3
The  Nature of Childhood: Ethnography as a
Tool in Approaching Children in Archaeology
Kelly Thomas
DePaul University
ABSTRACT
Studying contemporary children in the United States might seem like an odd place to seek information that can
help inform the archaeology of childhood. It is our very familiarity with this cultural construct of childhood, as
former children and as contemporary parents, aunts, uncles, or friends of children, that often draws criticism from
scholars of childhood in archaeology and anthropology. An ethnographic study of four-year-old children from a
Chicago neighborhood taking part in an outdoor camp demonstrates, however, that looking beyond the familiar
is indeed possible and certainly fruitful for archaeologists wishing to study children in the past. Particularly, this
research takes a historical approach to contemporary constructions of childhood and looks at how contemporary
ideals affect children s behavior through adult input and the built environment. Exploring this relationship between
cultural ideals and children s behavior and the ways they are mediated provides insight into how particularistic
cultural constructions of children and childhood may be represented through the behavioral traces of them in the
archaeological record.
Keywords: nature, children, Chicago, behavior, built environment, adult input
ow can contemporary ethnography of local children to naturalize or universalize childhood (Park, this volume).
Hcontribute to the archaeology of childhood? Many Ethnographic research offers an opportunity to understand
might argue that there is no common ground to build an how children are defined in specific cultural contexts, which
analogy between contemporary children and those in the his- enables the research of children as children, instead of as
torical and prehistoric past. Contemporary childhood in the small adults or passive, inactive members of society (Baxter
United States is globalized and particularly constructed in 2005; Goodwin 1997; Schwartzman 2001).
time and space. In fact, many authors have critiqued archae- Moreover, ethnographic research is useful for the explo-
ologists for relying too heavily on what they think they know ration of children s relationships with the physical and mate-
about children based on their own experiences of them in the rial world. Viewing these relationships within specific cul-
United States (Baxter 2005 and introduction, this volume). tural, geographic, and historic contexts, we can discern how
I argue here that ethnographic investigation of modern- children create meaningful experiences out of the spaces,
day children has the potential to make significant contri- places, and objects in their lives (Baxter, chapter 6, this
butions to the archeological study of children, particularly volume; Theis 2001). Finally, ethnography can examine the
concerning those very constructions of childhood that ar- lived relationships and dialogs between children and adults
chaeologists have relied on for so long. To begin with, such and among children themselves; it is these social ties that ul-
work can illuminate the complex processes and dimensions timately render material experiences meaningful. Once ar-
of the cultural construction of children and childhood in con- chaeologists reposition study of children s worlds around
temporary urban America. Exploring this facet of childhood the processes that link children and adults as active social
ethnographically can then help break down the tendency agents, we can better explore the dynamic between societal
©
Archeological Papers of the American Anthropological Association, Vol. 15, pp. 41 50, ISSN 1551-823X. 2006 by the American Anthro-
pological Association. All rights reserved. Permissions to photocopy or reproduce article content via www.ucpress.edu/journals/rights.htm.
42 Kelly Thomas
influences, children s responses to these influences, and their reach of wild nature. The glorification of wilderness, then,
material and behavioral expressions (Smith, this volume). occurred in cities and was popularized by writers, artists,
In this project, I explore the relationships among young and scientists people who  did not face wilderness from
children, adults, and the natural world through the behavior the pioneer s perspective (Nash 1982:44, 51). For these ur-
of young children in outdoor settings. Tracking the concur- banites, nature became a unique and exciting destination
rent evolution of the modern concepts of nature and child- for adventure (Nash 1982:57) or a respite from civilization
hood through the Romantic Movement makes the culturally where the sublimity of a higher power could be felt (Cronon
constructed nature of both concepts explicit. Through analy- 1996b:73; Nash 1982:45).
sis of children s daily activities outside, this project explores The shift in conceptions of nature created parallels be-
how these concepts are manifested in the socialization of tween the rhetoric of the  nature of nature and the  nature
children in outdoor settings and, at the same time, the re- of childhood. This parallel is most obvious in the concurrent
sponses of children in those settings. Driving my research evolution of these concepts and the continued ambivalence
were the following questions: How do children utilize their concerning both. Throughout the sixteenth and seventeenth
built and natural surroundings in play? What is the dialog centuries, children were seen especially within Puritan
between the adults who structure and influence children s communities as amoral or even evil creatures (Aitken
play and the children who use these spaces? How can obser- 2001a:32). Not until the mid-eighteenth century, when Jean-
vations of modern Western children in play spaces be used to Jacques Rousseau s Emile argued that children possessed an
learn more about children in the past? Through these ques- innate moral goodness from which adults could benefit, did
tions, I examine the experiences of present-day urban chil- it become popular in the Western world to consider children
dren through their interactions with other children, through and childhood in a positive light (Aitken 2001a:31).
the dialog between children and adults, and through their Out of this evolution emerged a continued ambivalence
interactions with their surroundings. about both the nature of wilderness and the nature of child-
hood. Wilderness exists in a liminal position, wherein the
boundaries between the human and inhuman between the
The Nature of Nature; The Nature of
natural and the civilized are blurred (Cronon 1996b:73).
Childhood Wilderness has been perceived, often simultaneously, as both
the aesthetically pleasing and the sublimely terrible, as both
As the authors in this volume show, children and child- a respite from civilization and a threat to it.
hood are conceived of and acted upon in vastly different ways Likewise, children are often described as innocent, pure,
depending on the specific social situations of the groups un- and in possession of primitive knowledge and innate good-
der study. However, because most researchers grew up or ness (Wilson 1997:8). At the same time, a certain anxiety
studied in a modern Western environment, they inevitably remains concerning children s seeming animal-like instincts
will bring their expectations and assumptions to a research (Aitken 2001a:31; Sofaer Derevenski 2000:7). In this way,
site. It is these biases that make the archaeological study of both wilderness and childhood are forced into a liminal po-
children and childhood problematic and deterring for many sition between uncontrollable nature and civilized society.
(Baxter, introduction, this volume). It is important, there- As a result, the domestication of wild nature and children
fore, to have at least a basic evolutionary understanding of is a continued debate. As will be explored in this chapter,
the related concepts of nature and childhood to realize the children and adults are engaged in a continual negotiating
assumptions under which many in anthropology and archae- process, balancing the experience of children between learn-
ology are working today. In other words,  the nature we ing to be responsible adults and maintaining the freedom and
study must become less natural and more cultural (Cronon carefree attitude expected of modern, upper-class children
1996a:35 36). in the United States.
Ideas held today about wilderness and nature, while per-
petuated unquestioningly and assumed to be the  natural
way of thinking, were formulated and popularized during the Play in Modern America
Romantic Movement. Prior to that time, in the early years
of American exploration and settlement by Europeans, na- This tension in contemporary constructions of child-
ture was portrayed as both a real threat to survival and a hood should have direct implications for how children are
symbol of evil and chaos against which pioneers fought raised in contemporary society. Adult influences on how
a moral battle (Nash 1982:24). By the time the Roman- children should behave in particular social settings (in-
tic Movement gained popularity in the nineteenth century, cluding the types of material culture provided to chil-
most Americans lived in urbanized areas, out of convenient dren and when and how they should be used) and on the
Ethnography as a Tool 43
creation of built environments that shape behaviors and vision shows, and films about environmental issues, along
meanings of place are direct correlates to the types of ev- with conversations with family members at home, can have
idence encountered by archaeologists. Similarly, how chil- a powerful influence on children s ideas about nature and,
dren react to these objects, environments, and instructions consequently, how they will behave in the natural envi-
would also help to shape patterns and assemblages seen ar- ronment (Aitken 2001a:36; Eagles and Demare 1999:34;
chaeologically. For the purposes of this study, I turn to one Kahn and Friedman 1995:1409; Nabhan 1994:88). In other
arena in which children s behavior can be observed and con- words, concepts of spaces that have been culturally defined
textualized: play. as  nature or  natural are imbued with meaning even be-
The fields of child development and education provide fore a child experiences them directly (Baxter, chapter 6, this
excellent sources to illustrate the construction of children s volume).
play in modern America. Overwhelmingly, researchers from The effects of adult input and influence on children s
these disciplines agree that play experience in nature is a cru- experiences and attitudes toward nature also have been ex-
cial aspect of childhood. Especially valued is the opportunity amined. Such studies about the perceptions and emotions
for play in natural areas of unspecified use, sometimes called children hold regarding nature reveal surprising and con-
 rough ground, which allow nature to be  entertainment tradictory conclusions. This was especially true for many
in itself (Trimble 1994:27; Wals 1994:185). Environments urban children, who often express uneasiness and fear about
deemed  unstructured foster a child s use of imagination natural areas (Simmons 1994; Wals 1994). When presented
and creativity to build their own niches in nature and, thus, with pictures of various outdoor play spaces, urban chil-
to feel a sense of ownership and empowerment in one s own dren in one study overwhelmingly preferred spaces with
creations (Crain 1997:43; Sobel 1990:10; Trimble 1994:27). built play equipment, such as city playgrounds. These chil-
Natural areas can also provide a quiet place for children to dren expressed increased ambivalence and concern toward
reflect (Wals 1994:188). A child s opportunity to take refuge less developed play spaces. The sentiment that nature was
in a nearby natural area is thought to act as a buffer to stresses a threat to personal safety has been documented by several
they may be experiencing at home or in school, as evident researchers in the context of urban children s perceptions of
in studies that show that children with the most access to nature. For example, children simultaneously regarded the
nature experience the least amount of psychological distress presence of trees and tall grass as a fun opportunity to ex-
(Wells and Evans 2003:320). Direct experience with nature plore, hide, and climb and as a threat in the form of falling
during childhood is considered crucial to the development trees and attacking animals (Simmons 1994:199 200). Most
of a child s knowledge, sense of curiosity, responsibility, and interestingly, children interviewed in Chicago, Detroit, and
respect for the environment, along with a lifelong sense of Houston all voiced strong fears of the threat of dangerous
place and belonging (Bodner and Sampson 1999:23; Crain people in natural areas, citing the possibility of being kid-
1997:42; Nabhan 1994:82; Sobel 1990:12). napped, raped, or killed in wooded areas (Kahn and Friedman
Despite the touted advantages of children s direct ex- 1995:1414; Simmons 1994:200; Wals 1994:191).
periences in nature, the opportunity for unstructured play is The studies discussed above illustrate how children in-
diminishing. That is,  the freedom to be unsupervised and do ternalize social meanings attached to culturally categorized
nothing is becoming less and less a possibility for children spaces even if they have never directly experienced them.
(Aitken 2001a:16). Parental concern is often considered the When children enter into such spaces, even to undertake play
most significant factor in a child s access to unstructured behaviors deemed child-specific, they approach them with
outdoor play (Valentine and McKendrick 1997). Adult care- a series of meanings and expectations that will shape their
givers who were interviewed about children s play expressed interactions with that space and with one another. As shown
strong concerns about the dangers of unsupervised play, such by Kahn and Friedman, children connected play to much
as traffic accidents, abduction by strangers, and involvement broader social issues, particularly crime, and how they see
in violence or other illicit behavior instigated by older chil- themselves within these processes (as potential victims).
dren (Valentine and McKendrick 1997:223, 231). Dissatis-
fied with the lack of appropriate play opportunities within
their neighborhoods, parents often rectified this deficiency Conducting Fieldwork in Children s Worlds
by placing their children in more structured, institutionalized
arenas for play (Valentine and McKendrick 1997:224, 229). How can adult ethnographers study contemporary chil-
Furthermore, advocates for children having experiences dren? Just as adult archaeologists often express concern
with nature express concerns about how children learn about about the unique challenges of accessing children archae-
nature in the face of dwindling opportunity for direct expe- ologically (Baxter, introduction, this volume; Bugarin, this
rience. Mass media in the form of books, magazines, tele- volume; Kamp, this volume), ethnographers must also
44 Kelly Thomas
consider the unique complexities of researching children in handle the delicate nature of research with children and to
the present. The question of how to situate oneself among gather as much unprompted information from the campers
children in a way that allows for an observation of children s in their activities as possible. In this way, fieldwork and
own culture, rather than interactions directly shaped by one s analysis took a phenomenological approach in describ-
own adult presence, is of paramount concern for ethnogra- ing specific events and finding meaning in these experi-
phers studying childhood (Schwartzman 2001). Given the ences. The children, camp program, and school involved
unique nature of this type of fieldwork, some methodologi- in this project have been given pseudonyms to respect
cal explanation is necessary. their anonymity and to conform to Internal Review Board
I conducted ethnographic research over six weeks as a guidelines.
staff member in the Outdoor Kids Camp program, an out-
door summer day-camp program for preschool-aged chil-
Children, Adults, and Nature in Play
dren. The camp was organized through the Near North
Nursery School in the affluent Lincoln Park neighborhood of
From participating in everyday activities at the Outdoor
Chicago. The neighborhood, even in its urban location, main-
Kids Camp, I drew out three observations that made ex-
tains a relative abundance of  nature in the form of mature
plicit the negotiation between children and adults in play.
trees, small yards, and neighborhood parks. The camp group
The first was the structure of the camp in general, includ-
consisted of 22 four-year-olds, most of whom live in Lincoln
ing how children behaved in free play settings, the schedul-
Park or a nearby neighborhood. Daily activities included
ing and definition of  play time versus  non-play time,
walking trips to different neighborhood parks, bus trips to
and how these parameters reflected adult expectations and
water parks and nature centers, and beach trips. The program
shaped children s experiences. Second was the recognition
was centered around  free play ; thus, campers were respon-
that children s behavior and activities changed in different
sible for initiating play activities. A small ratio of children
play settings and that these changes were directly influenced
to supervisors (3:1), made it easy to learn most campers
by the built environment and by expectations conveyed by
preferences and idiosyncrasies and to develop rapport with
adults both in the moment and in more abstract forms. The
them on an individual level.
last was the observation that campers used imaginative play
Conducting anthropological research in  children s
as a mechanism to form a world to their liking yet at the
worlds involves unique issues that do not need to be con-
same time maintained the metacommunication necessary in
sidered in fieldwork with adults (Lillehammer 2000). Be-
play. In all these ways, we can see how  children conform or
cause of the delicate nature of this type of fieldwork, most
diverge from the adult world as a means of continually ne-
researchers avoid it altogether. However, to grasp what is im-
gotiating their place within society (Lillehammer 2000:21;
portant in children s lives and to study children as children, it
Schwartzman 2001).
is important to frame children as the primary informants of
their lives, thus positioning them not as passive subadults but
as active participants in society (Baxter 2005; Schwartzman  Play Time and  Non-Play Time
2001; Theis 2001). In light of these issues, a less structured
approach to research than has been traditionally followed is The Outdoor Kids Camp program was focused on the
necessary (Aitken 2001b; Holmes 1998). In contrast with concept of  free play. Much of the literature on children
projects with children based on interviews, questionnaires, and the outdoors emphasizes the importance of opportuni-
map-making, or other structured activities, simply  hang- ties for children to explore and play in unstructured settings
ing out with kids is in many cases the best way to grasp or  rough ground. Likewise, archaeological research en-
what is important to the children one is studying (Aitken deavors to find evidence of children s activities apart from
2001b:502). When working with children,  we need to be in the realm of adults (Lillehammer 2000). Free play is in-
the field in a different kind of way, a less structured way, a deed considered an important learning and developmental
more serendipitous way, a less contrived way, a more playful opportunity by educators, parents, and researchers. The in-
way (Aitken 2001b:502). explicit assumption here is that free play is activity with-
In keeping with this approach to fieldwork with chil- out constraints. However, if we accept the premise that all
dren, research for this project was conducted entirely through play is socially constructed to some degree, we must look
participant observation. The data are largely composed of further into what cultural expectations are attached to free
the verbal and nonverbal responses of the campers to na- play.
ture, as opposed to data in the form of activity maps As explained to the staff of the Outdoor Kids Camp, free
or interviews. This approach seemed most appropriate to play meant that adults would not organize structured games
Ethnography as a Tool 45
or activities or have any overt influence on what activities example, at a water park Noah sat on a lounge chair while
the campers participated in. Free play was time for children the other campers splashed in the water or played in the
to act  as children. The staff was told that this time would sandbox. A few staff members came over to Noah and asked
allow children to use their imaginations and be active. Free why he was not playing in the water. After some coaxing
play was not without rules, however. Rule 1: Toys from home he joined other campers in the sandbox, yet while in the
were not allowed during free play, a rule designed to encour- chair he seemed content to sit back and watch the other chil-
age campers to utilize the play equipment available in each dren playing. Here, then, we see the interaction between the
environment and to use their imaginations. Rule 2: Campers child and the built play environment with which he is ex-
were expected to share playground equipment and toys (such pected to interact and the infringement of adult ideals on
as beach toys) provided by the camp or the facility. Rule 3: children s  unstructured time. In free play situations, the
Campers were also expected to use the existing playground campers were expected to behave as children that is, to
equipment as it was built to be used without the possibility play. Staff expressed concern and routinely intervened when
of improvisation. Frequently, for example, the staff had to a camper behaved in a more  adult way by taking a more
stop campers from climbing up the slide to prevent collisions passive role within the play environment.
with children coming down the slide. In other words, alter- Whereas play was strongly encouraged during free play
native imaginative scenarios were possible, while alternative time, the staff also held high expectations that campers
behaviors were not. should be able to recognize when play behaviors were not
Within these bounds, children used the built and natural appropriate. For example, on a typical walk the entire group
environment in various ways. In most cases, campers used assembled outside the nursery school, gathered their back-
natural objects as props for imaginary natural objects. Most packs, and followed the staff leader. Other staff members
often, these natural objects were transformed into slightly walked at different intervals in the group to supervise the
modified or even magical versions of what they really were. campers. While walking to a park, the campers were fre-
Additionally, the campers would transform themselves into quently reminded to walk along the inside of the sidewalk,
nonhuman characters. At a park, Bailey showed me a small stay with the group, and pay attention to where they were go-
twig and told me she was going to plant and water it at ing. When the group reached an intersection, each camper
home to grow it into a tree, while James often used properly had to hold another s hand and cross the street quickly and
shaped sticks as guns. While playing magician at the beach, safely. It was made very clear to the campers that walking
Hannah used a mixture of lake water and sand to perform trips were not times to play, yet some of the campers contin-
tricks with the resulting  magic dust. At a water park, Noah, ued their play during these times. Suzie and Liz often me-
Jennifer, and Grace searched the sandbox for buried treasure owed and nuzzled each other as kittens during walking trips,
(rocks and sticks), and Noah had me join in the search as his causing them to walk off the sidewalk and fall behind the
sidekick dog. At a park with much playground equipment, group. On one trip, Anna picked a dandelion from the grass
one boy dove under a slide and pretended to eat wood chips and became very upset when James immediately blew off
like a squirrel. the white seedpods. In these cases, the campers who would
The children also played in their natural surroundings in not act appropriately had to hold a staff member s hand for
nonimaginative ways. Ben and Noah tried to climb a tree at a the remainder of the trip. Conversely, campers who followed
park, an activity Ben soon abandoned to play hide-and-seek all the rules of the walking trip were commended for being
with Paul among the bushes and other free plant growth. good leaders.
At the Nature Center, Sylvie and Anna found a bird feather During such typical walking trips at camp, it was in-
along the trail and broke away from the group to touch and triguing to see that in some times and places, children were
talk about it. Before leaving the feather to catch up with the expected to act as  small adults who had learned or should
group, the two girls buried the feather in wood chips on the be learning how to act  responsibly and appropriately. At
side of the trail so it would stay safe and hidden. other times, such as described above, there was concern
Just as it is interesting to make explicit what is expected expressed when children did not initiate childlike behav-
and experienced during free play, it is helpful also to make iors, act as carefree children, and play freely. At four years
explicit what adult staff did not accept as free play. When old, children were continually negotiating their own status
a camper was sitting alone and seemed not to be interact- between learning to be a responsible adult and maintain-
ing with other children or the surroundings, a staff member ing what our society deems to be appropriate child be-
asked the camper what was wrong and suggested a few play havior, knowledge, and attitudes. These negotiations were
activities. Concern arose when children were content to sit met with strong reactions of approval or disapproval from
aside and observe peer interactions or be quietly alone. For adults, as these two different elements of child behaviors
46 Kelly Thomas
reflect the inherent tensions in contemporary ideas of Center, Anna, Sylvie, and Ben all of whom had exhibited
childhood. either screaming or stomping elsewhere crouched together
under one of the picnic tables for over five minutes tracking
the progress of what they called a  giant ant. This marked
Play Setting change in behavior between the Nature Center and the urban
school setting is quite intriguing and points to relationships
Clearly, the structure of the camp activities (or perceived between social space, attitudes, and behaviors.
lack thereof) and the cultural parameters of  play time and The question arises, what accounts for such a change in
 non-play time shaped children s experiences both socially behavior? Is it possible that, at four years old, these children
and behaviorally. Another observation was that campers be- have already constructed a qualitative difference between
havior varied depending on the specific play setting. The the built city and the relative wild of the nature preserve and
Outdoor Kids Camp program was structured around the idea extrapolated appropriate responses and behaviors? To under-
of free play, and after arriving at a park, water park, or beach, stand how such a change could happen, we must examine
the children were allowed/encouraged to disperse and create the behavior of the adults and children at the Nature Center
their own activities. Each specific setting itself communi- or, in other words, place these environmental settings into a
cated quite strongly what kinds of activities were appropri- cultural context.
ate and not appropriate independent of adult suggestions On one particular outing, our group set out on a short
and more subtle cues. For example, Supera Park s spider- walk along the wood-chip-covered trails of the nature pre-
web climber and pirate-ship jungle gym inspired many chil- serve. The hike was more relaxed than our usual walking
dren to play games in which they took on the roles of spi- trips since we did not need to pay attention to traffic or cross
ders and pirates. Likewise, the plastic shovels and buckets busy streets. During the walk and our frequent stops along
we took to the beach encouraged digging and sandcastle the way, the adults encouraged the campers to visually take
building. in their surroundings, either by drawing attention to points
The cultural creation of space even for children who of interest or by explicitly asking the campers what they saw
had limited experience with new environments could be seen or heard. Moreover, the adults specifically encouraged the
most drastically as campers altered their behavior depending group to be quiet and to try to spot a deer. The children picked
on the relative  wildness of the place. The differences in up on the cues from the adults and actively searched for and
attitudes and behaviors were expressed most obviously in the identified interesting animals or plants and were relatively
campers reactions to insects in different play environments. quiet and less rambunctious during the hike than during reg-
Interactions with bugs, such as ants, spiders, biting flies, ular walking trips in the city.
and lightning bugs, triggered varying responses from the This experience demonstrates the construction of na-
children based on the individual child and animal involved. ture and appropriate nature experiences by adults and how
In instances of insect encounters, almost half of the children those values are expressed to children. On our walk, the main
in our group responded to the animals in some combination activity was to visually observe one s surroundings and iden-
of screaming, flailing their arms, and dashing away from the tify interesting and exciting new finds while maintaining a
insects or, alternatively, by stomping on them. These reac- specified level of calm and quiet. Such an experience con-
tions shifted, however, according to context. For example, trasted both environmentally (e.g., wood-chip path versus
during one of our beach visits, James told me in a very seri- paved street) and socially (e.g., quiet exploration versus reg-
ous tone that he was  afraid of bugs. On the other hand, at ulated movements) with our walks in the city. After being
a playground he stood examining a lightning bug on a slide exposed to the proper attitudes and behaviors in the more
and became quite upset when another camper smashed it. natural setting, it is not surprising that three of the campers
The most dramatic and widespread changes in behavior would express such intense interest in an ant similar to those
toward insects came from two distinct environments: in front that repulsed them in an urban environment.
of the Near North Nursery School, a brick building with Equally interesting was the fantastic identification of
a few mature trees in front, and at the North Park Nature the insect as a  giant ant. The ant was larger than those
Center, a 46-acre nature preserve (City of Chicago 2003). typically encountered on the steps of the school and it is
The most striking example of this contrast could be seen very possible that the children had never seen an ant of that
in the case of ants. When confronted with a trail of ants size. It is also possible that the mood set by the adults and
along the sidewalks outside the nursery school and on the the experience of a  natural environment led the campers to
way to parks, the campers responded with a combination of believe that the nature preserve was a place in which special
screams and stomps. However, during lunch at the Nature or magical creatures not found in their urban environment
Ethnography as a Tool 47
could be found and experienced. Either of these factors, or a pretend play, however, the campers often broke from their
combination of both, could have prompted such a reaction. pretend play to show that they were knowledgeable about
The group s time at the North Park Nature Center is an the make-believe status of their pretend world or to assure
example of how the influences of adults and play settings adults that they understood the difference between pretend
work together. First of all, the Nature Center was unique play and the real world.
compared with the other places we visited in its lack of in- Campers frequently used their imaginations with nat-
dication as to what activities were appropriate: the preserve ural objects in play. For example, campers identified many
contained no play equipment or toys. The children noticed bones we encountered, especially during our trip to the North
that their adult leaders were encouraging them to walk, look, Park Nature Center, as dinosaur bones. With this in mind, I
and maintain a relatively low level of noise. Thus, the stage suggested on a subsequent trip to a park that we might find di-
was set to instruct children on how time should be spent in nosaur bones in the sandbox. However, a few campers were
a natural area. quick to inform me that I would not find dinosaur bones
These anecdotes point to two strong influences on the because  we re not in Jurassic times. At other times, I in-
campers behavior: direct and indirect influence from adults terrupted the campers pretend play because I felt I needed
and the structure of the play setting. These factors cannot to warn them of potential dangers. For instance, outside the
be extricated from one another easily and it is best to con- nursery school, Joy and Sylvia were picking berries off a tree
sider how they worked both independently and interactively. for their imagined household, and I cautioned them not to eat
One salient example is the case of the children s positive the berries. The girls immediately said  we re just pretend-
reaction to mealworms and extremely negative reaction to ing! and assured me that they knew not to eat the berries.
earthworms. Inside the North Park Nature Center, most of In addition, campers transformed themselves (and oth-
the children were quite excited to hold, pet, and even name ers) into natural objects, usually into animals. Simon became
mealworms, making exclamations like Liz, who cried,  Oh! a spider while climbing on the spider-web climber at a play-
They re so cute! What should we name him? In the midst ground and told me to be the bug he would trap and eat. As
of this excitement about the  cute mealworms, a volun- Simon was making noises and actions that told me he was
teer brought out a few earthworms for the campers to hold. entangling me in a spider web, he stopped the game to tell
The children immediately screamed and tried to escape from me  dung beetles live in Africa. Likewise, Suzie was almost
the earthworm-bearing volunteer. In contrast to the cute and continuously meowing or nuzzling in character as either a
petlike mealworms they were holding, the earthworms were kitten or a puppy. On the bus, during walking trips, while
described as  gross and addressed with many loud excla- eating, and at our play destinations, she acted the part of a
mations of  ewwwww! small furry pet, while at the same time saying  I m a kitten,
Perhaps the children had never interacted with or even a behavior a real kitten would obviously not exhibit.
seen mealworms before; however, it can be assumed, from One of the most intriguing instances of maintaining re-
the ubiquity of earthworms in the Chicago area, that they had ality during pretend play was Anna and her beaver dam. On
had contact with earthworms before. It is possible that they a rainy day, when we had to move our activities inside the
had learned previously from adults that earthworms were un- nursery school, Anna built a small shelter out of foam blocks,
desirable creatures to be avoided. Having never seen meal- a chair, and blankets. I asked her what she was doing and
worms before, though, the children could have approached she said she was a beaver building a dam. She told me it was
them with fewer clues on appropriate reactions. made out of sticks, and when it was finished, she climbed
in and asked me to cover the top of the dam with a pink
blanket. Once snuggled inside her dam, she curled up and
Pretend Play sucked her thumb until the dam collapsed, at which point she
became quite frustrated but tried to rebuild it. In this case I
Subtle cues as well as overt instruction and correction was very eager to ask Anna more about her pretend world at
from adults and the powerful forces of the built environment the moment. I thought that if I asked her where the dam was
do not negate children s abilities to act independently and located she would tell me it was in a stream or in another
experience spaces on their own terms. One place where I area with water. Yet, when I asked her where the dam was
observed this form of independent action and child-specific she told me it was  right here, meaning on the floor in the
experience was in the realm of pretend play. Pretend play classroom. Here, then, we see how the campers simultane-
is a means through which children can take what they find ously live in their real and pretend worlds and how spatial
within their environments and transform objects and spaces behaviors that are adult  approved become transformed into
into whatever they want them to be. Even in the context of child-centered imaginative experiences of spaces and places.
48 Kelly Thomas
imitating dancers, predators, and foreigners in their pretend
Discussion: Ethnography and the Archaeology
play (Blurton Jones 1993:316; see Bugarin, this volume).
of Childhood
Archaeologically, this element of pretend play is significant
The data from this project create several points of dis- in that children probably imitated not only adults directly in-
cussion between ethnography and archaeology, specifically volved in their lives but also characters from stories, songs,
regarding how, within the boundaries of their specific so- plays, dances, books, and other  media of their time.
cieties, children use play to negotiate their place within a Overall, this study suggests that children s behaviors
particular culture. are altered significantly depending upon cues and instruc-
Play is often theorized as imitation of adult behavior a tion gained from adults and the built environment. Campers
way for children to practice being adults (Bugarin, this picked flowers and destroyed flowers; flailed at bugs and
volume; Schwartzman 1976:297 and this volume). Play stood entranced by them; refused to get their feet wet and
is, however, much more complicated than simple mimicry rolled naked in the sand. The same abstract ideals that in-
(Fortes 1970; see Schwartzman 1976:298 and this volume). fluenced how adults presented particular settings and pre-
When, for instance, Joy and Sylvia collected berries from scripted and proscripted behaviors within those spaces were
a tree for their pretend home and when Suzie meowed reinforced by a landscape shaped by those same ideals.
and purred in character as a kitten, they were not merely The influence of adults or the media seemed stronger in
imitating what they saw adults doing at the time, nor is it some children than in others and some engaged in pretend
probable that they were reenacting scenarios they had seen play much more than others. Despite individual variation,
adults in at another time. patterns in observed behaviors suggest that the guidelines
One way to construct play more broadly is to see it as for play, adult attitudes and messages about space and be-
a mechanism through which children gain knowledge and havior, and built environments create observable patterns in
understanding of their environment (Baxter, chapter 6, this children s behavior with objects and spaces. Campers were
volume). Their environment includes adults, and often chil- able to readily find natural props or to construct pretend nat-
dren did imitate adults in their lives. But their worlds are ural objects for play, while at the same time taking advantage
much more than the adults who teach them. In pretending of structured jungle gyms and plastic sand toys. At four years
to be a spider or a kitten, children are making sense of their old, these children have learned how to distinguish play at
surroundings more broadly. Even during pretend play, chil- a neighborhood park, a water park, a school, a beach, and a
dren are demonstrating that they know how to play in ways nature preserve through the influence of adults and through
adults can comprehend. When Joy and Sylvia told me that their own imaginations. This point supports Simmons s
they knew not to eat berries and were  just pretending they (1994) study, in which children could easily list the activities
were telling me as an adult that they understood the appro- appropriate in different play settings based on photographs.
priate boundaries between pretend and reality. This instance The dialog between the agency of children and the
illustrates the metacommunication necessary in play:  in or- influence of adults is also made explicit during times
der to understand an action as play it must be framed by the when play is not allowed. Children are expected to learn
message  this is play  (Schwartzman 1976:302; see also at an early age when and where it is appropriate to
Bateson 1971, 1972). play, eat, and sleep (Baxter, chapter 6, this volume). By
Also significant in this work with contemporary chil- analyzing non-play situations, such as walking trips, and
dren is the fact that they are exposed to a wider range of contrasting them with play situations, it is possible to see
adult behavior than that of their parents or other caretakers. the way all of these diverse elements are linked. Cultural
As noted previously, much of what the children act out in play tensions about the nature of childhood directly affect
could be directly linked to TV shows, movies, and books that childhood experiences. Children are expected and trained
the children had read or seen. For example, Simon frequently to be children as  children or to play in ways that are
pretended to be a spider because a movie about Spiderman recognizable, at least superficially, to adults at certain
had been released around that time. Simon displayed his in- times and in particular places. Simultaneously, children
terest in Spiderman in his Spiderman backpack, in conversa- are expected to behave as  small adults in other times
tions about the character, and in his pretend play as a spider. and places. These  small adults are not like those in Inuit
Likewise, Anna knew that I would not find dinosaur bones culture (Keith, this volume; Park, this volume) in which
in the sandbox because of a new computer game she had at children possess adult knowledge at birth that must be
home about dinosaurs. Negotiating information beyond im- brought out in its own time.  Small adults in contemporary
mediate adult influence and contacts is not unique to contem- culture are being weaned from their animal-like, nonhuman
porary childhood. Hadzabe children have been reported as selves through the active teaching and reinforcement of what
Ethnography as a Tool 49
behavior is appropriate at certain times. In order to under- and to Dr. Robert Rotenberg and Dr. Nina Hewitt for advis-
stand patterns in children s play behavior, we must take into ing the initial version of this piece. The support of my family
account the broader society and the children s place within and friends is greatly appreciated. My greatest thanks goes
that society and look deeper into why play was allowed at to the 22 children directly involved in this project: it would
certain places and not others. Until we explore the dialog not have been possible without you.
between children and adults in terms of play and socializa-
tion, the remains of children s play will continue to appear
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