E
lves have been a ixture in the European mentality for a long
time in fairytales and legends and, recently, in the most popular
novels and ilms of our age. In this article, my aim is to deter-
mine the function of elves in Old Norse narratives from the thirteenth
century by concentrating on the igure of Vo˛lundr, the protagonist of
Vo˛lundarkviða, who to my mind is the most important Old Norse elf.
The poem portrays his marriage to a southern swan-maiden who later
leaves him. He then retires into solitude, hunting bears, and count-
ing his rings until he is captured and enslaved by the avaricious King
Níðuðr. The poem ends with Vo˛lundr’s gruesome revenge on the king
and his family.
Vo˛lundarkviða is the tenth of twenty-nine poems in the Codex Regius
ms of the Poetic Edda. Few Eddic poems have suffered less from schol-
arly neglect: a recent bibliography lists over 100 studies, not counting
editions (von See, et al. 77–81). There are grounds for this attention.
To take one, Vo˛lundarkviða is usually classiied as a heroic rather than
mythological poem and shares common characteristics with some of the
more ancient heroic poems in the Elder Edda, and yet it stands among
the mythological Eddic poems in the manuscript between Þrymskviða
and Alvíssmál. Another distinguishing feature of Vo˛lundarkviða is its age.
Most scholars believe that it is one of the oldest Eddic poems.
1
Further-
more, the poem has interesting connections with non-Nordic Germanic
heroic poetry, English place-names, English and Gothic artifacts from
The Extreme Emotional Life of
Vo˛lundr the Elf
Ármann Jakobsson
University of Iceland
1. Among those who have accepted V. as very old are Finnur Jónsson (Den oldnorske 212);
Hamel; Jón Helgason (49); and Einar Ól. Sveinsson (Íslenzkar bókmenntir 229 and 416–23).
Neckel was skeptical (279). Bugge (“Kvadet”) argued that V. was composed in Norway
around 900 by a Norwegian poet using English sources. Dronke suggests a long period
2
Scandinavian Studies
the Viking age or even earlier, as well as Greek mythology (Dronke,
The Poetic Edda ii
258–90; Jón Helgason 27–52; von See, et al. 82–9 and
93–105; McKinnell 1–13). It is not surprising that considerable scholarly
attention has been given to the historical background of the poem, and
much effort has gone into attempting to distinguish young material from
old and discerning later additions to the basic story (Dronke, The Poetic
Edda ii
258–90; Jón Helgason 42–52; von See, et al. 82–106; Burson;
Motz, “New Thoughts”). But while these matters are interesting and
important, it might be fruitful to disregard for the moment the origins
of individual motifs and narrative elements in order to focus instead on
their function in Vo˛lundarkviða in its present form.
2
In spite of the abundance of studies on the poem, the character of
Vo˛lundr remains elusive, and this study will explore his identity. One of
the interesting facets of Vo˛lundarkviða is that its protagonist is referred
of composition, the inal product stemming fram the tenth century (The Poetic Edda ii
269–90). McKinnell believes V. to be composed in Yorkshire in the tenth or the early elev-
enth century. Ásgeir Bl. Magnússon has hinted that a later dating (and Icelandic origins)
is possible. See (116–7) also seems to lean toward the twelfth century. Although the idea
of the antiquity of V. has support from references in skaldic poetry and textual analogues
with the tenth century English poem, Deor’s Lament, V. in its present form exists only in
the Codex Regius ms from the late thirteenth century (see e.g. Dronke, The Poetic Edda
ii 271–8; von See, et al. 95–6 and 114–7). It is impossible to ascertain whether this is the
original version of the poem, or if lines, stanzas, or whole sections have been altered or
inserted. The present version of the poem may date from the thirteenth century; it may
be older. It has to be read without that certainty.
2. The structure of V. is somewhat complex, but most recent scholars have neverthe-
less tried to interpret the poem as it stands (see e.g. Taylor, “The Structure”; Burson;
Grimstad; Motz, “New Thoughts”; McKinnell; Dronke, The Poetic Edda ii 255–300). It
appears at irst sight to be a fusion of two plots: the irst concerns three swan-maidens
who marry and leave three brothers. The second is a tale of the revenge of an elf smith
unjustly captured by an avaricious king. The two may have been originally different nar-
ratives but are conjoined in the present poem. Among scholars who believe in the linkage
of two or more stories are: Boer; Neckel (283–92); Holmström; Vogt; Hamel (151–2);
Bouman (“On Vo˛lundarkviða”); Einar Ól. Sveinsson (Íslenzkar bókmenntir 417–20); and
Burson (1). Some, e.g. Taylor (“The Structure” 229–34) and Burson (5–6), nevertheless
argue that the two halves it together in various ways, Taylor focusing on textual paral-
lels, Burson on motifs and characters. See also Bouman, “Vo˛lundr as an Aviator.” Motz
(“New Thoughts” 62) thinks that the legend originally contained both halves (see also
Niedner). Bonsack also believes that the legends were entwined in tradition. His idea
of a relationship between the Friedrich von Schwaben and V. leads him to reconstruct
a twin narrative consisting of the Heliand poem. Based on scant evidence (often using
anagrams when he needs to establish a relationship), he then uses his reconstructed lost
works to shed light on the extant texts.
Vo˛lundr the Elf
3
to as the “prince of elves.” It is uncertain what that means and how his
portrayal is important to the study of medieval elves. I will argue here
that for a better understanding of elves, it is crucial to examine the
nature of Vo˛lundr’s Otherness and to elucidate Vo˛lundarkviða’s portrayal
of the complex relationship between love, treachery, and revenge and
its signiicance for the nature of medieval elves.
The Elusiveness of Old Norse Elves
Three times in Vo˛lundarkviða, Vo˛lundr is referred to as an álfr. In stanza
10, he is called “alfa lioþi,” while in stanzas 13 and 32, he is called “visi
alfa” by his enemy, King Níðuðr.
3
The word ljóði seems to mean literally
“of a [certain] people” (see ON lýðr), while vísi means “leader, king.”
Both are poetic words, but while vísi is not uncommon, ljóði is not
attested to in any other source.
4
It thus seems evident that Vo˛lundr is
an álfr, but while his royal status does not seem important since none
of his subjects makes an appearance in the poem. It must be noted
that Vo˛lundr’s elvish nature is problematic.
5
While Vo˛lundr appears in
several other Germanic sources, his elvish origins are hardly anywhere
mentioned outside Vo˛lundarkviða.
6
However, if Vo˛lundr’s suggested
elvish character were not important in this particular version of his story,
3. I refer here and elsewhere in this article to Bugge’s 1867 edition (165 and 169). When
translating V., I use Dronke (The Poetic Edda ii 243–54), unless otherwise stated.
4. Sveinbjörn Egilsson, Lexicon poeticum 379, 626. Sophus Bugge believed that ljóði
must mean “leader” as well and suggested it was perhaps a loan-word from Old English
(where léod means “leader”) (“Kvadet,” 52–3; see also McKinnell 3). The abundance of
archaic words and hapax legomenon in V. is one of the reasons scholars agree on the poem’s
antiquity. See Gering and Sijmons 1–26; von See, et al. 118–266.
5. Not all scholars agree that V. is an elf. To Motz, he is a dökkálfr, which means a dwarf
or a supernatural smith. She is perhaps the most detailed theorist of V.’s origins and her
conclusion is that V. is originally a legendary craftsman of supernatural origin. While she
stresses his supernatural status, she nonetheless believes his elvishness to be secondary
(“Of Elves and Dwarfs”; The Wise One 131–37; “New Thoughts”). Grimstad concurs that
as an elf, V. is the type resembling dwarfs. Dronke (The Poetic Edda ii 261–3) believes
that the poem related to an old tradition in which álfar were subtle smiths before the
dwarfs outshone the álfar in that respect. Taylor wavers between regarding V. as a god,
a hero, a dark elf (dwarf), or even a giant (“Völundarkviða, Þrymskviða” 268–9). He says:
“Shifting as he does from one realm of being to another, he resists easy classiication as
either god or hero” (269).
4
Scandinavian Studies
it is unlikely that it would be mentioned three times in a poem of only
41 stanzas.
7
The position of Vo˛lundarkviða between the mythological
and heroic poems, along with Þrymskviða and Alvíssmál, might also be
signiicant to the question of his identity, as it may relect a conscious
effort by the editor or editors of the Codex Regius to make the giants,
elves, and dwarfs intermediaries between the gods and the mythical
heroes.
8
In the prose introduction to the poem in the Codex Regius, Vo˛lundr
and his brothers are said to be “synir Finnakonvngs” [sons of the king of
the Lapps] who married valkyries. Vo˛lundr is said to be “hagastr maþr
sva at menn viti i fornom svZgom” (163) [the most skilful man known to
men in the histories of the past]. Thus in the only source for Vo˛lundr
the álfr, there is some confusion about his nature. Whereas it is possible
that the author of the prose introduction had reasons unknown to us
for assuming that Vo˛lundr was a Sámi hunter and prince, it should
also be kept in mind that the prose introduction is often regarded as
an interpretation rather than an integral part of the poem (see Gunnell
194–203) and that in the poem itself, only álfar are mentioned.
9
In this study, I will try to distinguish between mythological álfar
and those of later folktales and literature. This is not to say that later
material from folktales cannot have comparative value. Neither is J.R.R.
Tolkien’s interpretation as relected in his iction without interest, as he
was a learned as well as an imaginative scholar. But however attractive,
the time has come to resist reviewing information about álfar en masse
and trying to impose generalizations on a tradition of a thousand years.
Legends of álfar may have been constantly changing and were perhaps
always heterogeneous so it might be argued that any particular source
will only relect the state of affairs at one given time. In addition, there
6. The only exception is Layamon’s Brut (Brook and Leslie 550–1), see McKinnell 3;
Taylor, “Völundarkviða, Þrymskviða” 269. See also Grimstad 193–4.
7. There is some disagreement among scholars on how to deine the stanzas of V.: some
editions making them forty in all (e.g. Jón Helgason) but some forty-one (e.g. Bugge;
Dronke, The Poetic Edda ii).
8. See e.g. Burson 1; Vésteinn Ólason 130; See et al. 105–6; Berg 255. Grimstad (193)
suggests that V. forms together with Alvíssmál a duet of poems in the codex, about elves
and dwarfs.
9. Some scholars have believed the connection with Sámi to be ancient (Bugge, “Kvadet”;
McKinnell 9–10. See also Dronke, The Poetic Edda ii 287–9). It must also be noted
that the distinction between Sámi and elves may be only on the surface (see Lindow,
“Supernatural Others”).
Vo˛lundr the Elf
5
must always have been variation in the way people regarded álfar. Bear-
ing that fact in mind, I will focus on Old Norse sources, mainly from
the thirteenth century. They may represent a much older tradition, but
that conjecture is hard to prove.
I will attempt here to distinguish Eddic infomation from other
medieval sources, such as sagas and romances. In the more realistic Sagas
of Icelanders, Bishops’ Sagas, and Sturlunga saga, álfar are rare. When
seen, they are distant, as in this example from Sturlunga, dated to 1168:
“Sá vetr var kallaðr kynjavetr, því at þá urðu margir undarligir hlutir. Þá
váru sénar sólir tvær senn. Ok þá váru sénir álfar ok aðrir kynjamenn ríða
saman í lokki í Skagairði,—sá Ari Bjarnarson” (123) [“This was called
the Winter of Marvels because so many strange things occured: two suns
were seen together in the sky; a troop of elves and strange beings were
seen riding in Skagafjörð by Ari Bjarnarson” (McGrew 101)]. The style
of this passage indicates that it derives from an annalistic source. We
learn precious little from it on the subject of álfar apart from their being
on horseback in the company of other strange beings.
10
There are also
references to a cult of elves in the sagas but often in terms so vague that
it is hard to arrive at any deep understanding of old rituals. In Kormáks
saga,
a witch (spákona) wants to offer meat to álfar who seem to live in
hills (Einar Ól. Sveinsson 288).
11
In Eyrbyggja saga, we ind the familiar
idea that people are expected to relieve themselves at a safe distance from
a sacred spot, and the word used (álfrek) indicates that the álfar might
be expected to get angry although their relationship with the hallowed
ground is not elaborated on (10, 15–6; see also Jakob Benediktsson 125).
According to sparse examples in the King’s Sagas, a cult of álfar was also
believed to have existed in Norway before Christianity.
12
In one case,
a human king, Óláfr Geirstaðaálfr, seems to have been venerated as an
álfr
after his death (Unger, Flateyjarbok ii 7).
13
10. This may suggest that they were believed to keep livestock, as they do in more recent
folktales (Einar Ól. Sveinsson, Um íslenzkar þjóðsögur 158).
11. The episode is strange, and the witch Þórdís may well be a comic igure, which might
make her belief in álfar spurious, although the saga does seem to contain some older
material.
12. The word “álfablót” is mentioned in Heimskringla (Óláfs saga helga). This feast takes
place in Scandinavia but there is no information on what actually transpires (Bjarni
Aðalbjarnarson, Heimskringla ii 137). See alsoVries, “Über.”
13. The epithet for Óláfr is also given in Heimskringla but his cult not elaborated upon
(Bjarni Aðalbjarnarson, Heimskringla i 79–84).
6
Scandinavian Studies
Álfar appear as characters in legendary sagas while in the foreign
romances and the indigenous riddaraso˛gur, dwarfs are more promi-
nent.
14
In Norna-Gests þáttr, álfar are synonymous with evil spirits and
creatures of the Other World (Unger, Flateyjarbok i 346). In Bósa saga,
álfar
are listed with other evil spirits in the curse of the hag Busla (14).
15
In Þiðreks saga, a male álfr has sexual relations with a woman. This álfr
is described as a strange spirit or incubus, who makes prophecies and
seems to be able to vanish at will (319–22). Sexual relations between
álfar
and humans also feature in Hrólfs saga kraka where the human
King Helgi rapes an elf woman and then takes no heed of her advice.
The result is a half-elvish daughter, Skuld, whose nature is evil and
who in the end marks the doom of the noble heathen King Hrólfr (see
Ármann Jakobsson, “Queens of Terror”). In romances from Christian
times, álfar are on the whole evil rather than good. They seem to
belong to a heathen past that Christianity is slowly uprooting, and
that accounts for their nebulous image. But although these álfar play
a narrative role, their character is not irmly established. While they
are obviously dangerous, the extent and nature of their wickedness is a
matter of debate. The elvish nature of Queen Skuld is used to explain
her villainous sorcery (110), but the saga also portrays her as the result
of a human raping an álfr and then neglecting to fetch his child at the
appointed time. Human wickedness is thus the root of the evil in Hrólfs
saga
; the álfr only curses King Helgi as a reaction to his wrongdoing
against her. This is also how the álfar in post-medieval folktales often
behave. Not evil in themselves, when wronged by humans, they carry
out harsh acts of revenge.
Although some romances might date from the thirteenth century,
most are believed to be younger, and they often cannot be dated with
certainty. Some are completely ictional, while others are reworkings
of traditional matter within the restrictions of a genre that is essentially
Christian. While they provide a medieval view of the álfar, it may not
be indigenous and perhaps not traditional. The Eddic material, on the
other hand, has been largely collected rather than subjected to a new
14. Motz lists some examples from romances in her pioneering article on álfar in Old
Norse texts (“Of Elves and Dwarfs” 96–8). See also Einar Ól. Sveinsson, Um íslenzkar
þjóðsögur
151–8.
15. There is a similar curse in Grettis saga (204), where álfar are listed along with “þursar”
and “hamarsbúar.”
Vo˛lundr the Elf
7
ideology and form, and the Prose Edda clearly stems from a genuine
interest in a heathen past and is not just using álfar freely as a motif.
This conclusion, though, does not necessarily mean that either the Poetic
or the Prose Edda relects genuine heathen tradition. However, these
works purport to be traditional and can at least safely be dated to the
thirteenth century and are thus clearly relevant to Vo˛lundr.
16
In his Prose Edda from the irst half of the thirteenth century, Snorri
Sturluson discusses the álfar in chapter 17. According to him, there are
two kinds of álfar, light and dark. The light álfar are bright and more
beautiful than the sun. They live in a place which Snorri calls Álfheimar.
The dark álfar live under ground and are “vlikir synvm ok myklv vlikari
reyndvm” (Finnur Jónsson, Edda 25) [“unlike them in appearance,
and even more unlike them in nature” (Faulkes 19)]. As scholars have
remarked, the dark álfar seem to have little in common with the light
álfar
and may have more similarities with dwarfs, with whom they
are occasionally confused in the Prose Edda.
17
Snorri is a well-known
systematizer (see e.g. Frank) and might in this case be trying to make
sense of a ambivalent tradition, where álfar can be either helpful and
bright or dangerous and vengeful. To Snorri, this may have seemed
contradictory although, as noted above, a similar duality in the elvish
character is well-known from later folktales.
In the Poetic Edda, the only álfr who appears is Vo˛lundr, but the
phrase “Æsir ok alfar” (dat. plur. “ásum ok alfum, ” gen. plur. “ása ok
alfa”) appears frequently, and in some instances, Vanir or even men are
mentioned along with the Æsir and the álfar.
18
From this usage it is no
great leap to deduce that the word álfr might sometimes not indicate
a separate group with its own deinitive features, but rather a different
and perhaps lower form of deity, which might it with the veneration
16. I do not try to discuss the word álfr in skaldic kennings since it adds little to what
scant information we have. There is, however, an useful discussion in a recent disserta-
tion by Alaric Hall.
17. E.g. in Skáldskaparmál, chapter 35, where Ívalda synir are referred to as both dwarfs
and dark elves (Finnur Jónsson, Edda 122). See also Motz, “Of Elves and Dwarfs”; Motz,
The Wise One
87–130.
18. The poems in question are Vo˛luspá (Regius 50; Hauksbók 41), Hávamál (st. 143, 159,
and 160), Grímnismál (st. 4), Skírnismál (st. 7, 17, and 18), Lokasenna (st. 2, 13, and 30),
Þrymskviða
(st. 7), as well as Sigrdrífumál (st. 18). See Bugge 17, 23, 61, 63, 77, 91, 93, 114–5,
118, 124–5, and 231. See also Finnur Jónsson 86; Ruggerini.
8
Scandinavian Studies
of Óláfr Geirstaðaálfr.
19
Lotte Motz (“Of Elves and Dwarfs” 95–6)
has argued that the fact that the álfar are so often mentioned along
with the Æsir indicates a closeness, but the examples yield nothing
deinitive about álfar. There is a possibility that they are synonymous
with the Vanir, as it might seem natural to speak of the Æsir and the
Vanir together when referring to the gods as a whole.
20
In the poem
Grímnismál
(stanza 5), Freyr is said to have been presented with Álf-
heimr at birth (Bugge 77).
21
This tentative link with the Vanir might
support the notion that a possible cult of the álfar had links to fertility.
However, in at least three Eddic poems (Skírnismál, Sigurdrífumál, and
Alvíssmál
), the álfar are clearly separate from the Vanir (see note 20).
If we balance the evidence, medieval sources yield no direct statement
about the álfar being Vanir and some texts irmly indicate that they
are separate groups. It is possible that álfar and Vanir are different
generic terms and that a single being might be both an álfr and one
of the Vanir, but both Vanir and álfar seem clearly separable from the
Æsir. The coupling of the álfar with the Æsir in the phrase “Æsir ok
alfar” seems essentially formulaic, since its most obvious function in
these poems is to create assonance. Its use usually reveals little about
álfar
apart from Loki’s dubious assertion in Lokasenna that the god-
dess Freyja has bedded every god and elf present at a particular party
(Bugge 118), a rare mixture of elves and sex in Eddic texts.
There are other brief and unsatisfactory glimpses of álfar in Eddic
poetry. In Fáfnismál (13), a dying dragon informs Sigurðr Fáfnisbani
that some norns are of elvish descent while others are descended from
the Æsir and some from dwarfs (Bugge 221). In Vafþrúðnismál (47) and
Skírnismál
(4), the sun is called “alfrvZðvll,” which suggests a possible
role for álfar in its making (Bugge 72 and 91). Furthermore, the last
poem of Codex Regius, Hamdismál, opens with the enigmatic phrase
19. At the end of chapter 17 of The Prose Edda, however, Snorri suggests that only light
elves live in the third heaven of Víðbláinn where the sacred place Gimlé is located. That
localization raises the question whether the álfar might have been considered even nobler
than the gods themselves.
20. Then the expression would mean “all the gods,” or designate a difference in status
between the major fertility gods, the Vanir, and the minor, the álfar. Terry Gunnell
suggested a possible link between the Vanir and the álfar in a (yet unpublished) paper
presented in Reykjavík 14 September 2002. It is also discussed by Hall (34 and 44). See
also Jón Hneill Aðalsteinsson, Þjóðtrú og þjóðfræði 114–5.
21. Snorri uses Álfheimr as the name of the place where the álfar dwell (Finnur Jónsson
25).
Vo˛lundr the Elf
9
“gre˛ti alfa / in glýstvZmu” (Bugge 316) [“the source of elves’ tears / dry
of joy” (Dronke, The Poetic Edda i 161)]. While its meaning is far from
clear, this evocative image of sad and weeping álfar seems appropriate
at the beginning of this very tragic poem.
In Hávamál (st. 143), it is stated that Óðinn is called Dáinn with the
álfar
but Dvalinn with the dwarfs (Bugge 61). While Óðinn’s dwarish
name may allude to his secretive and deceitful nature, his elvish name
means “dead.”
22
A group of scholars in the early twentieth century argued
that the álfar were a force of fruitlessness or death in Old Norse religion
or even spirits of the dead (see Unwerth 29–32; Vries, Altgermanische
Religionsgeschichte
i 257–60; Hilda R. Ellis 111–9. See also Motz, “Of
Elves and Dwarfs” 100). Apart from this single name, there is little
evidence from the Poetic Edda to support this idea although this theory
may have implications for Vo˛lundarkviða. On the other hand, the notion
that álfar (and other groups) have a separate name for various important
things is the main theme of the poem Alvíssmál, which contains eleven
elvish names for various forces of nature and vital things.
23
This makes
Alvíssmál
perhaps the second most important medieval source on álfar,
and it may be signiicant that Alvíssmál is the poem immediately fol-
lowing Vo˛lundarkviða.
In Alvíssmál, the álfar call the earth gróandi (Burgeoning) (st. 10)
according to the wise dwarf. The sky they call fagraræfr (Fair Roof) (st.
12), the moon ártali (Teller-of-Time) (st. 14), the sun fagrahvel (Fair
Wheel) (st. 16), the clouds veðrmegin (Weather-Might) (st. 18), the wind
dynfari
(Din Farer) (st. 20), the still dagsei (Day-Balm) (st. 22), the sea
lagastafr
(Water) (st. 24), the wood fagrlimi (Fair Bough) (st. 28), the
night svefngaman (Sleep’s Ease) (st. 30), and barley is lagastafr (Grain)
in elvish (st. 32) (Bugge 129–33; transl. Hollander 110–6). These words
speak for themselves, as perhaps also does the fact that no elvish word
is given for ire or beer. Apart from the anomaly that the álfar use the
22. It is open to debate whether the name Dáinn in Hávamál refers to Óðinn or a dif-
ferent person who is the elves’ rune teacher, Óðinn’s colleague (see Motz, “Of Elves and
Dwarfs” 93). Dáinn is a dwarf name in Hyndluljóð, st. 7 (Bugge 152) but in Grímnismál
(st. 33) and Snorra-Edda both names are used for stags in the world tree (Bugge 83;
Finnur Jónsson 24).
23. According to this poem, the mythological beings are the Æsir (or gods), Vanir,
giants, elves, and dwarfs. Some further mysterious beings are referred to once or twice
including Suttungs synir. Vries (“Om Eddaens” 8) believed that these were synonymous
with the álfar, and consequently assumed that the álfar had a special relationship with
the mead of poetry.
10
Scandinavian Studies
same word for the sea and barley, the elvish words seem very system-
atic. They are all trisyllabic. The dominant sounds are gentle fricatives,
along with the voiced plosives d and g (six of the g’s in these elf words
evolved into a fricative in Modern Icelandic). Three words include the
morpheme fagr- “beautiful” while the night has the name svefngaman.
As scholars have noted, the elvish words are gentle, beautiful, optimistic,
and merry (Moberg).
24
On the other hand, the words used by giants
(jo˛tnar) indicate a negative disposition, and the dwarf-words are neutral
(Finnur Jónsson, Den oldnorske 170; Moberg 307–9).
In Alvíssmál, the dwarfs and the álfar are distinct groups with separate
languages. Other sources indicate confusion between them or a partial
fusion of the two, and some consider Vo˛lundarkviða an example of such
blurring. Vo˛lundr is a noted smith, a talent more often attributed to
dwarfs than to álfar, thereby relecting a close relationship between
dark elves and dwarfs (see Motz, “Of Elves and Dwarfs” 96–7 and 106;
Wanner 203–8). It is curious that of the dwarf-names from Vo˛luspá,
three suggest álfar: Alfr, Gandalfr, Vindalfr.
25
Motz has argued that
the confusion went back to a common ancestor of the dwarfs, the dark
elves, and Vo˛lundr: the divine or mythical smith called Hephaistos in
Greek mythology (“Of Elves and Dwarfs” 106–18; see also Motz, The
Wise One
87–137). While this conjecture is possible, it is hard to prove.
Vo˛lundr may have things in common with dwarfs, but he is certainly
not referred to as a dwarf in the poem itself. If we wish to understand
Vo˛lundarkviða rather than its prehistory, we are left with the problem
of what an álfr signiies in the poem.
All in all, álfar are scarce and ill-deined in Old Norse sources. It is
possible that the word “álfr” referred to minor deities or to a special
race of supernatural beings with somewhat vague characteristics. Per-
haps álfar were never a clearly deined race. Yet if we try to weigh the
evidence, we may come to the following tentative conclusions:
1. A fair number of Old Norse sources agree that álfar had some kind
of a cult in the heathen and early Christian period; about this cult they
24. Moberg does not see any linguistic pattern in the elvish words and believes there is
none: “This freedom of choice played an important role, for it allowed a uniied character
to be imposed on the content of the elves’ words, to give an impression of brightness
and beauty” (315).
25. Motz (“Of Elves and Dwarfs” 93) mentions further examples. Alfr is also a human
name (95, 120).
Vo˛lundr the Elf
11
are vague, perhaps, because álfar were considered shy of humans and
tended to avoid them.
2. Álfar seem to resemble humans. There are no indications of dwarish
or gigantic size, they are able to have sexual intercourse with humans
(though few do) and even ride horses.
3. The origins of álfar are unsure. Unlike giants, dwarfs, and men,
there is no Old Norse creation myth about álfar. Óláfr Geirstaðaálfr
suggests the possibility of humans becoming álfar after their death, a
proposition that might it with depictions of álfar as spirit-like creatures.
However, this notion has no support in Eddic texts where álfar are
usually mentioned along with the Æsir but sometimes with the Vanir
as well, indicating, thus, that it was at least not generally accepted that
the Vanir and the álfar were the same thing.
4. In romances, at least some álfar seem to be much darker creatures,
sometimes equated with monsters and evil spirits. Snorri Sturluson
resolves this apparent contradiction by dividing the álfar into two
sub-types: one good, the other evil.
5. According to Snorri, the good álfar (who perhaps deine elvishness to a
greater degree than the evil ones) are extremely bright and beautiful.
6. Some Eddic poems (mainly Alvíssmál) also suggest that álfar were
believed to be merry, optimistic, gentle, and tender creatures of great
brightness and goodness.
This is not much. It is not surprising that many scholars believe that
álfar
played an insigniicant role in the Old Norse mythology. Wanner
describes álfar as “litte more than a name in the extant corpus of medi-
eval Scandinavian texts” (204). Lindow does not think they exert a
serious claim to an independent existence (Murder and Vengeance 13).
And Liberman sums up:
Then, at least in Scandinavia, elves were forgotten. From the Eddas it
is impossible to piece together a consistent tale of when the elves were
divided into two groups (light and dark), what relations Freyr had to
the elves, why Vo˛lundr was alfa vísi, and why elves, and not dwarfs,
had a cult of their own. (260)
The paucity of álfar and the lack of information about them in
Old Norse texts makes the protagonist of Vo˛lundarkviða all the more
important. Vo˛lundr is admittedly only one álfr. An interpretation of
Vo˛lundarkviða cannot resolve all questions about a possible cult of
álfar
or their status in Old Norse mythology. However, Vo˛lundarkviða
12
Scandinavian Studies
provides a unique opportunity for a close reading of a genuine Old
Norse text dealing centrally with an álfr, which makes it an excellent
starting point for determining what it meant to be an álfr at the time
of its composition.
Vo˛lundr and the Inner Life
Before turning to the unique features of Vo˛lundr, it would be useful to
summarize how he accommodates the six points above:
1. There is no mention of a cult in relation to Vo˛lundr. It is also
unclear whether he has any supernatural powers. He does not need
supernatural powers for anything he does. However, gods and
supernatural beings often seem to have no special powers in mythic
narratives. In the poems adjacent to Vo˛lundarkviða in the Codex Regius,
for example, Þórr seems lost without his hammer in Þrymskviða and has
to use ordinary cleverness to dispose of Alvíss the dwarf in Alvíssmál.
Vo˛lundr escapes by ascending into the sky: “Hle˛iandi VvZlvndr hófz
at lopti” (stanzas 29 and 38) [Laughing Vo˛lundr / lifted himself to the
sky]. Scholars have not agreed on whether he used his own technical
skills as a smith or is able to ly on his own.
26
These facts raise the
question: if he could ly by himself, why did he then not ly away
sooner?—for which there is no easy answer.
27
Although the matter is
impossible to settle, there are no further examples of álfar lying in
26. Nothing is explicitly said about how V. manages to ly, although he says: “Vel ... verþa
ec a itiom” (webbed feet). That might suggest an aircraft powered by skis, which would
it into the northern setting depicted in the prose introduction. Dronke interprets the
word as “vél” (trick) (321–3) and the whole passage as a reference to the treacherous wife
who abandoned V. by lying away. Among scholars who believe that V. used self-made
wings or aircraft are Hamel (163) and McKinnell (8–9). Wings would provide a link to
the Greek master-builder Daedalus whose main link with V. is the Icelandic word for
his labyrinth: völundarhús (see Simek, “Völundarhús—Domus Daedali”). However,
that word and the concept behind it are not mentioned in the poem. Among those who
believe that V. used a magic ring as a means of escape is Detter; see also Boer. It has
also been suggested that V. does not need wings and is able to ascend on his own, like a
shaman (Grimstad 190–2, 196; see also Niedner 27). Fromm has recently argued against
the shaman theory. Among scholars, only Bouman (“Vo˛lundr as an aviator”) questions
whether V. actually lew.
27. We might note the structural symmetry of the motif of Vo˛lundr’s wings, since his wife
had also left on wings. That might indicate that Vo˛lundr’s anger is directed toward his
wife, and not just King Níðuðr and his family (see Dronke, The Poetic Edda
ii
322).
Vo˛lundr the Elf
13
Old Norse sources. The least complicated solution seems thus to be
that álfar probably do not ly and neither does Vo˛lundr, except as a
result of his own skill.
2. The poem does not offer a detailed description of Vo˛lundr but
mention is made of his fair-white neck (“hvítan hals”) (stanza 2).
28
He
is called “veþreygr” (someone with an eye for the weather) twice in
the poem (stanzas 4 and 8),
29
and the evil Queen mentions his glitter-
ing eyes when he has been captured. “Amon ero vZgo ormi þeim enom
frána” (stanza 17) [His eyes remind one of the glittering serpent]. A
somewhat obscure phrase about Vo˛lundr’s hostility, “opin var illv´þ er
þeir í sa / lito” (stanzas 21 and 23) [open lay evil / as they looked in],
might also refer to a danger in his eyes.
30
Not just eyes but also the
juxtaposition of bright and dark is a theme in the poem (Taylor, “The
Structure”). Vo˛lundr’s absconded wife is also referred to as “lióssar”
(st. 5) [radiant] and princess Bo˛ðvildr is called “bráhvíto” (st. 39) [of
the gleaming eyelashes]. Vo˛lundr thus seems to be bright, perhaps
even as bright as the light álfar of Snorri’s Edda. His eyes also attract
attention. Nothing is said of his physique, but he seems to have no
dificulty killing the sons of King Níðuðr (st. 24) or plying Princess
Bo˛ðvildr with drink in order to impregnate her (st. 28 and 36)
31
so
he is hardly a little gnome. In fact, stanza 8 gives an impression of an
athletic hunter who is able to slay bears on his own: “Com þar af veiþi
/ veþreygr scyti, / VvZlvndr liþandi / vm langan veg” [Came there from
hunting / the storm-watching marksman, / Vo˛lundr ranging / on a
long road]. Perhaps he kills them with his bow as is suggested by the
word scyti (marksman).
When Vo˛lundr has been captured, Níðuðr’s queen calls him a serpent
and suggests that he bares his teeth (“tenn hanom teygiaz”) when he
recognizes his sword in Níðuðr’s possession and his ring on Bo˛ðvildr
28. It is the swan-maiden that enfolds Vo˛lundr’s fair-white neck, which is interesting
in itself, since swans do have long white necks. See Dronke, The Poetic Edda ii 262;
McKinnell 9–10.
29. Dronke translates as “storm-watching” (245–6).
30. Dronke explains this rather nicely as two things becoming “open” or patent along
with the coffer: the malignity of the jewels and the malevolence of Vo˛lundr (The Poetic
Edda ii
316).
31. This appears to have been a part of the legend for a long time since the cup of beer
seems to be represented on the ancient Franks Casket (see Souers).
14
Scandinavian Studies
(stanza 17).
32
The sons of the King and Queen are eager to see the “beast”
Vo˛lundr (stanza 20).
33
And yet he is also a hunter of animals, at least
of bears (st. 8 and 9), as is irst shown by his return from a bear hunt,
which may be echoed when the King’s young sons are called “hv´na”
(cubs) after their deaths (stanzas 24 and 34; see also stanza 32). Fur-
thermore, he lives in a place called Úlfdalir (st. 5 and 6), which recalls
the importance not only of bears but also of dogs and wolves in Old
Norse mythology and the heroic poetry of the Elder Edda. Vo˛lundr’s
relationship with animals is at best ambiguous.
34
He is compared to one
by his captors, and a prose interjection states that everyone is afraid of
him: “Engi maþr þorþi at fara til hans nema konvngr einn” (between
st. 17 and 18) [No man dared to go to him except only the King].
To summarize, Vo˛lundr seems to be of human size and resembles
a human at least enough to be attractive to Princess Bo˛ðvildr and to
seem harmless to the two young princes, and yet he is described with
metaphors of bestiality when he is held captive.
3. Vo˛lundr’s origins are vague. In the prose introduction, he is a Sámi
prince. In the poem, there is no father, only Egill and Slagiðr—who
may or may not be his brothers. Vo˛lundr is the prince of elves but there
is no clear indication of what that entails.
4–6. Vo˛lundr is hard to categorize as either good or evil. He commits
cruel and frightening acts before lying away while laughing. But then,
he had been grievously wronged. When he sits alone and abandoned
and waits for his wife, he seems gentle and kind and harmless. How-
ever, after his imprisonment and torment, he is merciless and strikes
out against the young, innocent, and trusting. Instead of the either/or
situation in the Eddic and the legendary texts, this is an elf who has
characteristics of both the light and the dark álfar (see Motz, “Of Elves
and Dwarfs” 97). He is a gifted smith capable of harshness and cruelty
as well a serene and peaceful being, the very picture of innocence who
32. She also suggests that he lives in the woods: “era sa nv hyrr / er or holti ferr” (stanza
16). See also Burson 14. Lassen discusses the motif of serpent eyes in Old Norse texts
(39–42).
33. Grimstad also reads the word “dýr” in this way (198) whereas other scholars have
suggested “door” or “riches” (e.g. Gering and Sijmons 17; Kock, esp. 107–9. See also
von See, et al. 204–5).
34. Grimstad’s (196–8) interpretation of the examples above (and others) is that V. was
a dwarf/elf who could function as a shaman capable of changing into animal or bird
form.
Vo˛lundr the Elf
15
spends his time hunting in the forests and making precious items for his
own delight. If we regard Snorri’s division as secondary, this apparent
contradiction may lie at the heart of the poem’s portrayal of the elvish
character, and its resolution is to my mind the task facing the reader of
Vo˛lundarkviða.
Vo˛lundr may thus be regarded in many ways as a typical Old Norse
álfr
: vaguely supernatural, of dubious origins, resembling humans to
a degree, but also more bright and gentle, and yet more dangerous.
The Queen’s attempt to stigmatize him as an animal is revealing. She is
indicating that in spite of his human appearance, he is the Other. It may
be precisely his Otherness which attracts her small sons but repels the
King’s men who fear him because they do not and cannot know him. As
the Other, Vo˛lundr is just one of many supernatural and ethnic Others
available to the poem’s audience (see Lindow, “Supernatural Others”;
McKinnell, Meeting the Other). But his lack of physical abnormality
makes his Otherness less conspicous so that the Queen has to insist that
he has the eyes of a serpent and threatening teeth. While giants are often
supposed to be large and dwarfs short (which is not unproblematic,
but that is another story), elves are frustratingly normal in appearance,
which fact raises the question of wherein their Otherness lies.
The Queen’s attempt to categorize Vo˛lundr as an animal may be
understood within a Lévi-Straussian interpretation focusing on the
binary opposition between nature and culture, the wild and the civilized,
animals and humans, the unknown and the known, freedom and slavery,
and the list could go on (see Burson 12–5). I consider this not only a
possible interpretation of the poem, but one that is almost impossible
to avoid. It is also somewhat reductive and leaves out some signiicant
aspects of the poem. I would also argue that there is a fundamental dif-
ference between the Otherness of álfar and that of beasts. Of importance
here is the fact that Vo˛lundr is the protagonist of the poem, and since
signiicant parts of the poem are related from his point of view, the
representatives of civilization become the aliens. Perhaps it is precisely
this ambiguity of the nature–culture binary or the unclear boundary
between the wild and the civilized that álfar is uniquely qualiied to
capture.
Vo˛lundr is not merely the Other, a force of nature that strikes the
wicked who have erred. This role is indeed a function of álfar but not
the sole one. If we consider only this function, it seems logical that
Vo˛lundr’s revenge is aimed at the children of his oppressor. A natural
16
Scandinavian Studies
catastrophe does not spare the innocents, the death and rape of whom
is by far the harshest punishment of their parents. That scenario would
be consistent with the logic of folktales as well illustrated in the tale of
the Pied Piper, who took the children to punish the parents.
35
However,
the murder of the children seems more obscure if we look at it from
Vo˛lundr’s point of view—and that perspective is important. Vo˛lundr is
only partly the Other: he is also the protagonist and human focal point
of the poem.
36
His role as protagonist is indeed complex since it requires
that the Other demands our sympathy. The nature of his revenge must
accommodate the fact that he is the Other and yet not quite alien.
How is Vo˛lundr strange? I would contend that the Queen has no
case because his Otherness is not on the outside but on the inside—it
is psychological rather than physical. He is not totally alien because
anthropomorphic, supernatural Others always relect Us. Indeed, their
main function is to deine the Self, as Ohle (97) has remarked: without
the Other, there is no Self, and without the unknown, nothing can be
known. And álfar intrinsically have the same function as other supernatu-
ral Others: to deine Us. In referring to the inside of Vo˛lundr, I mainly
have in mind his emotions as they seem more prominent in the poem
than logic, and I will contend that Vo˛lundarkviða is a poem of excessive
emotions (see Sävborg 62–8). Thus, I will be discussing Otherness as a
psychological rather than a social phenomenon (see McKinnell, Meet-
ing the Other
26–34), which is not to say that it is not both. It might
seem strange to speak of emotions in connection with heroic poetry,
which may seem lacking in feeling while being rather full of icy rhetoric
35. Warner uses this example in her interesting book about children, parents, and bogeymen
who attack children (29–30). Her book is a reminder that both in folktales and real life,
children are more susceptible to catastrophe than others; only in the fantastic world of
modern Hollywood catastrophe movies do children usually seem to be immune from the
cruel fate that befalls the adults when the catastrophe hits. Dieterle (8–10) also sees youth
and metal as important opposites in the poem. There may also be a logic of inversion in
his method: Níðuðr killed Vo˛lundr’s innocence by attacking him, maiming and enslaving
him for no better reason than to satisfy his own lust for gold. Níðuðr is himself old and
full of sin so the best revenge is to attack his connection with innocence, his children. If
we regarded Vo˛lundr as an epic hero, his vengeance would follow a logic of family ties
directed not against individuals, but against the bloodline. The ultimate revenge would
then be killing all the offspring save the one impregnated with Vo˛lundr’s own child—so
that Níðuðr has to endure the thought of his line being replaced by Vo˛lundr’s lesh and
blood. See e.g. Murdoch 53–8.
36. In Alaric Hall’s framework, álfar are clearly aligned with gods and humans against
monsters in a human/monstrous binary (50–4).
Vo˛lundr the Elf
17
and heroic self-possession—recently characterized as “a kaleidoscopic
series of vivid, often bloodcurdling moments designed to exhibit and
exalt heroic and highly unnatural behavior” (Andersson 198). Anders-
son also notes that “the style is one of compression, indirection, irony,
high gesture, and perverse exaltation.” But these are just the trappings.
I would contend (following Dronke who, in the introduction to her
edition, has captured well the emotionality of Vo˛lundarkviða) that the
self-possession and the icy rhetoric conceal an extreme emotional life
although the emotions are mostly hidden. So, when the emotional
character of Vo˛lundr is examined, it may be therein that his Otherness
lies. But which emotions are most prominent in the poem?
Excessive revenge is unquestionably a dominant theme. According
to the poem, the wronged elf does not kill his enemy but his two young
sons and goes on to fashion jewels out of their bodies and impregnate
the daughter of the house thus going well beyond the principle of an
eye for an eye. The extent of violence may seem less shocking from the
safe distance at which we ascribe it to a long-gone heathen mentality.
It is also a pervasive belief—unsubstantiated by any factual examina-
tion—that brutality is a more prominent feature of the past than the
present and that in the past people would have been less shocked and
moved by violence. But in spite of a lack of authorial comments in Eddic
poems to indicate disapproval, it seems unfair to assume that killings,
mutilation of slain bodies, and cannibalism were any less shocking to
the majority than they are today. In fact, a thirteenth-century audience
might have regarded Vo˛lundr’s revenge with even more qualms than
we do. Clark (174–6) has indeed argued that heroic poetry may reveal
a conscious effort to distance the violent past from the present and that
the enormous interest in violence need not signify approval.
37
And we
should keep in mind that the thirteenth century embodied a strong
drive to control violence, which was no less prominent in Iceland than
other European countries but more pertinent since the whole country
was on the brink of civil war (Sverrir Jakobsson).
While Vo˛lundr’s revenge has its counterparts in heroic poetry, it is
preceded by an unusual and fascinating inertia that may seem hard to
reconcile with his revenge at the end of the poem. His initial behavior
is in fact characterized by patience, innocence, and passivity, which seem
contrary to his aggressive, manipulative, and grizzly revenge later on.
37. See my own analysis of Sturlunga saga (Ármann Jakobsson, “Sannyrði”; “Snorri and
His Death”).
18
Scandinavian Studies
After the three swan-maidens leave their husbands, never to be seen again,
Vo˛lundr’s brothers react in the normal folktale manner and immediately
embark on a quest for their eloped wives.
38
Only Vo˛lundr stays where
he is. This decision may be regarded as practical thinking: why go on
a wild goose (or swan) chase when the most sensible course of action
after having lost someone is to remain stationary and await the return
(McKinnell 17)? Vo˛lundr indeed becomes happy when he inds that
he is one ring short and takes this as a sign that his wife is back: “eins
sacnaði; / hvgði hann at hefþi / HlvZðvéss dóttir, / Alvitr vnga, / ve˛ri hon
aptr komin” (stanza 10) [one he missed. / He thought that she had it,
/ Hlo˛ðver’s daughter / —foreign being, young— / that she had come
back].
39
His lassitude seems to be based on optimistism. Nevertheless,
both the example of the brothers and folkloristic custom indicate that
Vo˛lundr’s passive reaction to his wife’s departure is eccentric, if logical.
Although his emotions may be normal enough, his reactions, or lack
thereof, are deinitely unusual.
Vo˛lundr’s inertia may be interpreted as melancholy. Later, he
mournfully recalls the marital bliss with his wife, which borders on the
melancholic: “man ec at ver me˛iri / mo˛ti attom, / er ver heil hiv / heima
vorom” (stanza 14) [I remember that we owned / a greater treasure /
when we were a whole family / in our home].
40
It has been suggested
that Vo˛lundr has trouble sleeping and sits instead obsessively count-
ing his rings (Dronke, The Poetic Edda ii 256). Later this restlessness is
transferred to the evil Queen who roams the corridors of the royal palace
(stanza 29) while King Níðuðr complains of sleep deprivation (stanza
31). In psychoanalytic theory, melancholy is deined as a contradictory
emotion: the bereaved abuses himself constantly but indulges in nar-
cissism and refuses to put his energy to proitable use (see e.g. Freud,
“Trauer und Melancholie”). This contrast between self-love and the love
38. Although protagonists of bridal-quest romances are usually somewhat aggressive,
there is also a more passive type. Vo˛lundr, however, is more passive than most (see
Kalinke 111–55).
39. Dronke (The Poetic Edda ii 302–4) discusses the word “alvítr” and its possible mean-
ings in detail (see von See, et al. 128–30; McKinnell 1–2, 6).
40. While Vo˛lundr may be regarded as being in deep mourning for his wife when he
starts his long wait for her (stanza 5), there is no actual statement to that effect in the
poem until later, when he describes the swan-maidens as more precious than gold (stanza
14). He also bemoans the theft of the sword he forged himself and the ring that belonged
to his wife (stanza 18).
Vo˛lundr the Elf
19
of a lost object is not only consistent with the depiction of Vo˛lundr in
the irst part of the poem, but also accords with the contrasts in the
nature of the kind and yet cruel álfar. Although this analysis describes
Vo˛lundr’s state of mind before he is shocked into action by his arrest,
it is debatable how languorous and inert he is. He continues making
jewelry out of gold although he seems to lack a clear purpose, goes
out to hunt, and seems to take care of himself. Vo˛lundr’s psychological
state is thus not easily fathomable. What he expresses is perhaps simply
a nostalgia for his wife, which may be melancholic but does not have
to be. But if we believe that Vo˛lundr is in a melancholic state when
attacked, there is an irony to his revenge: since he was unhappy before
his capture, his mental pain was only exchanged for a physical pain.
Vo˛lundr’s enforced exile thus echoes his previous self-imposed exile.
His revenge on Níðuðr and his family, thus, may seem strange, and
one would have to wonder whether, as some scholars have suggested,
in the end the wicked King becomes a surrogate, not only for the
faithless wife but also for Vo˛lundr himself, who had conined himself
before being forcibly conined.
41
We have thus on one hand lassitude and possibly melancholy, on the
other the excessive cruelty of the revenge. They need not be incompat-
ible. There are two types of cruelty in the poem: on the one hand, the
calculated purposeful cruelty of the King, who wants Vo˛lundr’s gold
and is ready to rob, disable, and enslave him to achieve this purpose;
on the other hand, the sudden and extravagant cruelty of Vo˛lundr who
avenges himself on Níðuðr by attacking, killing, and raping his inno-
cent children. Níðuðr’s crime against Vo˛lundr is cold, practical, and
unemotional. The King is driven by greed and has no special wish to
harm Vo˛lundr although he has no qualms about injuring him to make
better use of him. Vo˛lundr introduces emotions by abusing the trust of
the children in order to kill the boys and subsequently making love to
41. Motz (“New Thoughts”) and Dronke (The Poetic Edda ii 255–8) have emphasized the
link between the swan-maidens and the revenge. Dronke believes that the swan-maidens
originally represent the Other but feel imprisoned in a marriage with the three brothers.
Then, in the second half, it is Vo˛lundr’s turn to be the imprisoned alien. McKinnell (16–22)
sees the interest in women in the poem as negative as they are depicted as agents of evil.
Dronke focuses on the duality in human nature, exempliied irst by the swan-maidens
but then by Vo˛lundr. Motz (“New Thoughts”) believes the two narratives to have been
intertwined prior to the poem (see also the counter-arguments of McKinnell 13–4).
20
Scandinavian Studies
a young girl only to abandon her as he himself had been abandoned by
his wife.
42
In contrast to the King’s lust for gold and power, Vo˛lundr’s
revenge is personal, even loving, since it conjoins the predator and the
victim in a new family. Love and loss go hand in hand in the poem, and
in Vo˛lundr’s revenge, love and violence are united in aggression. And
yet love is not only tinged with death and violence, it also signiies the
new life of the unborn fruit of Bo˛ðvildr’s womb, the pregnancy which
assures Vo˛lundr’s triumph over the King.
Although the initial inertia in the face of adversity does not seem
consistent with the unrestrained revenge that replaces it, neither is
Vo˛lundr’s melancholic (or nostalgic) love for his wife compatible with
his hatred of his oppressor and his family: an excess to all Vo˛lundr’s
emotions may well serve as the common denominator. The same excess
is present in other heroic poems in the Poetic Edda such as Atlakviða
and the lays of Helgi Hundingsbani, in which on one hand we have
the intense love between siblings and spouses, but on the other the
cruel fact of a violent society where betrayal and death part lovers and
families. In that respect, heroic poetry may relect medieval society in
transition—whether we term it viking, pre-chivalric, or chivalric—in
which violence was considered an essential part of human nature and
aggression was commended but was slowly becoming more and more
restricted (see Elias 156–68). Nevertheless, there is a singular chiarascuro
effect in Vo˛lundarkviða, a contradiciton between a gentle, relective, and
mournful protagonist and his enormously wicked actions. And only in
Vo˛lundarkviða is the protagonist an álfr.
The apparent contradictions in heroic poems in general may be
partly resolved by Freud’s analysis of the erotic and thanatic instincts
(see e.g. “Jenseits des Lustprinzips”), which according to Dollimore
(256) may have roots in a very old mythology. In Freud’s analysis, the
erotic instinct may not lead to a long life, but certainly to a more intense
one. The intensity of love causes people to feel more alive, frivolous, or
youthful. Oddly, this fact makes love and death natural partners that are
42. McKinnell (23–4) has reservations about the poetic justice in the revenge of Vo˛lundr,
if the princess is made to pay on behalf of the wife who led. Bonsack (113) argues that
Níðuðr’s wife is identical with Vo˛lundr’s wife who is, according to him, also Vo˛lundr’s
daughter by Freyja, but his logical leaps are far too great for this author.
43. This apparent contradiction is also discussed by Warner (48–77), whose focus is the
contradictions of the Kronos myth.
Vo˛lundr the Elf
21
often intertwined in the young.
43
Adults approaching their death tend
not to court death or challenge it as the young sometimes do (a theme
seen in the Eddic myth of the fearless youth Sigurðr Fáfnisbani). These
lirtations with death may make young adults seem more alive than the
old: being alive means not shunning death, while avoiding danger is
thanatic. Thus the heroes and heroines of Eddic poetry, such as Guðrún
Gjúkadóttir and Sigrún, lead an erotic existence while the thanatic
drive is perhaps best exempliied by the aging Egill Skalla-Grímsson,
who withdraws to his bed-closet to starve himself passively to death
(although it is open to debate how successful Egill is in being passive)
(see Ármann Jakobsson, “The Specter”). This bed-closet mentality is
also visible in Vo˛lundr in the irst part of Vo˛lundarkviða. While not
close to death, he seems to have stopped living rendering his lack of
aggression thanatic. Vo˛lundr’s double-edged revenge may be paradoxi-
cal in that to him death signiies vitality, just as love equals life. That
perception might explain why his revenge hits the young of the family.
The cruelty of killing echoes the cruelty of love, and love may provide
a good reason, perhaps the only one, for killing someone. This is an
Eddic sentiment: the heroic poems of the Poetic Edda often intertwine
love and death making violence noble, heroic, and even inevitable. To
Vo˛lundr, revenge means a new life life—aggression, as a positive force,
replacing inactivity. His revenge is cruel but not impersonal.
Just as Vo˛lundr is very emotional, so are other exceptional Eddic
heroes. What they are not is inert or passive. But keeping the erotic
and thanatic instincts in mind, one may argue that after the elopement
of his wife, Vo˛lundr is overtaken by the latter. Instead of (prudently or
foolishly) going to seek her, he quietly stays at home, and his existence
is perhaps not as much unhappy as languorous and unadventurous.
But when Níðuðr enslaves him, he is forced to take action and become
aggressive. Vo˛lundr seems at irst to be innocent. He certainly is not
on his guard and thus easy to capture when he falls asleep believing
in his wife’s return (stanzas 10 and 11). This behavior betrays a certain
innocence or childish naïveté: the last thing Vo˛lundr seems to expect is
enemies coming for his gold. Perhaps álfar are innocent compared to
humans and lack understanding of human motives and, in particular,
human dishonesty and greed. This innocence would make them no less
dangerous. In fact, the psychologist Rollo May argued in his inluential
study of violence that innocence is potentially extremely dangerous. To
him, violence is the expression of powerlessness, whereas aggression is a
22
Scandinavian Studies
necessary life-force, the need to realize oneself. Taking this view, it would
thus be Vo˛lundr’s non-aggression early on in the poem that leads to his
excessive violence in the end. Vo˛lundr’s revenge not only bears some
resemblance to the well-known theme, common in Icelandic romances
(see for example Schlauch 95–9), of timid coalbiters suddenly shocked
into action, but also relects a common occurence in the human world:
patient and reasonable people may erupt in uncontrollable anger after
having suffered in silence for too long. Perhaps this tendency explains
why álfar can be both dangerous and non-aggressive.
The complexity of the binary relationship of love/life and death is
exempliied by the coda, which undermines the revenge narrative. After
stanza 38, Vo˛lundr’s episodes are suddenly over. King Níðuðr calls his
servant Þakkráðr, a new character introduced into the poem in the third
to last stanza for no apparent reason. He asks Bo˛ðvildr about her rela-
tions with the elf prince: “satvþ iþ Volvndr / saman i holmi?” (stanza
40). The poem ends with Bo˛ðvildr’s answer: “sáto viþ VvZlvndr / saman
i holmi / eina vZgurstvnd, / e˛va scyldi; / ec ve˛tr hanom / vinna kvnnac, /
ec ve˛tr hanom / vinna máttac” (stanza 41) [Vo˛lundr and I sat / together
on the island / —only the time of the tide’s turning— / it should never
have happened! / I did not at all know / how to harm him, / I couldn’t
/ harm him at all].
44
After the revenge, the poem suddenly ends in a
gentle elegy (see Dronke, The Poetic Edda ii 279). Vo˛lundr may have
the last laugh but not the last word. The logical conclusion of the story
is death, pain, and misery, but the poem is artistically arranged so that
it ends before the end—which is unusual, though not unique, for an
Eddic poem. The artistic arrangement of the poem is also tragically
ironic in that it relects reality. Only in poetry can love survive in the
artistic rearrangement of the facts to assure that the end is happy. In
actual life, a happy end is unthinkable: every love affair ends in separa-
tion and the individual being left by his or her lover. There is no happy
end, unless we invent it. In art, however, love may survive even when
44. Dronke translates vinna as “prevent,” but I believe that Bo˛ðvildr does not have to
be physically unable to assail Vo˛lundr, just mentally unable. Motz (“New Thoughts”
58) translates as: “To withstand him I had neither strength nor knowledge,” but I think
the line (which is admittedly obscure) could just as well refer to a lack of inclination
to harm (compare stanza 6 of Sonatorrek where vinna must be translated as “harm”).
Ásgeir Bl. Magnússon discusses the possible meanings of o˛gurstund, with references to
other theories.
Vo˛lundr the Elf
23
it dies—a possibility that may epitomize the value of heroic poetry for
its audience.
The end is not the end; the poem does not conclude with the
aftermath of the revenge, but the moment before when the young
and innocent Bo˛ðvildr still believes that this is a story of love, not of
revenge. This conclusion might seem an unsatisfactory ending in the
light of stanza 28, where Vo˛lundr apparently plies Bo˛ðvildr with drink
in order to impregnate the unconscious girl. But however mistaken she
was, Bo˛ðvildr imagined the whole thing as true love and the illusionary
love at the end is strangely satisfying if the purpose of the álfr is to allow
the humans to understand themselves. In this case, what Bo˛ðvildr inds
within herself is the ideal of love, which is stronger than the cruelty
surrounding it. On the logical level, violence is triumphant, but the
poem nevertheless ends with the impossibility of violence: Bo˛ðvildr’s
repeated statement about the harm she cannot do.
What the self-possession and the icy rhetoric thus conceal is a larger-
than-life emotional life where emotions are usually hidden but only
erupt occasionally and often in violence. In fact, using May’s logic, the
violence of the Eddic world and the sagas might perhaps be caused by
their emotional reticence.
All this might seem to have little to do with elves, yet passivity,
love, and revenge lie at the heart of this unique poem about an elvish
protagonist. I would argue that álfar, like Eddic heroes, are full of
apparent contradictions. Snorri must divide them into two groups to
resolve them, the light and the dark ones. Alvíssmál presents them as
exceptionally gentle and kind, optimistic and merry, which may explain
Níðuðr’s attack on Vo˛lundr. The grasping king might seem to have
some cause not to expect excessive cruelty from the sweet-dispositioned
creatures who use such beautiful words as Fair Roof, Fair Wheel, and
Day-Balm—and for whom even sleep is an especially merry occasion.
And it is not only the mirth of the álfar that makes them seem harm-
less. They also seem optimistic and innocent, even naïve. The álfar of
Alvíssmál
tend to see the bright side of things and Vo˛lundr interprets
the theft of his ring as the return of his wife.
And yet in the end the King has to pay a dear price for having wronged
the álfr, just as King Helgi in Hrólfs saga kraka and people who deal with
álfar
in later folktales. As mentioned, álfar in legendary sagas seem on
the whole to be somewhat sinister and frightening. In post-medieval
Icelandic folktales, álfar are as a rule bright and noble creatures and yet
24
Scandinavian Studies
godless and dangerous, especially if not treated properly. Interaction
between humans and álfar often results in either reward or retribution
depending on how the humans behave. Thus it is no wonder that humans
are fascinated but also frightened by them (see Einar Ól. Sveinsson,
Um íslenzkar þjóðsögur
158–62; Jón Hneill Aðalsteinsson, “Of Giants
and Elves”; Grimstad 200. See also McKinnell 24–5). These later álfar
are often somewhat passive and shy away from humans. In medieval
sources, álfar seem to be even more inactive except in rare instances in
legendary sagas, and it is perhaps possible to attribute their low proile
in medieval sources to a notion that the álfar were withdrawn and
unaggressive.
The Otherness of álfar relects their value as representations of our-
selves, and I would contend, mainly our emotional life. Even though
álfar
are supernatural and thus strange, they are also human—human
and yet not quite human at the same time. Vo˛lundr is Us and the
Other in one form. The álfr and other anthropomorphic supernatural
Others may be seen as metaphors for the estrangement and empathy
that sometimes go hand in hand but sometimes clash in human soci-
ety. But the Otherness the álfr embodies is not restricted to society
but to human existence itself. The álfr represents humanity in its most
vulnerable and naked state, within the loneliness of its emotional life,
where the human being conceives of himself not merely as a familiar
I, but also a strange unchartered land he must spend his life trying to
explore. As an álfr, Vo˛lundr is both strange and familiar and so are his
emotions. They are excessive because supernatural Others tend to be
exaggerations of humanity. Some are gigantic, others very small, and
some experience extremes in their emotional lives. When álfar are merry,
they are extremely merry. When they are kind, they are very kind. When
they are wicked and cruel, there are no holds barred. The excess of
álfar
does not manifest itself in size but may do so in their emotional
life, and therefore Vo˛lundr may serve as a igure for the excessive and
uncontrollable emotions of humans. He is the non-aggressive, kind,
gentle, optimistic, and naïve side of humanity that, when provoked,
may surprisingly metamorphose into cruelty and wickedness. He is a
reminder of what is buried inside us under layers of self-control.
Vo˛lundr the Elf
25
Works Cited
Andersson, Theodore M. “Is There a History of Emotions in Eddic Heroic Poetry?”
Codierungen von Emotionen im Mittelalter / Emotions and Sensibilites in the Middle
Ages.
Eds. C. Stephen Jaeger and Ingrid Kasten. Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 2003.
194–202.
Ármann Jakobsson. “Queens of Terror: Perilous Women in Hálfs saga and Hrólfs saga
kraka.” Fornaldarsagornas struktur och ideologi: Handlingar från ett symposium i Uppsala
31.8–2.9 2001.
Eds. Ármann Jakobsson, Annette Lassen, and Agneta Ney. Uppsala:
Institutionen för nordiska språk, 2003. 173–89.
___. “Sannyrði sverða: Vígaferli í Íslendinga sögu og hugmyndafræði sögunnar.” Skáld-
skaparmál
3 (1994): 42–78.
___. “Snorri and His Death: Youth, Violence, and Autobiography in Medieval Iceland.”
Scandinavian Studies
75 (2003): 317–40.
___. “The Specter of Old Age: Nasty Old Men in the Sagas of Icelanders.” Journal of
English and Germanic Philology
104 (2005): 297–325.
Ásgeir Bl. Magnússon. “Um ögurstund.” Sjötíu ritgerðir helgaðar Jakobi Benediktssyni 20.
júlí 1977.
Eds. Einar G. Pétursson and Jónas Kristjánsson. Reykjavík: Stofnun Árna
Magnússonar, 1977. 20–9.
Berg, Mai Elisabeth. Fra Myte till poesi: Gudediktene i Den elde Edda som litterær komposisjon.
Trondheim: ntnu, 2001.
Bjarni Aðalbjarnarson, ed. Heimskringla i. Íslenzk fornrit 26. Reykjavík: Hið íslenzka
fornritafélag, 1941.
___. Heimskringla ii. Íslenzk fornrit 27. Reykjavík: Hið íslenzka fornritafélag, 1945.
Boer, R.C. “Vølundarkviða.” Arkiv för nordisk ilologi 23 (1907): 113–42.
Bonsack, Edwin. Dvalinn: The Relationship of the Friedrich von Schwaben, Vo˛lundarkviða
and So˛rla þáttr.
Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner, 1983.
Bouman, A.C. “On Vo˛lundarkviða.” Neophilologus 34 (1950): 169–73.
___. “Vo˛lundr as an aviator.” Arkiv för nordisk ilologi 55 (1939): 27–42.
Brook, G.L. and R.F. Leslie, eds. Layamon: Brut ii. London: Oxford up for the Early
English Text Society, 1978.
Bugge, Sophus. “Kvadet om Vo˛lund.” Arkiv för nordisk ilologi 26 (1910): 33–77.
___. Norrœn fornkvæði. Repr. as Sæmundar Edda. Oslo: Universitetsforlaget, 1965. (Original
edition 1867).
Burson, Ann. “Swan Maidens and Smiths: A Structural Study of Völundarkviða.” Scan-
dinavian Studies
55 (1983): 1–19.
Bósa saga og Herrauðs.
Ed. Sverrir Tómasson. Reykjavík: Mál og menning, 1996.
Clark, David. “Undermining and En-Gendering Vengeance: Distancing and Anti-Femi-
nism in the Poetic Edda.” Scandinavian Studies 77 (2005): 173–200.
Detter, Ferdinand. “Bemerkungen zu den Eddaliedern i: Zur Völundarkviða.” Arkiv för
nordisk ilologi
3 (1886): 309–19.
Dieterle, Richard L. “The Metallurgical Code of the Vo˛lundarkviða and Its Theoretical
Import.” History of Religions 27 (1987): 1–31.
Dollimore, Jonathan. “Death and the Self.” Rewriting the Self: Histories from the Renaissance
to the Present.
Ed. Roy Porter. London: Routledge, 1997. 249–61.
Dronke, Ursula, ed. The Poetic Edda i: Heroic Poems. Oxford: Clarendon p, 1969.
___. The Poetic Edda ii: Mythological Poems. Oxford: Clarendon p, 1997.
26
Scandinavian Studies
Einar Ól. Sveinsson. Íslenzkar bókmenntir í fornöld. Reykjavík: Almenna bókafélagið,
1962.
___. Um íslenzkar þjóðsögur. Reykjavík: Sjóður Margrétar Lehmann-Filhés, 1940.
Elias, Norbert. The Civilizing Process: The History of Manners and State Formation and
Civilization.
Trans. Edmund Jephcott. Oxford: Blackwell, 1994. (1st edition 1939).
Ellis, Hilda R. The Road to Hel: A Study of the Conception of the Dead in Old Norse Literature.
Cambridge: Cambridge up, 1943.
Eyrbyggja Saga.
Eds. Einar Ól. Sveinsson and Matthías Þórðarson. Íslenzk fornrit 4.
Reykjavík: Hið íslenzka fornritafélag, 1935.
Faulkes, Anthony, ed. Edda by Snorri Sturluson. Trans. Anthony Faulkes. London: Dent,
1987.
Finnur Jónsson. Den oldnorske og oldislandske Litteraturs Historie i. Copenhagen: Gad,
1894.
___, ed. Edda Snorra Sturlusonar. Copenhagen: Gyldendal, 1931.
Frank, Roberta. “Snorri and the Mead of Poetry.” Specvlvm norroenvm: Norse Studies in
Memory of Gabriel Turville-Petre.
Odense: Odense up, 1981. 155–70.
Freud, Sigmund. “Jenseits der Lustprinzips.” Gesammelte Werke 8. Frankfurt am Main:
Fischer, 1940. 1–69.
___. “Trauer und Melancholie.” Gesammelte Werke 10. Frankfurt am Main: Fischer, 1946.
428–46.
Fromm, Hans. “Schamanismus: Bemerkungen zum Wielandlied der Edda.” Arkiv för
nordisk ilologi
114 (1999): 45–61.
Gering, Hugo and Barend Sijmons. Kommentar zu den Liedern der Edda ii: Heldenlieder.
Halle: Waisenhaus, 1931.
Grimstad, Kaaren. “The Revenge of Vo˛lundr.” Edda: A Collection of Essays. Eds. Robert J.
Glendinning and Haraldur Bessason. Winnipeg: u Manitoba p, 1983. 187–209.
Grettis saga.
Ed. Guðni Jónsson. Íslenzk fornrit 8. Reykjavík: Hið íslenzka fornritafélag,
1936.
Gunnell, Terry. The Origins of Drama in Scandinavia. Cambridge: Boydell & Brewer,
1995.
Hall, Alaric. “The Meanings of Elf, and Elves, in Medieval England.” PhD thesis. Univ.
of Glasgow, Oct. 2004. http://www.alarichall.org.uk/ahphdful.pdf (accessed 13
August 2006).
Hamel, A.G. van. “On Vo˛lundarkviða.” Arkiv för nordisk ilologi 45 (1929): 150–77.
Hollander, Lee M. The Poetic Edda. Austin: u Texas p, 1962. (1st edition 1928).
Holmström, Helge. Studier över svanjungfrumotivet i Volundarkvida och annorstädes.
Malmö: Maiander, 1919.
Hrólfs saga kraka.
Ed. Desmond Slay. Editiones Arnamagnæanæ ser b vol. 1. Copenhagen:
Munksgaard, 1960.
Jakob Benediktsson, ed. Íslendingabók. Landnámabók. Íslenzk fornrit 1. Reykjavík: Hið
íslenzka fornritafélag, 1968.
Jón Helgason, ed. Tvær kviður fornar. Reykjavík: Mál og menning, 1962.
Jón Hneill Aðalsteinsson. “Folk Narratives and Norse Mythology.” Arv 46 (1990):
115–22.
___. “Giants and Elves in Mythology and Folktales.” A Piece of Horse Liver: Myth, Ritual
and Folklore in Old Icelandic Sources.
Reykjavík: Háskólaútgáfan, Félagsvísindastof-
nun, 1988. 129–41.
___. Þjóðtrú og þjóðfræði. Reykjavík: Iðunn, 1985.
Vo˛lundr the Elf
27
Kalinke, Marianne E. Bridal-Quest Romance in Medieval Iceland. Islandica 46. Ithaca:
Cornell up, 1990.
Kock, Axel. “Ordforskning i den äldre Eddan.” Arkiv för nordisk ilologi 27 (1911):
107–40.
Kormáks saga.
Ed. Einar Ól. Sveinsson. Íslenzk fornrit 8. Reykjavík: Hið íslenzka forn-
ritafélag, 1939.
Lassen, Annette. Øjet og blindheden i norrøn litteratur og mytologi. Copenhagen: Museum
Tusculanum, 2003.
Liberman, Anatoly. “What Happened to Female Dwarfs?” Mythological Women: Studies in
Memory of Lotte Motz (1922–1997).
Studia Medievalia Septentrionalia 7. Eds. Rudolf
Simek and Wilhelm Heizmann. Vienna: Fassbaender, 2002. 257–63.
Lindow, John. Murder and Vengeance Among the Gods: Baldr in Scandinavian Mythology.
ff Communications 262. Helsinki: Suomalainen tiedeakatemia, 1997.
___. “Supernatural Others and Ethnic Others: A Millenium of World View.” Scandinavian
Studies
67 (1995): 8–31.
May, Rollo. Power and Innocence: A Search for the Sources of Violence. New York: Norton,
1972.
McGrew, Julia, ed. Sturlunga saga. Vol. 2. New York: Twayne, 1974.
McKinnell, John. “The Context of Vo˛lundarkviða.” Saga-Book 23 (1990): 1–27.
___. Meeting the Other in Norse Myth and Legend. Cambridge: D.S. Brewer, 2005.
Moberg, Lennart. “The Languages of Alvíssmál.” Saga-Book 18 (1970–73): 299–323.
Motz, Lotte. “New Thoughts on Vo˛lundarkviða.” Saga-Book 22 (1986): 50–68.
___. “Of Elves and Dwarfs.” Arv 29–30 (1973–74): 93–127.
___. The Wise One of the Mountain: Form, Function, and Signiicance of the Subterranean
Smith (A Study in Folklore).
Göppingen: Kümmerle, 1983.
Murdoch, Brian. The Germanic Hero: Politics and Pragmatism in Early Medieval Poetry.
London: Hambledon Press, 1996.
Neckel, Gustav. Beiträge zur Eddaforschung mit Exkursen zur Heldensage. Dortmund:
F.W. Ruhfus, 1908.
Niedner, Felix. “Vo˛lundarkviþa.” Zeitschrift für deutsches Alterthum und deutsche Litteratur
33 (1889): 24–46.
Ohle, Karlheinz. Das Ich und das Andere: Grundzüge einer Soziologe des Fremden. Sozial-
wissenschaftliche Studien 15. Stuttgart: Gustav Fischer, 1978.
Ruggerini, Maria Elena. “Binomials in Skírnismál.” Sagnaheimur: Studies in Honour
of Hermann Pálsson on his 80th birthday, 26th May 2001.
Eds. Ásdís Egilsdóttir and
Rudolf Simek. Vienna: Fassbaender, 2001. 209–27.
Sävborg, Daniel. Sorg och elegi i Eddans hjältediktning. Stockholm: Almqvist & Wiksell,
1997.
Schlauch, Margaret. Romance in Iceland. New York: Russell & Russell, 1973.
See, Klaus von, Beatrice La Farge, Eve Picard and Katja Schultz. Kommentar zu Liedern der
Edda 3: Götterlieder (Vo˛lundarkviða, Alvíssmál, Baldrs draumar, Rígsþula, Hyndlolióð,
Grottaso˛ngr).
Heidelberg: Winter, 2000.
Simek, Rudolf. “Völundarhús—Domus Daedali: Labyrinths in Old Norse Manuscripts.”
Twenty-Eight Papers Presented to Hans Bekker-Nielsen on the Occasion of His Sixtieth
Birthday 28 April 1993.
Odense: Odense up, 1993. 323–68.
Souers, Philip W. “The Wayland Scene on the Franks Casket.” Speculum 18 (1943):
104–11.
Sturlunga saga.
Eds. Jón Jóhannesson, Magnús Finnbogason, and Kristján Eldjárn. Vol.
1. Reykjavík: Sturlunguútgáfan, 1946.
28
Scandinavian Studies
Sveinbjörn Egilsson. Lexicon poeticum. 2nd ed. Ed. Finnur Jónsson. Copenhagen: Det
Kongelige nordiske oldskrift-selskab, 1931.
Sverrir Jakobsson. “Friðarviðleitni kirkjunnar á 13. öld.” Saga 36 (1998): 7–46.
Taylor, Paul Beekman. “The Structure of Völundarkviða.” Neophilologus 47 (1963):
228–36.
___. “Völundarkviða, Þrymskviða and the Function of Myth.” Neophilologus 78 (1994):
263–81.
Unger, C.R., ed. Flateyjarbok i–iii. Christiania: Malling, 1860–68.
Unwerth, Wolf von. Untersuchungen über Totenkult und Ódinnverehrung bei Nordgermanen
und Lappen.
Breslau: M. & H. Marcus, 1911.
Vésteinn Ólason. “Eddukvæði.” Íslensk bókmenntasaga i. Reykjavík: Mál og menning,
1992. 75–187.
Vogt, W.H. “Die Vo˛lundar kviða als Kunstwerk.” Zeitschrift für deutsche Philologie 51
(1926): 275–98.
Vries, Jan de. Altgermanische Religionsgeschichte i. Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 1956.
___. “Om Eddaens Visdomsdigtning.” Arkiv för nordisk ilologi 50 (1934): 1–59.
___. “Über Sigvats álfablót-Strophen.” Acta Philologica Scandinavica (1931–1932):
169–80.
Wanner, Kevin. “The Giant Who Wanted to be a Dwarf: The Transgression of Mythic
Norms in Þórr’s Fight with Geirrøðr.” Scandinavica 40 (2001): 189–225.
Warner, Marina. No Go the Bogeyman: Scaring, Lulling, and Making Mock. London:
Chatto & Windus, 1998.
Þiðriks saga af Bern i.
Ed. Bertelsen, Henrik. Copenhagen: stuagnl, 1905.