
oth
the
con
ten
t
and
the
fact
of
the
utterance
m
ust
b
e
explained,
forces
us
in
to
an
in
terpretation
of
the
con-
ten
t
that
w
ould
not
b
e
fa
v
ored
in
an
informational
accoun
t
alone.
W
e
are
forced
in
to
an
in
terpretation
of
the
con
ten
t
that,
while
not
optimal
lo
cally
,
con
tributes
to
a
global
in
terpretation
that
is
optimal.
10
Relation
to
Relev
ance
Theory
One
of
the
other
principal
con
tenders
for
a
theory
of
ho
w
w
e
understand
extended
discourse
is
Relev
ance
Theory
(R
T)
(Sp
erb
er
and
Wilson
1986).
In
fact,
the
IA
framew
ork
and
R
T
are
v
ery
close
to
eac
h
other
in
the
pro
cessing
that
w
ould
implemen
t
them.
In
R
T,
the
agen
t
is
in
the
situation
of
ha
ving
a
kno
wlege
base
K
and
hearing
a
sen
tence
with
con
ten
t
Q.
F
rom
K
and
Q
a
new
set
R
of
inferences
can
b
e
dra
wn:
(63)
K ;
Q
`
R
R
T
sa
ys
that
the
agen
t
striv
es
to
maximize
R
in
an
appropriately
hedged
sense.
An
immediate
consequence
of
this
is
that
insofar
as
w
e
are
able
to
pragmatically
strengthen
Q
b
y
means
of
axioms
of
the
form
(64)
P
Q
then
w
e
are
getting
a
b
etter
R ,
since
P
implies
an
ything
that
Q
implies,
and
then
some.
In
the
IA
framew
ork,
w
e
b
egin
with
pragmatic
strengthening.
The
task
of
the
agen
t
is
to
explain
the
general
Q
with
the
more
sp
ecic
P
.
This
means
that
an
ything
done
in
the
IA
framew
ork
ough
t
to
carry
o
v
er
without
c
hange
in
to
R
T.
Muc
h
of
the
w
ork
in
R
T
dep
ends
primarily
or
solely
on
pragmatic
strengthening,
and
where
this
is
the
case,
it
can
immediately
b
e
incorp
orated
in
to
the
IA
framew
ork.
F
rom
the
p
oin
t
of
view
of
IA,
p
eople
are
going
through
the
w
orld
trying
to
gure
out
what
is
going
on.
F
rom
the
p
oin
t
of
view
of
R
T,
they
are
going
through
the
w
orld
trying
to
learn
as
m
uc
h
as
they
can,
and
guring
out
what
is
going
on
is
in
service
of
that.
The
IA
framew
ork
has
b
een
w
ork
ed
out
in
greater
detail
formally
and,
I
b
eliev
e,
has
a
more
comp
elling
justication|explaining
the
observ
ables
in
our
en
vironmen
t.
But
a
great
deal
of
excellen
t
w
ork
has
b
een
done
in
R
T,
so
it
is
useful
to
kno
w
that
the
t
w
o
framew
orks
are
almost
en
tirely
compatible.
11
Researc
h
Issues
In
the
examples
giv
en
in
this
pap
er,
I
ha
v
e
ca
v
alierly
assumed
the
most
con
v
enien
t
axioms
w
ere
in
the
kno
wledge
base
that
w
as
b
eing
used.
But
of
course
it
is
a
serious
researc
h
issue
ho
w
to
construct
a
kno
wledge
base
prior
to
seeing
the
discourses
it
will
b
e
used
for
in
terpreting.
I
b
eliev
e
there
is
a
principled
metho
dology
for
deciding
what
facts
should
23
go
in
to
a
kno
wledge
base
(Hobbs
1984),
and
there
are
previous
and
ongoing
eorts
to
construct
a
kno
wledge
base
of
the
required
sort.
F
or
example,
W
ordNet
(Miller
1995),
while
shallo
w
and
lac
king
the
required
formalit
y
,
is
v
ery
broad,
and
attempts
ha
v
e
b
een
made
to
emplo
y
it
as
a
kno
wledge
base
in
text
understanding
(Harabagiu
and
Moldo
v
an
1998).
F
rameNet
(Bak
er
et
al.
1998)
is
a
more
recen
t
eort
aimed
at
deep
er
inference,
but
it
is
not
y
et
as
broad.
The
eorts
of
Hobbs
et
al.
(1986),
recen
tly
resumed,
are
deep
er
y
et
but
v
ery
m
uc
h
smaller
in
scop
e.
Cyc
(Guha
and
Lenat
1990)
is
b
oth
broad
and
deep,
but
it
is
not
clear
ho
w
useful
it
will
b
e
for
in
terpreting
discourse
(e.g.,
Mahesh
et
al.
1996).
In
an
y
case,
progress
in
b
eing
made
on
sev
eral
fron
ts.
Another
issue
I
w
as
silen
t
ab
out
in
presen
ting
the
examples
w
as
exactly
what
the
measure
is
that
decides
among
comp
eting
in
terpretations.
In
some
of
the
examples,
factors
suc
h
as
redundancy
in
explanation
and
the
co
v
erage
of
the
explanations
w
ere
app
ealed
to
as
criteria
for
c
ho
osing
among
them.
But
this
w
as
not
made
precise.
Charniak
and
Shimon
y
(1990)
w
en
t
a
long
w
a
y
in
setting
the
w
eigh
ting
criteria
on
a
rm
mathematical
foundation,
in
terms
of
probabilities.
But
w
e
still
do
not
ha
v
e
v
ery
m
uc
h
exp
erience
in
seeing
ho
w
the
metho
d
w
orks
out
in
practice.
My
feeling
is
that
no
w
the
task
is
to
build
up
a
large
kno
wledge
base
and
do
the
necessary
empirical
studies
of
attempting
to
pro
cess
a
large
n
um
b
er
of
texts
with
resp
ect
to
the
kno
wledge
base.
That
of
course
requires
the
kno
wledge
base.
I
ha
v
e
written
in
this
c
hapter
only
ab
out
in
terpretation,
not
ab
out
generation.
It
is
an
in
teresting
question
whether
generation
can
b
e
done
in
the
same
framew
ork.
A
t
the
most
abstract
lev
el,
it
seems
it
should
b
e
p
ossible.
In
terpreting
a
string
of
w
ords
W
w
as
describ
ed
as
pro
ving
the
expression
(65)
(9
e)S
eg
ment(W
;
e)
It
should
b
e
p
ossible
corresp
ondingly
to
c
haracterize
the
pro
cess
of
describing
a
situation
E
as
the
pro
cess
of
pro
ving
the
expression
(66)
(9
w
)S
eg
ment(w
;
E
)
Preliminary
explorations
of
this
idea
are
describ
ed
in
Thomason
and
Hobbs
(1997),
but
these
are
only
preliminary
.
The
in
v
estigation
of
quan
tit
y
implicatures
should
probably
b
e
lo
cated
at
the
lev
el
of
in
teractions
b
et
w
een
in
terpretation
and
generation.
The
sen
tence
(67)
John
has
three
c
hildren.
is
usually
not
said
when
John
has
more
than
three
c
hildren,
ev
en
though
it
is
still
true
in
those
circumstances.
The
hearer's
reasoning
w
ould
go
something
lik
e
this:
The
sp
eak
er
said
U
1
,
whic
h
could
mean
either
M
1
or
M
2
.
But
she
probably
means
M
1
,
b
ecause
if
she
had
mean
t
M
2
,
she
probably
w
ould
ha
v
e
said
U
2
.
Also
lo
cated
in
this
area
is
the
problem
of
ho
w
sp
eak
ers
are
able
to
co-construct
a
single
coheren
t
segmen
t
of
discourse,
and
sometimes
a
single
sen
tence,
across
sev
eral
con
v
ersational
turns
(e.g.,
Wilk
es-Gibbs
1986).
Learning
is
another
imp
ortan
t
researc
h
issue.
An
y
framew
ork
that
has
am
bitions
of
b
eing
a
serious
cognitiv
e
mo
del
m
ust
supp
ort
an
approac
h
to
learning.
In
the
IA
24
framew
ork,
what
is
learned
is
axioms.
A
set
of
axioms
can
b
e
augmen
ted
incremen
tally
via
the
follo
wing
incremen
tal
c
hanges:
in
tro
ducing
a
new
predicate
whic
h
is
a
sp
ecialization
of
an
old
one,
increasing
the
arit
y
of
a
predicate,
adding
a
prop
osition
to
the
an
teceden
t
of
an
axiom,
and
adding
a
prop
osition
to
the
consequen
t
of
an
axiom.
But
the
details
of
this
idea,
e.g.,
when
an
axioms
should
b
e
c
hanged,
ha
v
e
not
y
et
b
een
w
ork
ed
out.
Finally
,
there
should
b
e
a
plausible
realization
of
the
framew
ork
in
some
kind
of
neural
arc
hitecture.
The
SHR
UTI
arc
hitecture
dev
elop
ed
b
y
Shastri
and
his
colleagues
(e.g.,
Shastri
and
Ajjanagade
1993)
lo
oks
v
ery
promising
in
this
regard.
The
v
ariable
binding
required
b
y
rst-order
logic
is
realized
b
y
the
sync
hronized
ring
of
neurons,
and
the
w
eigh
ting
sc
heme
in
the
ab
duction
metho
d
is
realized
b
y
means
of
v
ariable
strengths
of
activ
ation.
But
again,
details
remain
to
b
e
w
ork
ed
out.
Ac
kno
wledgemen
ts
This
material
is
based
in
part
on
w
ork
supp
orted
b
y
the
National
Science
F
oundation
and
Adv
anced
Researc
h
Pro
jects
Agency
under
Gran
t
Num
b
er
IRI-9304961
(In
tegrated
T
ec
hniques
for
Generation
and
In
terpretation),
and
b
y
the
National
Science
F
oundation
under
Gran
t
Num
b
er
IRI-9619126
(Multimo
dal
Access
to
Spatial
Data).
An
y
opinions,
ndings,
and
conclusions
or
recommendations
expressed
in
this
c
hapter
are
those
of
the
author
and
do
not
necessarily
reect
the
views
of
the
National
Science
F
oundation.
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