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Lords and Literature: The Icelandic Sagas as Political
and Social Instruments

Axel Kristinsson

a

a

Safnahús Borgarfjaðrdar , Bjarnarbraut, 4-6 310, Borgarnes Iceland

Published online: 06 Nov 2010.

To cite this article: Axel Kristinsson (2003) Lords and Literature: The Icelandic Sagas as Political and Social Instruments,
Scandinavian Journal of History, 28:1, 1-17, DOI:

10.1080/03468750310001192

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Lords and Literature: The Icelandic Sagas as Political

and Social Instruments

Axel Kristinsson

The Icelandic sagas are a strange phenomenon.

1

During the High Middle Ages a

small and remote island population created a literary tradition which far exceeded

in scope and volume anything produced by their continental kinsmen ± a literature

that is so unusual in the European context of the Middle Ages that it needs some

special explanations. Most explanations have hitherto been put forward by literary

scholars.

2

In contrast, I am a historian and would like to consider the problem like

any historical problem. As the Icelandic Medieval literature is undoubtedly a social

phenomenon as much as a literary one, it makes sense to seek its roots in the nature

of the society that produced it, and this is what I propose to do here.

If one wants to explain why people wrote sagas in Iceland one is bound to come

up with several reasons. After all, this complex historical phenomenon must have its

roots in the complex historical reality of Iceland during the time of writing. This

means that finding a ªtotalº solution to the problem is bound to be very difficult

and one can argue endlessly about what is more and what is less important.

But there is a way around this by reformulating the problem or rephrasing the

question. The thing that is perhaps most interesting about the sagas is that they

were written in Iceland, not the most obvious place, and not, for example, in

Sweden, which, however, shared most of its cultural characteristics with Iceland.

Although many of the features that influenced saga-writing in Iceland, such as the

obvious impact of Christian learning, were also present in Sweden, it did not result

in the creation of a newliterary genre in that country. Some essential ingredient

must have been missing, an ingredient that was peculiar to Iceland. The missing

Axel Kristinsson, born 1959, cand. mag., is Director of the BorgarfjoÈr…ur Cultural Centre, Borgarnes, Iceland. His

published works are mainly in the field of Icelandic socio-political history of the Medieval and Early Modern periods with

special emphasis on the aristocracy.
Address: SafnahuÂs Borgarfja…rar, Bjarnarbraut 4-6, 310 Borgarnes, Iceland. E-mail: [e-mail]

1

I extend my thanks to the scholars AÂrni DanõÂel JuÂlõÂusson, Gu…ruÂn Nordal, Orri VeÂsteinsson and

Vi…ar Hreinsson, who read the article in manuscript and made some valuable suggestions.

2

For example: Sigur…ur Nordal, Icelandic Culture (Ithaca, 1990), pp. 253, 297±298. [Original Icelandic

edition: Reykjavik, 1942]. GõÂsli Sigur…sson, Gaelic Influence in Iceland: Historical and Literary Contacts: A

survey of Research (Studia Islandica, 46, 1988). Some others are mentioned below. We should also note

the anthropologist E. P. Durrenberger, ªSagas, Totems and Historyº, SamfeÂlagstõ…indi, vol. 5, no. 1

(1985), p. 72.

DOI 10.1080/03468750310001192 # 2003 Taylor & Francis

Scand. J. History 28, pp. 1±17. ISSN 0346-8755

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ingredient is thus the explanation for the difference between Iceland and Sweden

although it does not by itself explain why the Icelanders wrote sagas. But it is the

ingredient that tipped the scales compared with Sweden (and other countries) and

is, in this sense, the most important element in an explanation of saga-writing in

Iceland. This paper is concerned with finding this missing ingredient but not with a

ªtotalº explanation. It is concerned with why Iceland was different ± why the

Icelanders wrote more than others.

The most promising approach is to take a close look at the society that produced

the saga literature and seek to explain this rather unique phenomenon through

some features of Icelandic society that are themselves unique.

3

However, it should

be borne in mind that it is essential to find this uniqueness at the time the sagas

were written. It is not enough to find it somewhere in the past or in the origins of

the Icelandic society and then project it to the 12th and 13th centuries. There must

have been a strong incentive to write the sagas at the time they were being written

and this must reflect the society at that same period. Therefore, to find the origins

of saga-writing we must examine Icelandic society of the 12th and 13th centuries

and look for unusual or unique features that can explain why sagas were written in

Iceland rather than elsewhere.

Apart from the sagas themselves, the most obviously unusual feature of Icelandic

society of the 12th and 13th centuries is the political structure of the Icelandic

Commonwealth. Since one may surmise that there is a connection between the two,

it is therefore pertinent to take a brief look at the political developments of early

Iceland.

4

In the absence of any state authority, Iceland was settled around AD 900 by, it

appears, small groups of families and friends, rather than any larger political units.

The political system that evolved from the initial chaos was based on personal ties

rather than territorial control. Individual householders combined in alliances called

go…or… under the leadership of a go…i, here translated as chieftain.

5

Although the

go…or… or chieftaincy usually had a certain core area, it had no fixed boundaries, and

two or more chieftaincies could easily coexist in the same territory. In theory, and

often in practice as well, men were free to change their alliance from one

chieftaincy to another. These alliances served to ensure a minimum amount of

security for their members. There were supposedly 39 of them and they cooperated

3

This is rather like Kurt Schier's approach (K. Schier, ªIceland and the Rise of Literature in `Terra

Nova': Some comparative reflectionsº, Gripla, I (1975), pp. 168±181), which sought this uniqueness

in Iceland's position as a ªnewsocietyº. This general approach has of course been tried before; for

example by K. Liestùl, The Origin of the Icelandic Family Saga (Oslo, 1930), p. 135. Liestùl argued that

Iceland had unique conditions for preserving historical traditions.

4

An overviewof the social development of the Commonwealth period is available in English by J. L.

Byock, Medieval Iceland: Society, Sagas and Power (Berkeley, 1988), pp. 71±76. It must be noted, though,

that most Icelandic historians place more emphasis on political and social changes than Byock does.

In a more recent book, Byock moves somewhat closer to the Icelandic position. J. Byock, Viking Age

Iceland (Harmondsworth, 2001), pp. 341±349. See also G. Karlsson ªGo…ar and hoÈf…ingjar in Medieval

Iceland.º Saga-Book of the Viking Society, 19 (1977), pp. 358±370 and JoÂn Vi…ar Sigur…sson, FraÂ

go…or…um til rõÂkja: ‡roÂun go…avalds a 12. og 13. oÈld (Reykjavik, 1989) and Goder og maktforhold paÊ Island i

fristatstiden (Bergen, 1993). What follows, is my own interpretation of this period and some points

made here are open to discussion. However, the overall picture seems clear enough.

5

The stem go… means god (in later terminology especially a pagan god as opposed to the Christian

Gu…) and this implies some religious function of the go…or….

Scand. J. History 28 (2003)

2 Axel Kristinsson

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in the legislative body, the al‡ingi, but there was really no central government and

no executive power, it being up to individuals and their allies to enforce the law.

It is not known precisely when this system of chieftaincies started to break down.

All we know is that by the early 12th century it had been replaced, in some areas,

by a more effective form of government, and that well before 1200, four rõÂki had

emerged (see Fig. 1).

6

These were territorial units, often formed when two or more

chieftaincies combined, and are perhaps best described as small principalities, as

they were virtually independent. They were ruled by a single successor to the

chieftains (go…ar) but this old term was rarely applied to them. Instead, they were

usually called hoÈf…ingjar, which is translated here as princes,

7

and with the emergence

of these principalities, Iceland can be said to have entered into the mainstream of

European political development. Within these principalities, the single prince was

nowresponsible for keeping the peace and ensuring an acceptable level of security.

Around 1200, and particularly during the first two decades of the 13th century,

there was a surge of new principalities forming out of the remaining chieftaincies, so

that by 1220 there were very few old-style chieftaincies left, although they did survive

as legal formalities even within the principalities. What followed was an escalating

power struggle between the principalities that turned into a civil war after about 1235.

Gradually, the Norwegian king became increasingly involved in this conflict, as

Icelandic aristocrats vied for his support, until in 1262 he finally managed to get the

Icelanders to accept his sovereignty and thus put an end to these difficult conditions. It

was in these times of trouble that the Icelandic sagas flourished.

Many previous attempts at explaining the emergence of saga literature in Iceland

are, to a varying degree, psychological but lack a clear idea of motive. They explain

the emergence of a mentality receptive to storytelling and saga-writing but have

problems showing why this mentality was so much more prominent in Iceland than

in the rest of the North. These attempts at explanations tend to treat the sagas as

modern literature and seek to explain them in terms of their ªmessageº or

ªmoralº.

8

This would indicate that the sagas, as a whole, carried a moral message

to 13th-century Icelanders, a claim that has proved difficult to substantiate. I would

suggest that behind the saga phenomenon there lies something altogether more

basic and mundane; that saga-writing served a social and political purpose,

irrespective of the message that some of the sagas may have carried. They did not

promote a specific ideology but were rather an instrument to be used in the

complex political and social situation at the time of their creation.

6

RõÂki means state in modern Icelandic and these units were certainly much closer to our concept of

the state than the go…or… was. The reasons for the formation of rõÂki are debated and will not be

discussed here in detail. My viewis that this was a consequence of Icelandic society becoming more

complex than before, the most important change being increased inequalities of wealth, and as the

old system could not cope with these complexities, it was therefore replaced.

7

This may seems like too grand a title, as their principalities would rarely have more than c. 5000

inhabitants but is nevertheless adopted here for the sake of consistency. By means of justification, it

may be noted that during the Viking period some rulers in Norway appear to have been called

ªkingsº although their kingdoms would not have been any larger than the Icelandic principalities of

the 13th century. See: P. H. Sawyer, Kings and Vikings: Scandinavia and Europe AD 700±1100 (London,

1982), p. 52.

8

For example: Sigur…ur Nordal, op. cit. and E. P. Durrenberger, op. cit.

Scand. J. History 28 (2003)

Icelandic Sagas as Political and Social Instruments 3

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It must be remembered that writing books in the Middle Ages was a far greater

undertaking than it is today. It represented a considerable investment in terms of time,

education and rawmaterials (especially parchment), and was not something that just

anybody with a creative mind could contemplate. The financial resources were simply

not available, except to two groups: the aristocracy and religious institutions.

9

We

knowfor certain that some book production did take place within the monasteries but

we also know that some of it did not.

10

It is obvious, however, that most of the sagas

were intended for a secular public. They were written in the vernacular, have a

worldly outlook and even if some of the sagas were produced within monasteries or

other religious institutions, they were usually intended for a lay audience, possibly

written at the instigation of, or for the benefit of, the secular aristocracy.

It is therefore highly unlikely that the incentive for saga-writing came from the

church or monasteries, which leaves us only with the aristocracy. I would propose

that the writing of sagas served a variety of specific purposes for this social group,

although a common denominator can probably be found.

One branch of saga literature is especially well suited for finding the roots of the

phenomenon. These are the ªFamily sagasº (IÂslendingasoÈgur), not because they are

the oldest, which they are not, but because they can be firmly localized within

Iceland.

11

They deal with events that supposedly took place in the country during

the 10th and early 11th centuries and most of the action takes place within clearly

defined areas. These sagas, therefore, present a unique opportunity to equate

individual sagas with certain districts of Iceland, and this has, indeed, frequently

been done.

12

In the present context, this allows us to check whether the

geographical distribution of the Family sagas can be explained by different social or

political conditions. Whether it can, depends on whether we can assume that the

principal physical setting of a saga is also connected with its creation, and whether

the author or the intended audience actually lived in the area. This is sometimes

difficult to prove but, generally speaking, it seems a fair assumption.

If we are working from the hypothesis that the roots of saga-writing are

connected to the political situation of the Commonwealth, it is natural to limit the

investigation to the sagas thought to have been written before the fall of the

Commonwealth in 1262. The writing of Family sagas is believed to have

commenced around 1200. Of course, we do not know exactly when each of the

9

Sverrir ToÂmasson, ªBandamanna saga og aÂheyrendur a 14. og 15. oÈldº, SkõÂrnir, 151 (1977), pp. 99±

100.

10

We know, for example, that the saga of King Sverrir of Norway (d. 1202) was (in part) written by the

Icelandic abbot Karl JoÂnsson. We also knowof some aristocratic writers such as Snorri Sturluson

and Sturla †oÂr…arson. On the whole, book production in Iceland does not seem to have been nearly

as confined to religious institutions, as was normally the case in Europe. See StefaÂn Karlsson,

ªIÂslensk boÂkager… a mi…oÈldumº, IÂslenska soÈgu‡ingi… 28.±31. mai 1997: Ra…stefnurit, I (Reykjavik, 1998),

pp. 289±290, 293±294. On the other hand, secular writing and book production in Iceland was

surely not independent of the church or monasteries but drewon their learning and traditions. See

Lars LoÈnnroth, ªSponsors, Writers, and Readers of Early Norse Literatureº, Social Approaches to Viking

Studies (Glasgow, 1991), pp. 3±10.

11

For a recent discussion of the genre, see VeÂsteinn OÂlason, Dialogues with the Viking Age. Narration and

Representation in the Sagas of the Icelanders (ReykjavõÂk, 1998). However, this book hardly mentions the

problem of why Iceland alone produced this sort of literature.

12

The standard Icelandic edition, IÂslenzk fornrit II±XIV (Reykjavik, 1933±1991) mainly organizes the

Family sagas geographically.

Scand. J. History 28 (2003)

4 Axel Kristinsson

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sagas was written, but literary scholars have an idea about the dates of most of

them, although many of them are disputed. The dates used here are those of the

standard History of Icelandic Literature: IÂslensk boÂkmenntasaga.

13

In recent years

there has been a tendency to reduce the age of many of the sagas, e.g. in the new

English edition.

14

The jury is still out on this issue but arriving at accurate and

trustworthy dates is very difficult. It should be borne in mind that the present

exercise, if successful, could help improve our dating of the sagas. At the same time

it should also be remembered that even if the Family sagas prove to be later than

assumed here, the foundations of this discussion are not as invalid as they may

seem, since the sagas are based on oral traditions that fundamentally may have

served the same purpose as the written sagas, and also many of the latter will only

gradually, through a series of copying and editing, have reached the state in which

they are nowpreserved and, therefore, the reduced dating applies to these

preserved versions rather than the elusive originals.

15

If there seems to be any likelihood that a saga was written before 1262, it is

included in the sample. Thus, while some sagas written after 1262 are possibly

Fig. 1. Principalities formed before 1200 and the main localities of Family sagas presumably written

between 1200 and 1262. Old principalities: K. Saga localities: Egils saga.

13

IÂslensk boÂkmenntasaga, II (Reykjavik, 1993), pp. 39±44, 87±143.

14

The complete Sagas of Icelanders: including 49 tales, vols 1±5 (Reykjavik, 1997). See also: Bjarni Gu…nason,

ªAldur og einkenni Bjarnar soÈgu HõÂtdñlakappaº, Sagna‡ing helga… JoÂnasi KristjaÂnssyni sjoÈtugum 10. aprõÂl

1994 (ReykjavõÂk, 1994), pp. 69±85; JoÂnas KristjaÂnsson, ªVar Snorri upphafsma…ur Islendinga-

sagnaº, Andvari XXXII (1990), pp. 85±105.

15

Cf. Vi…ar Hreinsson, ªHusbrag eller Herredsbrag. Overvejelser omkring litterñr selvbevidsthed i

islñndingesagaerneº, Artikler: Utgivet i anledning af Preben Meulengracht Sorensens 60 aÊrs fodselsdag 1. marts

2000 (AÊrhus, 2000), pp. 47±48, 50±51.

Scand. J. History 28 (2003)

Icelandic Sagas as Political and Social Instruments 5

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included, it makes little difference as these are relatively fewin number and the

political atmosphere of the period immediately before 1262 must have survived for

a while afterwards.

16

We must also keep in mind that more sagas may have been produced in the

Commonwealth period than have survived, and some scholars claim to have

identified a number of them.

17

Still, these are all hypothetical and uncertain and

cannot be considered in a general investigation like this one. The state of our

knowledge is such that inaccuracies are inevitable when we try to draw up a picture

of the distribution and dates of the Family sagas. However, these inaccuracies

hardly matter since the number of sagas is sufficient to give a sound general

overview of the writing of Family sagas in the Age of the Commonwealth. If the

picture that emerges is clear enough, the inaccuracies are not significant.

The map presented in Fig. 1 shows two things. On the one hand, we see the four

old-established principalities (shaded), which together covered approximately a

third of the inhabited part of the country, as opposed to the newprincipalities and

surviving go…or…, left unshaded, as are the central highlands which were then, as

now, uninhabited.

18

Three of the old principalities were in the south, with one in

the north. The map also shows the approximate principal localities of the Family

sagas in the sample.

A striking feature is immediately apparent ± all the Family sagas, written before

the fall of the Commonwealth, take place outside the boundaries of the old

principalities, the scenes of their action extending throughout the rest of the country

with few exceptions. The correlation between saga-writing and the new

principalities and surviving go…or… is so strong as to exclude any coincidence. A

perfect correlation, as we see here, is more than can be reasonably expected and

indicates a very strong relationship even allowing for inaccuracies in the sample. It

must be concluded that the old principalities produced no Family sagas in the

16

One of the sagas included in the sample, the FoÂstbrñdra saga, is nowusually dated to the end of the

13th century but used to be reckoned among the earliest. I have given it the benefit of the doubt.

The short saga of OÈlkofri is omitted. It is often classified as a ‡aÂttur (short saga) rather than a Family

saga and most of the action is connected with the general assembly (al‡ingi) which took place at

‡ingvellir. Therefore, it cannot be localized in the same sense as the other sagas.

17

See footnote 19.

18

Some scholars have recently shown a tendency to reduce the age of the ªoldº principalities, thus

diminishing or eliminating the difference between them and the new ones. Helgi †orlaÂksson has

claimed that the principalities of AÂrnes‡ing (Helgi †orlaÂksson, ªHruniº, AÂrnesingur V (1998), pp. 40±

42) and RangaÂr‡ing (Helgi †orlaÂksson, Gamlar goÈtur og go…avald. Um fornar lei…ir og voÈld Oddaverja õÂ

RangaÂr‡ingi (ReykjavõÂk, 1989), pp. 14±20) are relatively late and Orri VeÂsteinsson (The Christianization

of Iceland. Priests, Power and Social Change 1000±1300 (University College London, 1996), p. 202) has

suggested that the AÂsbirningar only acquired absolute control of SkagafjoÈr…ur by about 1200. This is

definitely a minority view. The case for AÂrnes‡ing is discussed in detail in A. Kristinsson, ªRõÂki

AÂrnesingaº(to be published shortly in the journal AÂrnesingur). In general, it is clear that there is little or

no evidence for any men to have held power in the four districts in the 12th century (at least in the

latter half of the century) except those who were of the princely families. The best case could be

made for the RangaÂr‡ing, where the formal ownership of at least one chieftaincy seems to have been

outside the ruling family of the Oddaverjar. But this was only the formal ownership, the real power

was still in the hands of the Oddaverjar and we know of no other chieftains in the area who wielded

real power during the 12th century (although it must be borne in mind that the sources from the first

half of the century are meagre). This applies to all the four old principalities and is in marked

contrast to the rest of the country.

Scand. J. History 28 (2003)

6 Axel Kristinsson

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Commonwealth period or, at least produced them in significantly smaller numbers

than the other parts of the country.

19

It is particularly important that, as far as we know, SkagafjoÈr…ur, the only old

principality in the north, did not produce any Family sagas in this period. Had it

done so, it could perhaps be argued that the lack of sagas in the south was the effect

of a separate southern, less literary, culture (although this runs contrary to the

existing evidence), but the only obvious thing SkagafjoÈr…ur had in common with the

south was the early emergence of a principality.

How can we explain this correlation? It must be emphasized that, with the

exception of a fewthat seem to be connected with surviving chieftaincies, most

Family sagas were produced within principalities so that there was no great

difference in the formal political structure of the principalities producing Family

sagas and those that did not. The difference was simply one of age. The

principalities that produced sagas were all brand new; the others were old and

established. In this context, it is worth mentioning that during the power struggle of

the 13th century, the old principalities showed far more internal cohesion than the

newones, and this applies especially to the two strongest, SkagafjoÈr…ur and

AÂrnes‡ing, which seem to have been very strong political units whose lords

exercised much greater authority over their subjects than in any of the new

principalities.

20

In the light of these facts, a definite hypothesis begins to emerge. In the intense

struggle for power, what the new principalities lacked was inner cohesion. Newly

formed, they had not yet developed a sense of unity and common purpose.

Therefore, it seems only natural that, faced as they were with the problem of

creating inner cohesion within their domains as quickly as possible, their princes

should try to compensate for this deficit in some way, and the same applies to the

chieftaincies which managed to survive into the 13th century.

21

These were all

weak and insecure political units compared to the established principalities and

literature would provide a way of strengthening their inner cohesion.

22

Fewthings build a sense of unity and common identity better than a common

history. Down through the ages, history has frequently been used (or abused) in this

way, and as examples, one only need mention the medieval chronicles of Saxo

Grammaticus for Denmark and Geoffrey of Monmouth for England. One of the

19

Some scholars have suggested that sagas from these areas have been lost, e.g. Gauks saga

Trandilssonar (Gu…ni JoÂnsson, ªUm Gauk Trandilssonº, SkõÂrnir CV (1931), pp. 149±174) and

HroÂars saga Tungugo…a (JoÂn JoÂhannesson, Ger…ir LandnaÂmaboÂkar (ReykjavõÂk, 1941), pp. 117±120).

However, there is no real evidence that they ever existed except as oral traditions.

20

Axel Kristinsson, ªRõÂki Arnesingaº to appear in the next issue of AÂrnesingur.

21

Some authors elsewhere have also seen the sagas as political instruments or as building identity, but

not quite in the same way as is done here. M. Clunies Ross, Prolonged Echoes: Old Norse Myths in

Medieval Northern Society. Vol. 2: The Reception of Norse Myths in Medieval Iceland (Odense, 1998), p. 56; D.

Whaley, ªA Useful Past: Historical Writing in Medieval Icelandº, in Old Icelandic Literature and Society

(Cambridge, 2000), pp. 161±202; J. Glauser, ªSagas of the Icelanders (Islendinga soÈgur) and ‡ñttir

as the Literary Representation of a NewSocial Spaceº, in Old Icelandic Literature and Society

(Cambridge, 2000), pp. 203-220.

22

In recent years, group or ethnic identity is usually seen as quite flexible and open to manipulation.

Ethnic Groups and Boundaries: The Social Organization of Culture Difference (Prospect Heights, 1998 ±

originally published 1969), especially F. Barth's introduction. See also P. Heather, The Goths (Oxford,

1998), pp. 3±7.

Scand. J. History 28 (2003)

Icelandic Sagas as Political and Social Instruments 7

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problems facing the new principalities in Iceland, however, was precisely their

recent emergence so that tracing the history of any one of them would have been

short work indeed.

23

Instead, some entertaining tale could always be plucked from

the folklore and oral traditions of the area and served up as a ªhistoryº the

population could relate to, and for this purpose a local hero (sometimes more than

one) was usually included as a unifying symbol.

24

These stories had to have at least

two qualities. First, they had to be believable; a past can only serve as a unifying

agent if it is perceived to be true in some sense. Therefore, the writers of the sagas

could not deviate too far from the oral traditions. Recognizably fictitious stories

about the past simply would not do. These stories also had to be both moving and

entertaining. A past that is uninteresting is soon forgotten and will not enhance

cohesiveness.

On the other hand, the Family sagas should not be seen as blatant propaganda

for the prince or chieftain. Propaganda has to have some foundation to build on,

and without a previously existing common identity, it would utterly fail. Therefore,

the Family sagas could not promote the interests of the leader in an all too obvious

manner, though they could do so in an unobtrusive way. We must also bear in

mind that building a common identity may only have been one of many factors

influencing saga-writing, even if it is the missing ingredient that explains why sagas

were written in Iceland rather than elsewhere. Therefore, it would be much too

simplistic to explain everything about the sagas in these terms.

From the lord's point of view, an important incentive to the writing of a Family

saga would have been to create or enhance, amongst his subjects or followers, a

feeling of solidarity and common identity by emphasizing their common history

and legends. Sometimes this could even be done by promoting relatively

unimportant stories to historical status. This was no idle pastime but a vital

ingredient in the violent power struggle of the 13th century. A prince's power and

prestige depended heavily on the support he could claim from his subjects and it is

clear that this depended largely on their intrinsic solidarity. This solidarity could be

achieved through belonging to the same principality for some generations but, if

this was not the case, it could be improved through building common legends and

history and distributing them as Family sagas. The conflicts within the Icelandic

aristocracy during the 13th century were more often than not resolved violently.

Being the ruler of a principality was a dangerous occupation with an

extraordinarily high mortality rate. For example, of the three original brothers of

the prominent Sturlung family, two met violent deaths. One of these had seven

sons, only one of whom died of natural causes. Sponsoring saga-writing may not

have guaranteed a long and peaceful life but, for those with ambitions it improved

their chances of maintaining or increasing their power.

23

However, the writing of some of the contemporary sagas of the 13th century may have been

attempts to do just that. This applies perhaps to Hrafns saga Sveinbjarnarsonar and †oÂr…ar saga

kakala, among others.

24

The role of oral tradition is the subject of a newdoctoral thesis by GõÂsli Sigur…sson (TuÂlkun

IÂslendingasagna õ ljoÂsi munnlegrar hef…ar. TilgaÂta um a…fer… (ReykjavõÂk, 2002)). He assumes that the

difference in volume between Icelandic and Norwegian literature stems from a richer oral heritage

in Iceland and ultimately from Gaelic influences (pp. 330±331).

Scand. J. History 28 (2003)

8 Axel Kristinsson

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For some reason the Family sagas tended to focus on the 10th and early 11th

centuries, perhaps because enough time had elapsed to mould the stories, which

must have been based on some actual events, into appealing tales. The period also

seems to have been an interesting one, especially from a Christian point of view, as

the Icelanders accepted Christianity in AD 1000, but then again, it may have been

little more than fashion that determined the time-frame of the Family sagas, rather

like that of modern ªwesternsº (which, incidentally, resemble the sagas to a

surprising extent).

The Family sagas deal with events that take place within the political framework

of the early Commonwealth, characterized by chieftaincies rather than princi-

palities. The political structure often plays a very important role in the plot. A

recurrent theme is that the two parties to some minor dispute each seek aid from

their respective chieftains or other powerful friends, who then proceed to escalate

the conflict out of all proportion to its original cause, thus seeking to further their

own prestige and often ending in widespread violence. Sometimes the original

dispute is between two chieftains and one or both of them try to use it to boost their

power.

25

These themes highlight a major problem within the chieftaincy system;

there was no single authority responsible for keeping the peace in any given area.

Peace was the outcome of arbitration and the re-establishing of a precarious

balance of power between the chieftains.

26

Justice was often an early casualty in this

process, as the final outcome depended on the power of the chieftains rather than

the nature of the original dispute. Modern Icelanders have often tended to idealize

the society depicted in the Family sagas, but to the people, for whom the chieftaincy

system was a living reality, these conditions must have been extremely difficult and

dangerous. In this light, is seems quite possible that some of the Family sagas were

partly intended as criticisms of the chieftaincies. The emerging lords of the new

principalities would have found it convenient to drive home the point that it was

better and safer to live in a principality than to belong to an old-style chieftaincy at

the same time as they were trying to build up a sense of community and common

interests amongst their new-found subjects. However, such criticism should not be

expected in the sagas produced within the surviving chieftaincies ± they would

rather be expected to emphasize the personal freedom of the old system.

Literature always has a life of its own, and can never be wholly explained by such

external factors as those discussed here. Aesthetics, the writer's taste, the sponsor's

preferences and a multitude of other factors must always have played a part.

Therefore, we should not expect to be able to find obvious signs of a local lord's

politics and efforts at consensus-building in every Family saga composed during the

period 1200±1262. But if I am right in claiming that a crucial element in their

25

See J. L. Byock, Feud in the Icelandic Saga (Berkeley, 1982), pp. 74±97. This theme also appears in the

contemporary sagas, such as Sturlu saga and Gu…mundar saga dyÂra, which indicates a real

phenomenon and not just fables and legends. Byock, in fact, hypothesizes about the special role of

feuds in Icelandic society, which induced the Icelanders to write the Family sagas (op. cit. 24±26).

But even if he is correct in emphasizing the institution of feuds (which he may not be), this hardly

explains why the Icelanders felt compelled to write about feuds in Family sagas. People, especially in

the semi-literate Middle Ages, had an interest in all sorts of things without necessarily writing about

them, let alone creating whole new literary genres. See also Byock, Medieval Iceland, pp. 35±48.

26

Byock, Feud in the Icelandic Saga, pp. 98±113.

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Icelandic Sagas as Political and Social Instruments 9

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creation was an effort to build consensus within the relevant political unit, then we

can expect to find some indicators of this in many, even most, of them. This is not

the place to examine every saga in detail. There are many promising lines for

further investigations but only a fewcan be briefly mentioned here.

The clearest link between a saga and a new principality is provided by Egils saga,

usually attributed to Snorri Sturluson (d. 1241), who is famous for composing the

Prose-Edda and Heimskringla (History of the Kings of Norway). Snorri himself

orchestrated the creation of a newprincipality in BorgarfjoÈr…ur around 1200 and

no one had a better reason to try to enhance the solidarity of the people in the area.

The saga deals with Snorri's ancestor, Egil, son of SkallagrõÂmur, allegedly the first

man to settle in BorgarfjoÈr…ur. In the saga, the scale of SkallagrõÂmur's settlement is

expanded considerably from that described in the early versions of the Book of

Settlements (LandnaÂmaboÂk), but does, however, fit very well with Snorri's claim to

overlordship of the district, which would strongly suggest that he simply changed

the boundaries to support his claim ± in a sense, basing the idea of his principality

on his ancestor's land-taking.

27

Eyrbyggja saga and Laxdñla saga can, on geographical grounds, be fairly

obviously connected to 13th century principalities; the former to the one of

Snñfellsnes, created under the leadership of Snorri's brother, †oÂr…ur, and ruled by

his son Boȅvar for the last fewdecades of the Commonwealth, and the latter to

Dalir, ancestral home of the Sturlungs, Snorri and †oÂr…ur's family. In the middle of

the 13th century a principality there was ruled by Sturla †oÂr…arson, another son of

†oÂr…ur by a different mother than Boȅvar, and Laxdñla saga is often attributed to

OÂlafur hvõÂtaskaÂld †oÂr…arson, Sturla's full brother.

28

The Saga of GõÂsli SuÂrsson tells of an outlawhero and most of the action takes

place within the boundaries of the principality that appeared in the early 13th

century under the leadership of the Seldñlir. This family soon lost out in

competition with the neighbouring principality of IÂsafjoÈr…ur, and gave what was left

of their realm to Sturla Sighvatsson (another Sturlung), becoming his friends and

allies. Sturla not only managed to rebuild the principality, but for a short time

became the most powerful man in Iceland until he was defeated and killed in 1238.

Although the principality of the Seldñlir was only a part of his power base, its was

an important one, as manifested in the curious fate of GõÂsli SuÂrsson's spear, GraÂsõ…a

(ªGreysideº), a weapon which plays an important role in the saga and was

supposedly still around in the 13th century. We first hear of it in the south of

Iceland in 1221 in the possession of a southern Icelander.

29

By 1238 it had come

into Sturla Sighvatsson's hands, by unknown means, and although his wife was

related to the previous owner, this does not in itself explain the transfer. On the

other hand, it seems likely that his connection with the locality of GõÂsla saga had

27

Later versions of LandnaÂmaboÂk adopted the position of Egils saga. BjoÈrn M. Olsen, ªLandnaÂma og

Egils sagaº, Aarbùger for nordisk oldkyndighed og historie, II, 19 (1904), pp. 182, 197±201. See also Axel

Kristinsson, ªSagas and Politics in 13th-Century BorgarfjoÈr…urº (forthcoming in a publication of the

Sagas and Societies conference in Borgarnes 2002).

28

P. Hallberg, OÂlafur †oÂr…arson hvõÂtaskaÂld, Knytlinga saga och Laxdñla saga: Ett foÈrsoÈk til spraÊklig

foÈrfatterbestaÈmning (Studia Islandica, 22, 1963).

29

Sturlunga saga, vol. I: The Saga of Hvamm-Sturla and the Saga of the Icelanders (NewYork, 1970±1974), p.

176.

Scand. J. History 28 (2003)

10 Axel Kristinsson

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something to do with it; either that the weapon was given to him, or he purchased it

because of the connection. Whatever the case, Sturla chose to use this weapon in his

final battle despite the fact that it was a very poor one, and he repeatedly had to put

it under his foot to straighten the point.

30

Surely he could have selected a better

weapon to carry in such a momentous engagement, so why choose GraÂsõ…a? The

obvious explanation is that he was, in a sense, identifying himself with the local hero

GõÂsli SuÂrsson, and by doing so was giving the message to the men of the Seldñlir

principality that he was GõÂsli's heir and their natural leader. The lord seems to have

used a popular hero of his principality to strengthen his own position. It is also

significant that the Sturlungs, Sturla's family, were descended from GõÂsli's sister,

and this may explain why he chose to identify with him rather than some other local

hero and he may indeed have played a part in promoting GõÂsli above other ancient

heroes.

It is not known whether the GõÂsla saga had already been committed to writing by

the time of Sturla's death and it is quite possible that Sturla, in using GõÂsli's weapon,

was referring to a popular legend rather than a written saga. The important thing

about the story is that is shows a 13th-century prince, who was very conscious of

howhe could use a legend from his principality to strengthen his position. The

actual writing of the saga may have been sponsored by Sturla himself or, more

likely, by his brother and successor, †oÂr…ur kakali, but probably represents an effort

to do, more or less, the same thing as Sturla was doing with GraÂsõ…a; i.e.

strengthening the common identity and resolve of the prince's subjects within the

principality of the Seldñlir. This example points out that it is quite probable that

the princes (as well as other aristocrats) used legends and stories in their oral form in

much the same way as they used the written sagas.

31

One of the shorter and lesser known Family sagas of the period is the Saga of

BjoÈrn HõÂtdñlakappi. Most of its action takes place within a very limited area of

West Iceland, an area that coincides well with the HõÂtdñlir's sphere of interest in

the 13th century. This family owned a chieftaincy that never evolved into a

principality, but although its leaders were clearly second-rate compared with the

princes, they still managed to retain respect and influence. Nationally, they were

usually under the political heel of the powerful Sturlungs and frequently appear as

their allies or even subjects, but on a local scale they seem to have struggled fiercely

to maintain their autonomy, for example by forming family ties with lords from

other parts of the country.

The hero of the saga, BjoÈrn Arngeirsson, lived in the valley of HõÂtardalur which,

as their name indicates, was also the ancestral home of the HõÂtdñlir. The saga tells

of BjoÈrn's feud with †oÂr…ur Kolbeinsson who lived at nearby HõÂtarnes, which

would traditionally have been within the HõÂtdñlir's sphere of influence. In the 13th

century another †oÂr…ur lived at HõÂtarnes and, although we do not know his

patronymic name, he was nicknamed ªHõÂtnesingurº (of HõÂtarnes). This †oÂr…ur was

an ardent follower of the Sturlungs, especially of †orgils skardi Boȅvarsson, son of

30

Sturlunga saga I, pp. 339±340.

31

The case of GõÂsla saga is discussed in detail by the present author in a forthcoming article, ªThe

Revered Outlaw: GõÂsli SuÂrsson and the Sturlungsº, to be published shortly in a collection of essays

by Icelandic historians of the Middle Ages.

Scand. J. History 28 (2003)

Icelandic Sagas as Political and Social Instruments 11

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the ruler of Snñfellsnes. In fact, he married †orgils' sister and is thought to have

written the contemporary saga that tells of his exploits.

32

As the Sturlungs of

Snñfellsnes were a major threat to the HõÂtdñlir's autonomy, one can imagine that

they were not happy about their neighbours becoming as closely connected to them

as †oÂr…ur HõÂtnesingur was. The similarity between †oÂr…ur HõÂtnesingur and †oÂr…ur

Kolbeinsson of HõÂtarnes would not have been lost on 13th-century Icelanders, and

we can probably conclude that the writing of the Saga of BjoÈrn HõÂtdñlakappi

reflects an effort on behalf of the HõÂtdñlir to galvanize the support of their

followers.

33

Perhaps they felt more comfortable in depicting the men of HõÂtarnes as

their opponents rather than the powerful Sturlungs since antagonizing them would

have been rather foolish. †oÂr…ur of HõÂtarnes (either one of the two) would have

been a safer target and the saga would have served to make the people of the area

identify with the hero of the saga, BjoÈrn HõÂtdñlakappi. His nickname means the

champion of the HõÂtdñlir (a term that can mean either the specific family or the

population of the valley in general) and he would have served well as a focal point

in strengthening the common identity of the population and thus benefiting the

leading family. Whatever the case, whether thanks to the saga or for some other

reasons, the HõÂtdñlir managed to survive as a respected and influential family to the

end of the Commonwealth and beyond.

34

The poorly preserved LjoÂsvetninga saga is mainly concerned with a conflict

between the family of the LjoÂsvetningar, who owned a chieftaincy in Reykjadalur,

and Gu…mundur rõÂki (the mighty) and his son EyjoÂlfur, who were very powerful

chieftains in neighbouring EyjafjoÈr…ur. Although the LjoÂsvetningar were by far the

weaker party, they succeeded through a combination of solidarity and moral

superiority in fending off the aggression of Gu…mundur and his son.

35

There is a

good chance, although a disputed one, that the saga is among the oldest of the

genre, and was written in the early 13th century,

36

a time at which, curiously

enough, the political situation in the area was almost identical to the one described

in the saga. The LjoÂsvetningar chieftains of the early 13th century, who were

probably descended through their direct male line from those of the saga, were on

the defensive against a powerful conglomeration of chieftaincies in EyjafjoÈr…ur. At

first, this was controlled by one Gu…mundur dyÂri, who was, in turn, probably

descended by direct male line from his namesake, the mighty, and EyjoÂlfur, but was

later assumed by the Sturlung, Sighvatur Sturluson, brother of Snorri and †oÂr…ur.

This time, however, the LjoÂsvetningar were eventually driven out and their sphere

of influence incorporated into Sighvatur's emerging principality.

32

Sturlunga saga (ReykjavõÂk, 1946), vol. II, pp. xlvi±xlviii (introduction by JoÂn JoÂhannesson).

33

cf. IÂslensk fornrit, III, pp. xciv±xcv (Sigur…ur Nordal's preface to the saga).

34

See also: Axel Kristinsson, ªSagas and Politics in 13th-century BorgarfjoÈr…ur.º The interpretation

given here depends on the accuracy of the traditional dating of the saga to the first half or the middle

of the 13th century. This is disputed by Bjarni Gu…nason (ªAldur og einkenni BjarnarsoÈgu

HõÂtdñlakappaº) who thinks it dates from around 1300. His method relies on finding influences, often

quite elusive, from other sagas, a method that has been severely criticized (Vi…ar Hreinsson,

ªHusbrag eller Herredsbragº).

35

T. M. Andersson & I. W. Miller, Lawand Literature in Medieval Iceland: LjoÂsvetninga saga and Valla-LjoÂts

saga (Stanford, 1989), pp. 95±97.

36

IÂslensk boÂkmnenntasaga, II, p. 107.

Scand. J. History 28 (2003)

12 Axel Kristinsson

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One can well imagine that LjoÂsvetninga saga represents an effort on behalf of the

LjoÂsvetningar to stiffen the resolve of their followers against the threat from

EyjafjoÈr…ur. In this case, however, the saga itself was not enough to save the day,

but the defeat of the LjoÂsvetningar might even explain, to some extent, the

fragmentary nature of its survival. It is preserved in two widely differing versions,

neither of them complete, and is composed of a series of relatively independent

episodes loosely stitched together. One might be tempted to think that it was never

really finished, and that what has survived represents a collection of local historical

traditions. Before the material could be moulded into a complete saga and

ªpublishedº, the work was cut short by the downfall of the LjoÂsvetningar.

While most of the Family sagas are probably best explained as ªoffensiveº tools

in building and strengthening principalities (like Egils saga), the examples of Bjarnar

saga and the LjoÂsvetninga saga showthem rather as ªdefensiveº instruments used

by rather weak chieftains when threatened by powerful lords.

Previous attempts to explain the geographical distribution of Family sagas within

Iceland tend to focus on either Celtic influence or the importance of the Sturlung

family.

For those who believe that the Celtic heritage had much to do with the flowering

of literature in Iceland, it seems natural to assume that the distribution of the sagas

reflects a varying degree of Celtic influence.

37

Indeed, the LandnaÂmaboÂk tells us

that many of the settlers in West Iceland, particularly in the Dalir district, came

from Norse colonies in Ireland and Scotland. But even if this ªCelticº area did

produce a considerable amount of literature, the same can be said of many other

areas with no special Celtic connection. For example, there is no indication of any

strong Celtic influence anywhere in the North or East, but parts of these regions

were among the most prolific producers of saga literature.

On the face of it, there seems to be a remarkable correlation between saga

production (especially Family sagas) and the sphere of influence of the Sturlungs,

and we know for a fact that some of them composed sagas themselves. One might

therefore be tempted to equate the saga phenomenon with the Sturlung family.

38

Originally from Dalir in the west, they soon extended their sway over most of

Western Iceland and much of the North as well. All the Sturlung principalities seem

to have produced some sagas, but the family by no means enjoyed a monopoly of

saga literature as the sagas from East Iceland, which was never ruled by the

Sturlungs, clearly demonstrate. Besides, there is something very unsatisfying about

explaining an extended and widespread literary genre in terms of the talents and

tastes of one family, as this seems to greatly overestimate the importance of families

or genetics. The Sturlung involvement with literature should rather be explained

through their phenomenal rise to power. Many of the new principalities of the early

13th century emerged under their leadership, and later on they acquired even

more. Although many of the Sturlungs were talented men, their preoccupation with

37

The most sober case for Celtic influence is presented by GõÂsli Sigur…sson, Gaelic Influence in Iceland:

Historical and Literary Contacts: A Survey of Research (ReykjavõÂk, 1988).

38

See IÂslensk boÂkmenntasaga, II, pp. 49±52.

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Icelandic Sagas as Political and Social Instruments 13

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literature comes not so much from their highly developed taste for culture, but

rather from their need to build consensus in their newly established principalities.

By the time the Icelanders started to write Family sagas they were no strangers to

the writing of sagas or histories for political purposes. They were already familiar

with the Kings' sagas dealing with the history and various exploits of foreign kings,

mostly Norwegian. Some of these early Kings' sagas were apparently written by

Icelanders. A good example is the Sverris saga, which tells of the usurper King

Sverrir of Norway (d. 1202). According to the saga's prologue, it was the Icelandic

abbot Karl JoÂnsson who wrote the so-called GryÂla about King Sverrir under the

supervision of the king himself.

39

The first part of Sverris saga is based on GryÂla but

otherwise their exact relationship is uncertain. But Sverris saga's prologue clearly

shows a king taking an interest in saga-writing and the political purpose seems clear

± that of strengthening his precarious position.

40

From realizing howthe Kings'

sagas were being used by the Norwegian kings, it must have been only a short step

for the Icelanders to apply this lesson to their own situation.

As mentioned before, Snorri Sturluson, the first prince in BorgarfjoÈr…ur, was

heavily involved with the Kings' sagas as well as being the probable author or

sponsor of Egils saga, one of the early Family sagas. Snorri was greatly involved in

Norwegian, as well as Icelandic, politics and must have had a thorough

understanding of howliterature could strengthen the hand of the ruler. Applying

this knowledge to his own principality, by the writing of Egils saga, would have

been most natural and one might even be tempted to conclude that the Family

sagas are basically Kings' sagas adapted to Icelandic conditions.

41

Exactly as for the

kings in Norway, the use of literature to strengthen the ruler's hand was particularly

important for those in a weak position, the rulers who were threatened by powerful

neighbours or were building or usurping new principalities. The established and

legitimate lords of the older principalities, who already commanded strong support

from their subjects, had little use for Family sagas.

Saga literature did not die abruptly after 1262 when the principalities were

finally abolished (although some survived for two more years) and the Norwegian

king accepted as Iceland's ruler. This is not to be expected as the writing of sagas

was already established as a cultural tradition and a political instrument. With

changing conditions one would expect an attempt to be made to adapt this

instrument to the newsurroundings. This is exactly what seems to have happened.

The viewpoint of the family sagas, written in 1200±1262 is usually very narrow and

concentrated on a single district within Iceland. In the later family sagas the view is

often much broader, such as in NjaÂls saga, Bandamanna saga and Grettis saga. At

the same time we see a renewed interest in the history of Iceland as a whole; new

versions of the LandnaÂmaboÂk appear, various new historical works are written, not

39

Sverris saga etter Cod. AM 327 4to, edited by Gustav Indrebù (Kristiania, 1920), p. 1.

40

L. Holm-Olsen, ed., ªSverris sagaº, Kulturhistorisk leksikon for nordisk middelalder, vol. 17 (ReykjavõÂk 2,

1982), pp. 551±558; IÂslensk boÂkmenntasaga, II, pp. 391±397, 401. For a recent discussion on King

Sverrir and his saga, see S. Bagge, From Gang Leader to the Lord's Anointed. Kingship in Sverris Saga and

HaÂkonar Saga HaÂkonarsonar (Odense, 1996).

41

Cf. IÂslensk fornrit, II (ReykjavõÂk, 1933), pp. lxxxviii±xcv (Sigur…ur Nordal's introduction to Egils saga).

JoÂnas KritjaÂnsson, ªVar Snorri upphafsma…ur Islendingasagna?º, Andvari, XXXII (1990), pp. 102±

105.

Scand. J. History 28 (2003)

14 Axel Kristinsson

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least of which is the great compilation of contemporary sagas, the Sturlunga saga.

This work was compiled at the beginning of the 14th century; in all probability by a

prominent leader of the Icelandic aristocracy.

42

This was a time of great conflict

between King Hakon V and the aristocracy in Iceland. The king sought to put

Norwegians into Icelandic offices and to increase his tax revenue from the island,

both of which at the expense of Iceland's ruling elite. Their resistance was fierce

and ultimately successful but depended upon the solidarity of their countrymen

against the royal demands.

43

It seems evident that the increased emphasis on

Iceland as a whole in the literature of the period reflects a new sense of Icelandic

identity and solidarity, even against the demands of the central government in

Norway.

44

It is ironic, but the loss of ªindependenceº (if we can apply this term to

the Commonwealth) seems greatly to have enhanced the sense of common identity

amongst the Icelanders.

Saga literature began to decline in about 1300.

45

From the late 13th century

onwards the Family sagas started to lose some of their credibility. Some might say

that they reached their artistic peak at this time in a perfect blend of fact and

fiction. But this was a development that continued throughout the Middle Ages and

before this branch of literature died out it had become virtually indistinguishable

from pure fables or romances. It is hard to imagine that many believed in the

truthfulness of some of the late Family sagas (such as the troll-infested BaÂr…ar saga

SnñfellsaÂss), but in light of the theory under discussion here, this can be explained

by the fact that there was no longer the same need for their consensus-building

effects after the fall of the Commonwealth, when the Icelanders along with their

aristocracy all became subjects of the Norwegian king. A period of conflict with the

royal authority followed, which seems to have spurred some literary activity, but

accommodation was reached in the early 14th century and for a long time after that

the kings showed little interest in Iceland. Some solidarity-building sagas may have

been written after 1262 around internal political issues such as the conflict between

the church and the lay aristocracy in the late 13th century but in general there was

nowlittle need left for such literature and it disappeared rapidly as its place was

taken by romances and other fantasy stories. Whether or not people believed in

them was now less important then their entertainment value, and although Family

sagas continued to be written for a while, the incentive which had made them

special was gone.

As the Family sagas form only a part of the saga literature and not the oldest

part, the question still remains as to howIcelandic medieval literature began. We

42

Sturlunga saga, vol 2 (ReykjavõÂk, 1946), pp. xvi±xix (introduction by JoÂn JoÂhannesson).

43

J. JoÂhannesson, IÂslendinga saga II. Fyrirlestrar og ritger…ir um tõÂmabili… 1262±1550 (ReykjavõÂk, 1958), pp.

45±55, 226±301; BjoÈrn SigfuÂsson, ªGamli saÂttmaÂli endursvarinn 1302º, in SjoÈtõÂu ritger…ir helga…ar

Jakobi Benediktssyni (ReykjavõÂk, 1978), pp. 121±137.

44

UÂlfar Bragason has pointed out the similarities between the Contemporary sagas and the Family

sagas and maintains that in their outlook and purpose they were fundamentally alike. The purpose

behind the writing of the Sturlunga compilation is therefore to be understood in the same terms as

those for the Family sagas. UÂlfar Bragason, On the Poetics of Sturlunga (Berkeley, 1986), pp. 170±195.

45

The decline is not a general literary one but limited to some saga genres (such as Family sagas,

Bishops' sagas and Contemporary sagas). Romances, both translated and original, were extremely

popular in Iceland throughout the Middle Ages and beyond.

Scand. J. History 28 (2003)

Icelandic Sagas as Political and Social Instruments 15

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can perhaps generalize from the Family sagas, and it seems clear that interest in

legends, history and storytelling was firmly established in Iceland well before

1200.

46

Although the special reasons for the writing of the Family sagas only

emerged around 1200, it can perhaps be said that the general conditions for this

interest were much older, and lay in the extreme political fragmentation of

Icelandic society. A result of this fragmentation was constant competition between

the chieftains, competition that was sometimes violent, but more often peaceful

(prior to the 13th century) and centred on prestige. The chieftains would

presumably have sought to preserve stories, poems and legends concerning their

own families, and also sponsored the telling of stories and reciting of poems on any

subject at all as a form of entertainment at the banquets which were held to

enhance the inner cohesiveness of the chieftaincy. This, in turn, would have

produced a rich verbal heritage that would later translate into a literary explosion.

Conditions like these were of course not limited to Iceland. Political

fragmentation was probably widespread in Scandinavia up to the late Viking

Age and we can imagine a multitude of chieftains, earls and petty kings fostering the

verbal heritage.

47

The conditions that characterized Icelandic society until the late

13th century, with many small autonomous political leaders all sponsoring poetry,

storytelling, feasting and banqueting to improve the solidarity of their followers,

probably existed everywhere in ªbarbarianº Europe. When these societies were

transformed by Christianity and state-building, these conditions changed and the

small political units merged into much larger ones, for example the three

Scandinavian kingdoms of Denmark, Norway and Sweden. Although these

kingdoms shared the need for consensus-building with their ªbarbarianº

predecessors and often sponsored the writing of royal chronicles or histories, the

total volume of such activities dropped dramatically in accordance with the

diminishing number of autonomous political units. Of course the oral traditions

and storytelling did not just die with the emergence of the state, but they lost their

political urgency and therefore the attention the aristocracy had earlier given them.

A gap opened up between the official histories, promoted by the king, and the

popular oral traditions maintained mostly by the lower classes. Along with

Christian learning there also came a change in the form that consensus-building

storytelling took. Previously these had only been transmitted orally, nowthey were

often written down.

The Icelandic experience differed only in its delayed state-building phase. In

most other parts of Northern and Eastern Europe, state-building and the

acceptance of Christianity roughly coincided, both spreading rapidly around the

turn of the millennium. But in Iceland there was a delay of about two and a half

centuries from the acceptance of Christianity until some sort of state authority

gained acceptance over the entire island. The political fragmentation, characteristic

of ªbarbarianº Europe, with all its consensus-building, storytelling and poetry, was

therefore contemporary with the learning and letters introduced with Christianity.

46

It is mentioned by Saxo Grammaticus, writing around 1200, and the slightly earlier Theodoricus

Monachus. Saxo Grammaticus, The History of the Danes, vol. I. (Cambridge, 1979). p. 5. Theodoricus

Monachus, The Ancient History of the Norwegian Kings (London, 1998), p. 5.

47

P. H. Sawyer, Kings and Viking London, 1982, pp. 46±53.

Scand. J. History 28 (2003)

16 Axel Kristinsson

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This combination produced the extraordinary literary achievements of Medieval

Iceland.

One can perhaps generalize further. In the case of Iceland, we can say that

cultural unity with political fragmentation, leading to a high level of political

competition and conflict, resulted in a literary explosion when literacy became

widespread. This generalization can perhaps also be applied to some other cultures,

and those of early Medieval Ireland and Ancient Greece come to mind. All these

cultures experienced a literary golden age at times of great political fragmentation

just after emerging from a pre-literate ªdark ageº.

48

It is just possible that here we

have stumbled upon a general law.

A final step in this string of generalizations would be to say that an area that is

culturally unified but politically fragmented has a tendency, through competition,

to become progressive and innovative. This is, of course, a generalization that has

already been made by others and has, for example, been used to explain the rapid

rise of European power and culture in the Modern period.

49

48

To the above-mentioned cultures one might add others, such as the Italian Renaissance, although it

is nowquite unfashionable to see it as emerging out of a ªdark-ageº and certainly not a pre-literate

one.

49

E. L. Jones, The European Miracle: Environments, economics and geopolitics in the history of Europe and Asia

(Cambridge, 1981), pp. 104±126.

Scand. J. History 28 (2003)

Icelandic Sagas as Political and Social Instruments 17

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