Imagining Jehovah’s Millennium:
The Globalizing Strategies of an American
Religion
A Dissertation Proposal
by
October 10, 1994
Committee Members:
Ruel W. Tyson, Jr. (Religious Studies)
James L. Peacock (Anthropology)
Laurie Maffly-Kipp (Religious Studies)
Donald Mathews (History)
Robert Daniels (Anthropology)
ii
Table of Contents
Introduction
From its unpromising origins as an informal, loosely organized group of Bible Students
under the leadership of Charles Taze Russell in late nineteenth-century America, the Watchtower
Society has evolved into a significant religious organization of global proportions. Recent Society
statistics indicate that currently less than one fourth of Jehovah’s Witnesses live in the country of
that movement’s birth; the Society now claims a world-wide core membership of 4.5 million with
US membership at approximately one million.
Jehovah’s contemporary Witnesses are highly
organized to proclaim the apocalyptic message of the imminent battle of Armageddon and the
arrival of Jehovah’s glorious kingdom on the renovated earth. Witnesses currently maintain 100
branch offices in 231 countries worldwide, with each branch overseeing a portion of the Society’s
73,000+ congregations. Through its circuit and district overseers, each congregation answers to its
branch office, and that office operates under the direct oversight and authority of the Governing
Body located in the movement’s world headquarters in Brooklyn.
The Watchtower’s model for its international, inter-racial society is the theocracy.
According to the Society, Jehovah’s theocratic kingdom currently appears on earth in the global
network of congregations composed of individuals of almost every race and culture. The Society’s
Governing Body, representatives of the 144,000 "anointed" ones destined to reign with Christ in
heaven over his millennial kingdom, provides exclusive and comprehensive guidance to Jehovah’s
contemporary organization. The responsibility of individual members is to accept, digest and
proclaim the authoritative interpretation that flows down from that apostolic Watchtower. If the
1
These figures are conservative, as they include only those persons actively engaged in field ministry who submit
activity reports to the Society; these statistics do not exclude peripheral members, i.e., children, unbaptized participants,
"lax" members who do not submit reports, or those who only attend the Society’s annual Memorial celebration. For the
most recent statistics of the Jehovah’s Witnesses, see the Society’s 1994 Yearbook, pp. 33-41.
2
Governing Body provides authoritative theocratic guidance, it is the task of local Kingdom Halls—
under the vigilant supervision of Society-appointed officials—to ensure that individuals are
properly indoctrinated in Bible Truths before baptism, and to provide theocratic supervision and
training for local members.
The Watchtower Society takes special pride in its international membership and inter-ethnic
unity. One of its recent publications proclaims that "Christian brotherhood unmarred by racial
distinctions is a reality among Jehovah's Witnesses in the 20th century" (WTBTS 1989c, p. 305).
Witnesses worldwide routinely gather together in their circuit and district conventions to "rejoice in
the sameness" that transcends their national, ethnic and cultural differences (Harrison 1978, 268).
Witness scholar M. James Penton acknowledged that the Watchtower Society "has emphasized the
value of ethnic and racial tolerance among its adherents to a greater degree than is the case with
most other religious organizations" (Penton 1985, p. 286). Even in the segregated American
religious South, Witness congregations, assemblies and conventions have been fully integrated for
decades. Based on his research on Witnesses in Africa, Bryan Wilson argued that Witnesses "are
perhaps more successful than any other group in the speed with which they eliminate tribal dis-
crimination among their own recruits" (Wilson 1973a, p. 75).
While they dismiss all attempts to reform what they perceive to be a corrupt and doomed
world system, Jehovah's Witnesses are by no means a quiet and passive people. Witnesses imagine
a perfect world on a renovated earth, ruled by the heavenly government of Jesus and his Anointed
(the 144,000), in which all sin, suffering and discrimination are forever banished from human
experience. They are fervently engaged in a world mission, harnessing every available resource and
technology in their task of Kingdom proclamation and in their collective efforts to create and
sustain an imagined theocratic community here on earth.
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Statement of Argument
This dissertation will focus on the interface between the global and the particular, between
the millenarian globalism of Witness discourse and the practical exigencies encountered by
Witnesses in their attempt to embody those utopian ideals in the present world system. I will
organize the dissertation around a persistent dialectic that pervades Witness discourse: the formal
universality of the Society’s millenarian discourse and the concrete particularities of Witness life
and practice. I will emphasize the international composition and global self-consciousness of the
Watchtower Society and draw attention to those mechanisms and strategies particularly crucial to
the Society’s cultivation of its global theocratic community.
But I will also argue that there is an unstable relationship between the Watchtower Society’s
millenarian vision and rhetoric and its attempts to attenuate those divisive particularities of human
social existence such as language, ethnicity/race, class, and nationality. The historical
contingencies of life in the present necessarily contest those doctrinal claims of an idyllic life in
Jehovah’s millenarian Kingdom. If the theocratic narrative is always read proleptically—from the
future to the present, Jehovah's contemporary witnesses must live their lives in the present. A
major preoccupation of this project is therefore on those coping strategies by which the Society
attempts to cultivate its global theocratic community. A complementary focus is upon that slippage
between the Watchtower's inclusive eschatology and the exigencies of practice.
I will argue that the Watchtower Society functions as a kind of global community,
efficiently networked through the theocratic deployment of technology and knowledge. That
international sense of community is in part accomplished by the Society's bureaucratic organization,
by its centralized production of univocal theocratic knowledge, and by the carefully monitored flow
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of information between the Society’s Brooklyn headquarters ("Bethel") and its local assemblies. I
wish to explore how this highly centralized, ideologically uniform, religious group replicates itself
at the local level; how that authoritative, anonymous theocratic narrative is realized in the life and
practice of Witnesses who are in this world, but not of it, who live in a world hopelessly beyond
human reform or redemption, but who are also unequivocally committed to proclaiming the
redemptive message of Jehovah’s impending kingdom.
In this dissertation, I will investigate how Witnesses negotiate the persistent and provincial
claims of language, nationality, region, ethnicity/race and community. I will argue that imbedded in
the theocratic discourse is a potent de-provincializing dynamic that actively weakens and subverts
those provincial claims. Jehovah’s theocratic organization claims to make no concessions to the
racial and social inequalities that exist outside its righteous boundaries. Witnesses deny all
"worldly" distinctions based on race, skin color, ethnicity, nationality and class. In Jehovah’s
theocratic kingdom ethnic particularities, political allegiances, socioeconomic distinctions and
linguistic differences are (ideally) repudiated and dissolved. Witness ideology declares that "soon
God’s kingdom will destroy the present ungodly system of things," and that persons "out of all
nations and tribes and peoples and tongues" will assemble in that great millennial paradise on the
newly renovated earth (WTBTS 1989c, p. 305).
Based primarily on an ethnographic case study, I intend to focus specifically on how
Witnesses confront the potentially volatile issues of "race" and color that have historically troubled
American Christianity. Given that the Christian church perhaps remains the most consistently
segregated social institution in the United States, it is surprising that the Jehovah’s Witnesses have
attracted so little scholarly attention to their militant refusal to segregate their communities on the
basis of perceived race or color (the short study by Cooper 1974 is an important exception). Thus a
5
special concern of this dissertation project is to observe and explore how two Kingdom Halls—
composed of Americans of both European and African descent—confront and negotiate those
potentially volatile issues of "race" and color.
The Witnesses appear firmly committed to the theocratic transcendence of all national,
racial or ethnic allegiances. But there are instructive counterexamples with which to contrast those
radical utopian claims of Jehovah's theocratic discourse. For example, the apparently immutable
nature of traditional gender roles stands in marked contrast with the transmutable category of race.
The Society's radical millenarian rhetoric transpires within a discursive tradition that leaves
traditional patriarchalism unquestioned and intact. A recent Watchtower publication entitled
"When All Races Live Together in Peace" (Awake!, August 22, 1993) declared that:
In the first century, all of those who were brought into the Christian congregation
came to enjoy unparalleled oneness. The apostle Paul wrote of it: "There is neither
Jew nor Greek, there is neither slave nor freeman, there is neither male nor female;
for you are all one person in union with Christ Jesus" (Galatians 3:28) [New World
Translation]. Indeed, true followers of Christ came to enjoy genuine brotherhood.
But some may object: 'This will never happen today.' Yet, it has already happened
among Jehovah's Witnesses . . . (p. 11)
The invocation of that classic text of radical Pauline egalitarianism serves to substantiate the
repudiation of racism within Jehovah's theocratic order. But it would seem that the same
millenarian rhetoric that would question the evil practice of racism could also be invoked to subvert
the oppressive logic of patriarchalism; the third pair of categories ("neither male nor female") that is
supposedly transcended within the eschatological community is instead rendered (apparently)
invisible by the pervasive and unquestioned patriarchalism of the text's interpreters.
I will also argue that the Watchtower Society's centrifugal dynamics of world mission and
ethnic transcendence also reveal equally powerful—though perhaps less obvious—centripetal
6
forces that qualify the Society’s otherwise universal claims and aspirations. I will contend that the
Society’s confident claims to have transcended those mundane issues of race, ethnicity and national-
ity obscure the exportation of western ideals and values, transforming Watchtower converts into
models of middle-class Americans with impeccable western dress, well-groomed appearance, and
leather briefcases.
The Watchtower Society also remains firmly centered—organizationally and
ideologically—in the United States. The Society's centralization of theocratic power "has wielded
[the Jehovah's Witnesses] into a more self-consciously unified and more determinedly united
religious group than almost any other. . ." (Beckford 1975b, p. 96). While the Society frantically
publishes enormous amounts of literature in over 200 languages, the fact remains that their
literature is still written in English in Brooklyn, under the supervision of the exclusively male,
white, and predominantly American Governing Body. Only after composition in the Governing
Body's "truth language" (i.e., English) is theocratic literature safe for global export and translation
into the less privileged world dialects.
I will argue that the Watchtower Society operates as a kind of total community that provides
its members with a totalizing life-world, where all questions are answered and life-saving Truth
dispensed. Jehovah's Kingdom tolerates no rivals, its claims are absolute; commitment must be
unequivocal; allegiance to Jehovah's visible organization transcends all regional loyalties and ethnic
identities. The Watchtower's theocratic narrative is aggressive, omnivorous and monological; it has
no room for local stories and ethnic particularities. Within the Watchtower's firm but loving
embrace, Jehovah's Witnesses congregate worldwide at the same times, speak the same theocratic
language, listen to the same Truth, proclaim the same kingdom message to any and all who would
listen.
7
As members mature in their faith, their minds and bodies are systematically transformed by
the theocratic discipline into efficient and productive instruments of Jehovah’s kingdom. After
weeks of careful Bible study, compliant prospects are pressed into door-to-door field service, where
they engage in their cherished ritual of kingdom proclamation. In their Theocratic Ministry School
participants rehearse appropriate conversation introductions for their door-step sermons; they learn
to anticipate and respond to potential conversation stoppers. Publishers (i.e., those actively engaged
in door-to-door ministry) are always persistent in conversation, and have a ready comeback for
most any comment or question. Publishers receive counsel on proper grooming and dress;
members (both male and female) learn the verbal skills and body techniques that will enhance their
self-confidence and facilitate their successful kingdom ministry.
Methodological Considerations
The project as defined will engage both archival and ethnographic methods of investigation.
When considering the Society’s representational practices that underwrite its global mission and
cultivate its collective imagination, my research will appropriately focus on official sources. Those
anonymous and authoritative expressions of theocratic knowledge are embodied in official Society
publications; those sources include books, magazines, tracts, and video and audio recordings, as
well as the carefully scripted talks and sermons delivered by Society representatives.
One investigative strategy will involve the analysis of Witness iconography, in which
Society ideology is visually inscribed. One of the most common motifs in Witness iconography is
the depiction of life in the millennial paradise. In those highly stereotyped utopian scenes, that
idyllic millenarian existence on the renovated earth is proleptically imagined as the absolute
eschatological resolution of all human problems. Humans of every distinguishable race and color
8
constitute the "great multitude" of the redeemed who will enjoy that utopian existence. In the last
few decades Society iconography has become increasingly multi-ethnic, and it potentially serves as
an index of the movement’s rising international composition and of its escalating self-consciousness
as an international community.
Ethnographic modes of inquiry are more directly relevant to the project’s complementary
focus on Witness life and practice at the local level, which requires direct observation and
engagement. The most accessible dimensions of Witness life include: proselytizing activities
(including door-to-door field service, Bible studies with potential converts), the five weekly
meetings held at local Kingdom Halls, periodic assemblies above the congregational level (circuit
and district assemblies), the annual Memorial Service (held on the evening of 14 Nisan), and the
frequent pilgrimages to the Brooklyn headquarters ("Bethel") undertaken by individual Witnesses.
Since most Witnesses are enthusiastic conversationalists—especially about their religion,
my research will involve interviews and questionnaires, although most Witnesses resist highly
structured and directed interviews. Relinquishing discursive control to the ethnographer appears to
signal a kind of discursive defeat, permitting the ethnographer to have the upper hand in the
conversation and its direction. Rather than perceiving this as an impediment to research, I intend to
explore this discursive resistance as a potentially instructive expression of theocratic practice (see
Pratt 1986). I am also in contact with numerous Witnesses and ex-Witnesses by electronic mail,
which permits me an even wider range of contact and conversation.
9
Ethnographic Plan
For the most part, my ethnographic research to date has focused on two congregations of
Jehovah’s Witness: the Chapel Hill-Carrboro and the West Durham congregations. Witness
congregations are highly uniform in structure and practice—at least in theory. While these two
congregations are probably typical of many in the US, each may also be atypical in other significant
ways. The Chapel Hill-Carrboro congregations appears to have a higher number of professional
and economically advantaged members, while a majority of the members of the West Durham
group are African-American and appears to represent somewhat lower socioeconomic strata than
the Chapel Hill-Carrboro group. Both congregations routinely host international guests (e.g., I have
met visiting Witnesses from Ghana and Kenya), plus several members routinely visit other
Kingdom Halls when traveling abroad (e.g., Canada, Australia, England). I have periodically
attended the weekly meetings of each congregation, engaged in a one-on-one Bible study with a
Witness Elder, attended two annual Memorial Services, and held numerous conversations and
interviews with Witness members.
My research in the past has been somewhat piecemeal and intermittent. Over the next six to
eight months (beginning in November, 1994), I will engage in intensive ethnographic research. I
propose to attend the five weekly meetings of these two local congregations. The two
congregations share the same building, and schedule their meetings at different times (e.g., one
group holds meetings on Sunday morning, Tuesday evening, and Thursday evening; the other meets
on Sunday afternoon, Monday evening and Wednesday evening.) Realistically, I will probably
alternate my attendance between the groups (e.g., attend one group one month, the next the group
10
the next month). I am particularly interested in the Theocratic Ministry School, and intend to
interview the participants and the supervising Elder. This meeting is particularly relevant to my
project, since it is here that all members are trained to present the theocratic message as cogently
and persuasively as possible. From my perspective, this meeting is an excellent context in which to
observe how that theocratic narrative is embodied in Witness rhetoric.
In expanding my research efforts, I intend to complete as much of the following as possible
within the next six to eight months: (1) attend the next circuit and/or district assemblies (which will
require travel and a 1-3 day stay); (2) make my own "pilgrimage" to Bethel, the Society’s world
headquarters in Brooklyn, NY (this will include a guided tour of the facilities, and perhaps some
interviewing); and (3) continue to expand my range of contacts. I am already in conversation with
dozens of Witnesses and ex-Witnesses, some of whom I know personally through my affiliation
with these local congregations of Witnesses, and others I have contacted through various other
means (including electronic mail, my presentations at professional societies, word of mouth, etc.).
Intensive ethnographic work with the Witnesses will be challenging for several reasons.
Munters (1971) observed that Witness communities manifest an open structure but a closed
culture. On one hand they are eager to accept outsiders into their group, yet they simultaneously
reject all cultural elements they deem incompatible with their own cultural system, keeping
themselves pure from the corruptive influence of the evil world system. This poses some
difficulties for the ethnographer, as s/he is accepted within the group only as a potential convert.
And excessive fraternization with members conceivably poses a threat to them. Cooper (1974, p.
706) reflected on his own ethnographic experience:
What I did not understand until well into my study when I thought some basis for
friendship and trust had been established was that my very presence as a social
11
scientist constituted a spiritual and social threat to the families who opened their
doors to me. The Society forbids any fellowship with outsiders that is not in the
context of winning that person to become a Witness; if a ’publisher’ persists in an
’outside’ friendship, he is excommunicated from the Society.
Part of the challenge of ethnographic engagement will be to observe as unobtrusively as possible,
and to engage individual Witnesses in conversations and interviews in such a way that I will
compromise neither my research nor the good standing of those with whom I speak.
Justification and Significance of Study
There are numerous good historical accounts of the Jehovah’s Witnesses. The most
significant single-volume studies are White 1967, Penton 1985 (for more extensive discussion of
bibliographic materials, see Bibliographic Essay, pp. 15-20). There is a growing body of
sociological literature on the movement (see, e.g., the publications of James Beckford, Bryan
Wilson, and Joseph Zygmunt). The Society has also produced its own official histories (see
WTBTS 1959, 1993a; Cole’s 1955 study was approved by the Society). But much of the literature
about the Watchtower Society—that of Witnesses and non-Witnesses alike—harbors polemical
interests and is frequently preoccupied with matters of normative theology (including the excellent
studies produced by Penton and Bergman).
Studies based on ethnographic research are scarce. Some appear only in the form of short
articles (e.g., the excellent study by Cooper 1974) and are dated and incomplete (e.g., Maesen and
La Fave 1960; Mann 1972). More in depth ethnographic studies do exist. Brose's (1982)
dissertation is specifically concerned with issues of recruitment and acculturation; Heather Botting's
dissertation (1982) is accessible only in published form (1984, co-authored with her husband), but it
is compromised by its distracting preoccupation with Orwellian themes and with the Society's
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alleged claim that Armageddon would occur in 1984. In particular, few studies of the Witnesses—
historical, sociological or anthropological—have drawn attention to the globalizing dynamics of
Witness discourse and to the theocratic narrative's militant de-provincializing dynamic. Cooper's
brief study (1974) addresses some of those issues. Also, few studies have given careful attention to
the strategies by which new members are contacted and incorporated into the Society (cf. Brose
1982), and none have located that process within the theocratic discourse that constitutes Witness
life and practice.
This study will in part document how this American religious group has successfully
exported itself globally. But I will also argue that the Society's aggressive missionary strategy
harbors its own ethnocentric proclivities that have both facilitated and restricted the Society's global
vision. In addition, I will draw attention to the de-provincializing dynamics of the theocratic
narrative that—on its own terms—combat ethnocentrism. While many readers of this dissertation
will almost certainly resist the substantive claims and missionary strategies of the Jehovah's
Witnesses, much can be learned from an analysis of the Watchtower's arguably successful
maintenance of communities that consistently refuse to segregate on the basis of skin color, ethnic
group, social class or nationality.
In this study, I will emphasize the power of religious conviction and imagination to combat
those intransigent conflicts of language, culture, race/ethnicity, nationality, and social class.
Official Society literature is anonymous, and individual members rarely publish under their own
names. But Witnesses Cole (1953) and Carr (1993) have drawn attention to the racial integration of
Americans within the Watchtower Society (although these claims are also contested, see, e.g.,
Werner Cohn, 1956). Many studies of millenarian movements have drawn attention to the linkage
between those movements and the emergence of supertribal associations and their politicization
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(e.g., Worsley 1968; Fields 1985). If those studies tend to focus on forms of millenarian resistance
to colonialism, my project will concentrate on this American religious group that aggressively
cultivates its international self-awareness and actively subverts all loyalties and ideologies that
potentially threaten its absolute claims. While the Witnesses reject attempts at social reform or
substantive involvement in politics, they are neither silent nor passive. In this study, I intend to
confirm and extend previous studies that have questioned simplistic analyses of millenarian
movements as either active or passive, revolutionary or quietist (see especially Fields 1985; cf.
Cohn 1970, Wilson 1973b).
On the one hand the Watchtower Society’s millenarian discourse offers utopian visions of
racial harmony, revolutionary images of the overthrow of existing world governments, idyllic
scenes of life in an Edenic paradise. But from another perspective those radical claims seem to
leave the world and its troubles undisturbed. Jehovah’s revolutionary witnesses may then appear
more as supporters of the status quo than as apocalyptic harbingers of a new world order,
compromised by their complicitous silence and political indifference. Perhaps both dimensions of
this millenarian discourse are to some extent true. Sylvia Thrupp has suggested that millenarian
movements may offer their devotees an "imaginative perception" of another life in "dramatic
contrast" with the mundane demands and troubled horizons of the present. But unlike the reader of
a enchanting novel or the viewer of a mesmerizing play, the believer can enter that perfect world
and collaborate in its construction (Thrupp 1962, p. 25).
The de-provincializing nature of Society ideology invites comparison with recent studies of
nationalism (see Calhoun 1993; Hobsbawm, 1990). In his provocative study of the evolution of
modern nationalism, Benedict Anderson argued that the emergence of print capitalism in early
modern Europe served a vital role in the rise of national self-consciousness. The development of
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the printing press, movable type and standardized orthography contributed to an emerging sense of
collective identity among various language groups and facilitated the rise of national and ethnic
awareness. Anderson describes one scenario particularly relevant to my study of the Witnesses:
with the rise of newspapers, it became theoretically possible for thousands, even millions, of
individuals to participate in a "mass ceremony" in which they could in their solitude read the same
newspaper at almost precisely the same time. This repeated ceremony cultivates a sense of mutual
awareness, a perceived affinity with similar others, creating and sustaining an "imagined
community" (see Anderson 1991, p. 35). This describes well the phenomenon that occurs five
times a week in Witness communities all over the world. Enabled by the Society’s sophisticated
multilingual publishing capabilities, potentially "95 percent of Jehovah’s Witnesses receive the
same spiritual food at the same time" (1992 Yearbook, p. 18). This highly self-conscious
mobilization of information technologies is intended to cultivate a sense of a global imagined
community, in which persons of every nation, color and language are joined together by their
theocratic same-ness.
Finally, my dissertation project will complement and extend other studies that have drawn
attention to the relative neglect of religious "sects" and "cults" by those engaged in cultural studies
(Harding 1991). In particular, my study will explore the robust representational practices imbedded
in Society discourse. Those practices appear not only in the authoritative verbal declarations
contained in official literature. The carefully rehearsed presentations of Witnesses delivered in
public or on the doorstep of potential converts display the Society’s preoccupation with impression
management and the persuasive transmission of Jehovah’s message. Society iconography reveals
the active cultivation of its collective imagination by "remembering" Paradise and harnessing its
redemptive power in this act of visual prolepsis.
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Bibliographic Essay
On pages 11-12 I discussed previous research directly relevant to my proposed dissertation
area. In this section I wish briefly to survey additional sources that are also germane to this project.
Of paramount importance here is Bergman’s exhaustive bibliography (1984). Other bibliographical
sources of the Witness movement include: Magnani (1984) and the substantial bibliographies
contained in Penton (1985); White (1967); Rogerson (1969); and Curry (1980, 1992).
Publications of the Watchtower Bible and Tract Society will be a primary source of
information about the Witnesses. Articles in the Society’s two major journals (Watchtower and
Awake!) are essential reading, but complete collections are difficult to locate and access.
Fortunately, the Society has now produced a CD-ROM that includes the text of those magazines
(since ca. 1950 or 1960) plus numerous other Watchtower publications that have appeared in the
Knorr (President 1942-77) and Franz (President 1977-1992) eras. Having those texts in
computerized form will greatly facilitate the thoroughness and accuracy of my textual research.
The Watchtower magazine is more or less the official journal of the Society. The
Watchtower publication Awake! appears as popular magazine in which theocratic Truth is found
alongside stories of current interest. Other Watchtower publications include titles intended to serve
a catechetical function, e.g., "Let God Be True" (WTBTS 1951); From Paradise Lost to
Paradise Regained (WTBTS 1958) The Truth That Leads to Eternal Life (1968); and most
recently, You Can Live Forever in Paradise on Earth (1982, 1989). Convenient summaries of
doctrine are contained in Reasoning from the Scriptures (1989c); What Do Jehovah’s Witnesses
Believe? [tract] (1987b); and "All Scripture is Inspired of God and Beneficial" (1990a). The
Society’s current views toward other religious groups (Christian and non-Christian) can be seen in
16
the recent publication, Mankind’s Search for God (1990d). An essential source is the Witnesses’
own translation of the Bible: New World Translation of the Holy Scriptures (rev. ed., 1984b).
Again, the thoroughness and accuracy of my research will be facilitated by the fact that the Society
now publishes that translation in computerized form. The Yearbook of Jehovah’s Witness is also
an essential important source for Witness research. Current yearbooks contain an survey of
Watchtower activities around the world in a section entitled: "Acts of Jehovah’s Witnesses in
Modern Times," as well as several in-depth articles on Witness activity in selected countries. The
yearbook also contains the "Service Year Report" and a convenient table of global membership
statistics of the previous year.
Several official and quasi-official Witness histories exist. For years the only Watchtower-
produced history was Jehovah’s Witnesses in the Divine Purpose (1959). The book is written in
the form of a dialogue between a Witness couple and an interested family. The Society has recently
published a major new history: Jehovah’s Witnesses: Proclaimers of God’s Kingdom (1993c). It
is an substantial publication (700 pages) and will be an indispensable source. Cole (1955) was
endorsed by the Watchtower and sold 100,000 copies its first year. His second volume (1957) was
not officially sanctioned, but provides an important—but still pro-Society—depiction of the
Witnesses in the 1950s. In autobiographical form, Macmillan (1957) also presents an explicitly
pro-Society perspective (President Knorr wrote the introduction).
The Watchtower has increasing embraced modern information technologies. The Society
developed its own computerized system (MEPS ="Multilanguage Electronic Phototypesetting
System") to facilitate the publication of Watchtower materials in over 200 languages. It has now
published the New World Translation in computerized form, and a CD-ROM that contains a
plethora of Society publications is currently in production. The Society has also begun to produce
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videotapes (see WTBTS 1990c, 1992b, 1993b). Perhaps the most important is "Jehovah’s
Witnesses: The Organization Behind the Name" (1990c), in with the Society interestingly
foregrounds the technological marvels of the its massive publishing enterprise.
One of the earliest critical histories of the Watchtower movement is Stroup’s (1945); it is
still useful if now dated (cf. Stroup 1950, 1987). Roman Catholics have also contributed to
Witness historiography (see Hébert 1960; Whalen 1962). As mentioned in an earlier section, one
of the best histories is White's (1967). But perhaps the most important sources are those produced
by ex-Witness Penton (1976, 1985). Penton's work on the Witnesses in Canada was published
while he was still in good standing with the Society; his second volume is the most comprehensive
single-volume history of the movement. Raymond Franz's publications (1983, 1991) are
indispensable sources of information about the Society and its internal operations. Franz is a
nephew of the previous president (F. W. Franz) and is himself a former member of the Governing
Body.
Much of the extant literature on the Society is generated by ex-Witnesses. Those cathartic
autobiographies and de-conversion narratives demonstrate with singular cogency the power and
influence of the Watchtower Society. Such publications include Schnell (1956); Hewitt, (1979);
Dercher (1980); Dugger (1982). Perhaps the most valuable autobiographical source is Harrison
(1978). Harrison's story poignantly recounts her experience growing up a Witness, including
service at the headquarters (Bethel) in Brooklyn. Her narrative provides a rare feminist perspective
on growing up under the firm hand of the Watchtower. Christian evangelicals have created a
special genre of "Witness bashing" literature in which the allegedly subversive errors of the Society
are exposed and denounced. See Martin (1985); Hoekema, (1963); cf. Gruss (1970, 1974), Hartog
(1987), Magnani (1985), and Reed (1986).
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Some of the most important literature on the Witnesses has been generated by sociologists.
Beckford’s works are especially important here. His book is one of the most significant single-
volume studies of the movement (see 1975b); his articles address various dimensions of Witness
life and practice, including conversion (1978a) and recruitment (1975a). In addition, Beckford has
directed much of his work on the Society to its sectarian organization and practice (see 1972a,
1975c, 1976a, 1976a, 1978b). The publications of sociologist Bryan Wilson are equally important.
Wilson’s work are particularly helpful because of their cross-cultural nature (see 1973a, 1974
[Africa]; 1977 [Japan]; 1990 [Europe]). Joseph Zygmunt’s work is crucial, including his
unpublished dissertation (1967), and numerous articles (cf. 1970, 1977). Other important sources
of a sociological nature include Alston and Aguirre (1979, 1980), Curry (1980, 1992), Munters
(1971, 1974), Rogerson (1969), and Singelenberg (1989, 1990).
Because of their pervasive millenarian outlook, the Witnesses have also drawn the attention
of scholars interested in the long-term effects of apocalyptic expectation and its inevitable delays.
This is a major theme in Penton (1985), but the issue is explored more thoroughly elsewhere.
Foundational works here are Festinger et al. (1956) and Festinger (1957), which explore the
phenomena of cognitive dissonance and failed millenarian expectation. Zygmunt addresses those
issues with reference to the Witnesses (1970) and from a comparative perspective (1972b). Curry’s
work (1980, 1992) is also relevant here, as he makes an explicit connection between Witness
millenarianism and the persistent sectarianism of the group. On the issue of delayed/failed
prophecy, see also Wilson (1978), van Fossen (1988), and Melton (1985). In this context,
numerous studies will help me locate the Watchtower Movement within the larger context of
American millennialism and the Adventist tradition (Lippy 1985; Zamora 1982; Gaustad 1974;
Numbers 1993; Rogers 1991; Sandeen 1970; Weber 1983)
19
The Witnesses have now evolved into a significant international movement. Recent studies
have focused on Witnesses in Britain (most of Beckford’s publications; Rogerson 1969, 1972),
Europe (Wilson 1990; Munters 1971, 1974; Leman 1979; Singelenberg 1989), Central and South
America (Alston and Aguirre, 1979, 1980) and Japan (Wilson 1977). But the most significant body
of literature on Witnesses outside the US is devoted to the Watchtower Society in Africa. Those
studies provide valuable comparative material for many issues relevant to my dissertation. See the
exhaustive work of Cross (especially 1973, cf. 1977, 1978) and the theoretically sophisticated work
of Fields (especially 1985, cf. 1977, 1982, 1993). The persecution of Witnesses in Africa has at
times been severe (see Hodges 1985; Jubber 1977). Much of the published work on the Witnesses
in Africa also addresses the indigenous appropriation of Society teachings in the so-called
Watchtower or Kitawala movement (Cross 1973; Fields 1985; Shepperson 1970b, 1958). Other
works on Witnesses in Africa include Assimeng (1970); Epstein (1986); Hooker (1965); Long
(1968); Poewe (1978); Regehr (1976) and Wilson (1973a, 1974).
Finally, I have presented two papers on the Jehovah’s Witnesses at professional conferences
(1991 regional meeting of the AAR, Atlanta, GA; 1993 national meeting of the AAR, Washington,
DC), and will present another at the 1994 national meeting of the SSSR (November 1994 in
Albuquerque, NM). One of those papers has been revised and published in Excursus 6 (Winter
1994): 3-13 ("Language and Identity at the Kingdom Hall: The Discursive Strategies of the
Watchtower Society"). I have also established contact with numerous Witness specialists,
including James Penton, Jerry Bergman, James Beckford and Ray Franz. In addition, I regularly
correspond with a growing number of Witness and ex-Witness by electronic mail. I also participate
in an electronic forum out of Washington, DC devoted to the study of the Jehovah’s Witnesses.
Those connections—electronic and otherwise—have already proved invaluable to my research;
20
they have significantly extended my range of contact with others who have extensive knowledge of
the history and operations of the Watchtower Society.
21
Tentative Outline of Chapters
I.
Introduction
The intent of this chapter is to orient the reader to the Jehovah’s Witnesses. This will be
accomplished by situating with Witnesses within the context of American Christianity and
millennialism. Part of my concern here will be to show the significant historical and
substantive continuities between the Jehovah's Witnesses and the Protestant tradition—
especially of that variety frequently labeled "fundamentalism" or more broadly
"evangelicalism." But I will also attempt to isolate those elements within the Witness tradition
that confirm its uniqueness.
A secondary concern of the chapter will be to locate the Witnesses within the study of
comparative millennialism. Studies of American religion and millennialism have generally
been conducted by historians, especially of American history and religion. On the other hand,
studies of millenarian movements have for the most part been conducted by anthropologists and
sociologists, and tend to focus on "primitive" or premodern cultures (e.g., cargo cults, the Ghost
Dance movement among Native Americans). Part of the intent of this project is to force some
kind of conversation between those two discourses.
II.
Jehovah’s Monologue: Identity and Discourse at the Kingdom Hall
This chapter will introduce relevant theoretical issues, define key terms and concepts, and
delineate the project's methodological approach. I will elaborate the concept of the theocratic
narrative as a totalizing, omnivorous discourse that facilitates the Watchtower Society's
apparent monolithic, homogeneous nature. I will also explore the discursive strategies
embedded in the Society's aggressive representational practices and the isomorphic relationship
of the Society's monological discourse and organizational structure. I will introduce and
elaborate a central theme: the dialectic between the formal universality of the Society's
millenarian discourse and the concrete particularities of theocratic life and practice.
III.
Imagining the Millennium: The Watchtower Society and the Machinery of Truth
This chapter will document the Society's organization and its preoccupation with ideological
centralization, information management and its cultivation of a universal theocratic community.
Important mechanisms central to that sense of global community include a highly centralized
authority structure and the theocratic deployment of information technologies. The
Watchtower's publishing efforts include the translation and simultaneous publication of its
literature into the languages of the world. The movement's collective awareness of itself as
Jehovah's theocratic order is greatly enhanced by the self-representational practices (including
its uniform theology and millenarian iconography). The Society regularly invokes indices of
growth (e.g., statistics, construction of new Kingdom Halls, assembly halls, branch offices, etc.)
as signals of divine approval.
22
IV.
Lives Constituted by the Truth: The Theocratic Discipline
This chapter explores how Witness lives are systematically transformed into the Society’s
theocratic image. I will isolate those practices crucial to the induction and training of new
members (e.g., the weekly home Bible study, the weekly meetings, baptism) and to the
constitution of Witness identities by "Truth" and certainty. I will focus particularly on the
Theocratic Ministry School, one of the five weekly meetings devoted to the training of all
members in the techniques of self-presentation and theocratic discipline. This chapter will be
significantly dependent on my ethnographic research.
V.
A Multicultural Millennium: The Omnivorous Claims of Jehovah’s Theocracy
This chapter will focus on the Society’s de-provincializing discourse, how it actively weakens
and subverts the particular claims of family, community, class, ethnic/racial consciousness,
language and nationality. Part of the chapter will analyze the Witness philosophy of history,
including its attitudes toward a world dominated by satanic influence and the corruption of
"Christendom" by its adoption of pagan beliefs and practices. One investigative strategy is the
analysis of Witness iconography, in which Society ideology is visually inscribed. Scenes of life
in the millennium constitute one of the favorite subjects of Witness iconography. In those
highly stereotyped utopian scenes of that bucolic existence, the millennial paradise is
proleptically imagined as populated by persons of every distinguishable race, color and
nationality.
VI.
Countervailing Signals from the Watchtower
This chapter focuses on those dimensions of Witness ideology and practice that reveal the
persistence of provincial, ethnocentric or centripetal dynamics. The Society remains firmly
centered—organizationally and ideologically—in the United States; while more Witnesses live
outside the US than within, the Society's leadership is still dominated by a white, male,
American gerontocracy (the Governing Body). Literature is first written in the Society's "truth
language" (English) before it is cautiously translated into the less privileged world dialects.
The Society's triumphant claims to have transcended the particular claims of community,
ethnicity, class and nation obscure the wholesale exportation of middle-class American ideals
and values.
VII.
The Rhetoric of Sheep and Goats: The Jehovah’s Witnesses and the Cultivation of Difference
For Jehovah's Witnesses the world is composed of sheep and goats, "Babylon the Great" and
Jehovah's pure theocratic order. Witnesses are engaged in a global separating work,
proclaiming the urgent message of Jehovah's kingdom. Those "sheeplike ones" who
courageously submit to Jehovah's will possess the millennial hope of resurrection and life on
the renovated earth. Almost every dimension of Witness practice exhibits the Watchtower
Society's aggressive cultivation of difference and distinctiveness. The Society's iconoclastic
posture is apparent in their prodigious publishing efforts. The Society has produced its own
23
translation of the Bible and composes its own hymns; the indefatigable Watchtower presses
continually churn out millions of copies of The Watchtower, Awake! and other publications,
which constitute the exclusive spiritual diet of the world’s eight million Witnesses. The Society
refuses to participate in all ecumenical endeavors. While the Witnesses share many of the
beliefs and practices of historic Christianity, they also display striking differences (e.g., in their
Arian Christology and denial of eternal torment and an immortal soul). The Society also
adamantly holds numerous beliefs and practices that appear to outsiders highly idiosyncratic
and even gratuitous. These include their refusal to recognize birthdays and holidays, their
opposition to blood transfusions and their singular belief that Jesus was crucified on a
single-beamed stake. The Society’s practice of rhetorical iconoclasm accents beliefs and
practices that might otherwise be regarded as trivial or inconsequential, transforming them into
robust symbols of Witness uniqueness and identity.
24
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Life-How Did It Get Here? By Evolution or By Creation?
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True Peace and Security: How Can You Find It? Brooklyn,
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What Do Jehovah’s Witnesses Believe? Brooklyn, NY:
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Bible and Tract Society, 1987c.
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Revelation: Its Grand Climax at Hand! Brooklyn, NY:
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The Bible: God’s Word or Man’s? Brooklyn, NY:
Watchtower Bible and Tract Society, 1989a.
Questions Young People Ask: Answers That Work.
Brooklyn, NY: Watchtower Bible and Tract Society, 1989b.
Reasoning from the Scriptures. Brooklyn, NY: Watchtower
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Mankind’s Search for God. Brooklyn, NY: Watchtower Bible
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Our Problems: Who Will Help Us Solve Them? Brooklyn,
NY: Watchtower Bible and Tract Society, 1990e. [tract].
The Greatest Man Who Ever Lived. Brooklyn, NY:
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1992 Yearbook of Jehovah’s Witnesses. Brooklyn, NY:
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25
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Jehovah’s Witnesses: Proclaimers of God’s Kingdom.
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Why Should We Worship God in Love and Truth?
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Document Outline
- Title Page
- Table of Contents
- Introduction
- Statement of Argument
- Methodological Considerations
- Ethnographic Plan
- Justification and Significance of Study
- Bibliographic Essay
- Outline of Chapters
- Bibliography
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