Chapter III: The Bronze Age (1800-500 BCE)
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Chapter III
The Bronze Age: 1800-500 B.C.E.
The Bronze Age is rich in religious materials,
both because the custom of depositing offerings in bogs continued
and became even more prevalent and because of the frequent carving
of cultic scenes on large rocks. The Bronze Age rock carvings
are found largely throughout southeast Sweden and along the southern
coast of Norway up to Trondheim. Although the coastlines have
changed since, it is thought that at the time they were carved,
nearly all of them were within sight of the sea. The most common
images on these stones are the ship, the wagon, the plough, the
bare footprint, the phallic man with axe or spear, the sun-wheel,
and the mating couple. Many of them are carved with little cup-shaped
depressions which the Swedes still call älvkvarnar, or
"alf-cups"; in Sweden, offerings of milk and drink have
been made in these cups up to recent times (Ellis, Road to
Hel, p. 114). Some of the alf-cups are set in rows down the
face of a sloping stone so that water (or ale, or blood from a
sacrifice) poured into the top one will run from cup to cup. The
cultic character of the stones cannot be mistaken: several stones
show boat-borne processions with lur-players or acrobats. Their
positions are similar to those of the little bronze figurine of
the woman in the string-skirt which was sacrificed in a bog at
Grevensvænge, southern Sealand together with several other
figures. Among these figures were two men wearing horned helmets
and holding large axes. These figurines had pegs underneath for
fastening them to a base of some sort; it is theorized that they
may have fit onto a model of a ship, creating a scene like those
on the picture-stones (Kjærum and Olsen, Oldtidens Ansigt,
p. 66).The most common interpretation of these figures is that
they represent fertility rites, possibly depicting ritual dramas
or processions.
The location of the majority of the rock carvings
by the seaside, as well as the prevalence of the ship, implies
that the sea played a very important role in religion during the
Bronze Age - probably more so than during the Viking Age. At this
point in time, Scandinavians were capable of crossing the Baltic
and the North Sea; they were doing a thriving business with Poland
and the British Isles, and their supply of bronze and gold was
entirely dependent on the southward trade. Gløb points
out that "Not only was enough (metal) required to counteract
the wastage of tools in constant use; it was also needed for new
weapons and ornaments for each succeeding generation since so
many personal belongings of bronze and gold accompanied their
owners to the grave. Sacrifices to the powers watching over the
life and fortune of the Mound People swallowed up a large proportion
of metal imports as well" (The Mound People, p. 134).
The ship may also have had some connection
with the voyage to the Otherworld in the Bronze Age, as it certainly
did in the Migration and Viking Ages. De Vries suggests that the
tree which sometimes appears above the rock-carving ship (Kalleby,
Tanum, Bohuslan) makes it less probable that these are either
warships or the ship of the death-faring (Altgermanische
Religionsgeschichte I, p. 108); he associates it with the Maibaume
("May-Tree") of German folk-custom, which is a fir, spruce, or birch brought
out of the wood and into the village in a festive procession on
May Day (see "Waluburg's Night"). This would certainly
seem to emphasize the fertility side of the fertility-death equasion;
it does not, however, negate the role of the ship as the vehicle
of the passage between worlds. In this context, the ship-procession
with its lur-players and holy dancers might be seen as bringing
the might of the gods into the human world, or as bringing those
who take part in the procession into the holy realm, or both at
once.
The wain is, of course, the land-bound equivalent
of the ship. Both appear as the bearer of the sun-wheel in the
rock-carvings, and both are vehicles of the Vanic processions
as recorded from the time of Tacitus onward. Probably the most
famous wain of the Scandinavian Bronze Age is the Trundholm wagon:
the bronze model of a six-wheeled wagon, drawn by a horse with
sunlike decoration around its eyes, which bore an elaborately
decorated and gilded disk. A similar model, with two horses and
a disk, was found in a mound at Tågeborg in Scania. In the
later Scandinavian tradition, of course, we know that "Árvakr
and Alsviðr they shall up from here, / thin, draw the sun"
(Grímnismál 37). By the Viking Age, the solar
ship has been lost, although the combination of solar imagery
with ships on the Migration Age picture stones of Gotland may
suggest that the total replacement of the ship with the wain was
relatively late. On a social level, the wagon, like the ship,
is necessary for trade, agriculture, and even transport in war.
At the time of the rock-carvings, the sun may
have sometimes been seen as a masculine being, rather than the
feminine Sun known to Indo-European and later Germanic tradition:
several of the carvings around Oslo Fjord show phallic figures
with weapons, whose bodies or heads are sun-wheels. At Finntorp,
a wheel-bodied man is shown mating with a long-haired woman; at
Slänge, the phallic wheel-bodied man is approaching the
woman, though they are not yet joined. This could be taken as
representing the marriage of a sky- or sun-god with an earth-goddess.
A number of these stones also show stags with sun-wheels in their
antlers, or sun-disks with "antler-like motifs projecting
from the rim" (Green, The Sun-Gods of Ancient Europe,
pp. 80-1). It is possible that some of Fro Ing's solar aspects
stem from this period of the development of Germanic religion.
The wedding-theme appears frequently on the
rock-carvings. One, at Hoghem in Bohuslän, shows both a man
and woman mating and a man copulating with a cow. The latter is
especially likely to represent the mating of sun/sky-god and earth-goddess.
Gløb also describes a stone from Maltegård in north
Zealand which shows a man and woman with strongly emphasized sexual
features reaching out to one another. A 'May-tree' stands behind
the woman, and the scene is surrounded by a wreath of spring flowers
(The Mound People, p. 167). The frequency with which the
"holy wedding" is depicted on these stones suggests
that the mating was likely to have been carried out in public
as part of community ritual
The plough is an obvious symbol of fertility
and prosperity. This meaning is often emphasized by its context,
as on the Litsleby stone where a phallic man is shown ploughing
with a branch in his hand. He is just beginning the third furrow,
which probably signifies that this is meant to show a rite connected
with the first spring ploughing. According to Gløb, "On
Bornholm the old folk used to say, 'Three furrows in Thor give
a green spring,' which expresses the hope that the old god of
heaven will send the blessing of rain over the field" (The
Mound People, p. 150). The frequency of the plow in the rock-carvings
also suggests that many, if not all, of the ceremonies/ritual
dramas depicted on these stones probably took place in the early
spring, supporting the theory that some of the pictures may show
a ritual "Spring Wedding".
The bare footprints which appear on many of
the rock-carvings have often been associated with the story of
Skaði choosing her husband by his feet, and thus with Njörðr,
whose feet were the most beautiful. This tale, which, like the
story of Freyr and Gerðr, describes the mating of a Vanic
god with a rather unwilling giantess, can, at least in part, be
classed among the "Spring Wedding" materials, and thus
seems to fit in with the general symbolism shown on these stones.
It has also, however, been suggested that the bare footprints
were meant to show the passing of a god, or perhaps the continued
presence of an unseen god; and it may be that the celebrants who
trod in the holy prints were filled with the deity's might as
they stood there.
In addition to the ships, wains, and wedding-couples,
the rock-carvings are also dominated by giant phallic men with
axes and spears. While we cannot be sure in calling these figures
by the names of the Germanic gods, their imagery fits with the
deities we know. The god with the axe may well have been a thunder-god,
if not *Thonaraz himself. In the Bronze Age, both stone and bronze
axe-heads were used as charms against lightning, and stone axes
continued to be used for warding and luck in the Northern countries
up until the present day. Thonar's priestly character as hallower
may be present in this figure as well: .the Hvitlyke stone at
Tanum shows a man with an axe raised above a mating couple, which
de Vries interprets as the hallowing of a cultic marriage"
(Religionsgeschichte, I, p. 106) after the example of
Þrymskviða in which Þórr's hammer is
used to hallow the bride. That the axes shown here were ceremonial rather
than weapons of war is supported by the Västerås bronze axe
(deposited as an offering with three sickles), the size and weight of which
(12 in., 8 lbs.) make it unlikely that it was used in battle (Andersson,
Jansson, Treasures of Early Sweden, p. 38). The spear is
well known to us as the weapon of Wodan, which hallows the doomed
for sacrifice; in earlier times, it could also perhaps have been
the weapon of the Sky-Father *Tiwaz.
Burial customs changed considerably in the
Bronze Age. Mounds became larger, perhaps as leaders and ruling
dynasties began to emerge; it is fairly said that "More work
was done on buildings for the dead than ever before in our history",
and that the building effort for Bronze Age tombs "bear(s)
comparison only with that of medieval churches" (Erikson,
Lofman, A Scandinavian Saga, p. 95). The tremendous effort
and expense of building the mounds and supplying the dead with
their gold and bronze grave goods suggests a relatively high level
of social stratification, an intense religious influence, and
probably a considerable degree of worship of the dead. Some of
the dead were buried in large oak coffins, which, combined with
the peaty soil of Denmark, preserved the bodies and clothing remarkably
well. The dead were buried fully equipped, often with very rich
goods, and food and drink sent with them. One, the Egtved girl,
was laid in her howe with a bark bucket that had been filled with
a fermented honey-wheat-cranberry mead flavoured with bog myrtle.
At her feet were the burned bones of a young girl, probably a
serving-maid sent into the mound with her mistress (The Mound
People, p. 60). Fresh yarrow flowers were also laid in the
coffin, perhaps for magical purposes. The child in Guldhøj
was buried with three crab-apples, which may have been meant to
give it life in the Otherworld; the chieftain whose coffin lay
beside the child's had six small split hazel-sticks by his dagger,
which Gløb also interprets as a magico-religious grave-gift
(The Mound People, pp. 92-94). In the later Bronze Age,
cremation became common, and mound-building much less so.
The large curling bronze horns known as lurs
(resembling a sort of sousaphone) appear frequently in the rock-carvings;
a good number were also sunken in bogs as holy gifts. They seem
to have been made and played in matching pairs (one horn curving
left, the other curving right) tuned to the same pitch. Their
musical character was enhanced by the use of rattle-ornaments
which tinkle as the player walks. Clay drums similar to those
of the Stone Age were also used in the Bronze Age, as were bull-roarers
and flutes (Lund, Fornordiska klanger, pp. 45-53).
Ritual dance seems to have been practised by
the women of the Bronze Age, as shown by the stone carvings and
bronze figures of acrobat-women clad only in string skirts. Their
positions are similar to some of those used by current-day belly-dancers,
and it has also been pointed out by the modern-day shaman Annete
Høst (personal conversation, Solmonth 1993) that the positioning
of the round bronze stomach-disks worn by Bronze Age women would
have been ideal for ecstatic ritual dance of that type.
Contributors
KveldúlfR Gundarsson, Warder of the Lore (from
"Spring Rites and Bronze Age Rock-Carvings", Idunna
IV, I, Rhedmonth 1992, pp. 45-47).
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