Chapter XXXIV: Ways of Worship
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Chapter XXXIV
Ways of Worship
Veiztu hvé rísta skal,
veiztu hvé ráða skal?
Veiztu, hvé fá skal,
veiztu hvé freista skal?
Veiztu, hvé biðja skal,
veiztu, hvé blóta skal?
Veiztu, hvé senda skal,
veiztu, hvé sóa skal?
Among the best-known stanzas from the
Hávamál is the one quoted above, which
summarizes the skills required for runecraft and religion. The first
two verses, in which the High One refers to inscribing, reading,
colouring, and interpreting the runes, are often quoted. The second
pair of lines are less familiar, but the verbs used contain the essence
of Germanic religious practice. The first one, biðja,
bears a family relationship to the English "bid" and is usually
translated as "ask". According to Grimm (Teutonic
Mythology), the term has the implication of supplication. The
second, blóta, refers to the sacrifice in which the
blood was used to bless the people and the meat eaten after it had been
dedicated to the gods. The third, senda, can be
translated as "send", with the implication that it involves getting the
message to the gods, while the forth, sóa, means to
make an offering that is in some sense "squandered", perhaps one which
is destroyed or left to the elements rather than being shared.
Together they summarize the principal ways in which the people of the
North worshipped their gods.
The word "worship" comes from the Old English "weorðscipe",
meaning to honour or give worth to something. Worshipping the gods can
involve honouring them with prayer and praise, and pleasing them with
worthy offerings. To worship the Northern gods today, we must go
beyond the meanings other religions have given those words to their
origins, and reinterpret them in a way that will be in harmony with
ancient practice as well as meeting modern needs. If we wish to enjoy
the presence and the friendship of the gods, we must know how to give
them what they want from us and how to ask them for what we need.
Prayer
Prayer refers to the words and acts involved in communicating with
the gods. The available information seems to suggest that the ancient
Germanic peoples addressed their gods in a variety of ways. Surviving
examples include the prayer of Sigdrifa, skaldic prayers to
Þórr, prayers incorporated in Anglo-Saxon spells, and the
Rus merchant's prayer as reported by Ibn Fadlan (quoted in Tryckare, p.
138).
Perhaps the most beautiful are the words with which the newly
awakened valkyrie Sigdrifa (Brunhild) greets Sigurd.
Hail to thee Day, hail, ye Day's sons;
Hail Night and daughter of Night,
with blithe eyes look on both of us,
and grant to those sitting here victory!
Hail Æsir, hail Ásynjur!
Hail Earth that givest to all!
Goodly spells and speech bespeak we from you,
and healing hands in this life!
Sigrdrífumál
2-3
The prayer consists of salutations and requests. Hailing the
powers identifies them, attracts their attention, and honours them. In
this prayer, Sigdrifa calls upon powers of Nature - Day, Night, Earth -
and the gods and goddesses as a group. Her requests are for favour and
success in general, and in particular for skill in magic and
communication.
Prayers to Þórr by such skalds as Vetrliði
Sumarliðason and Þórbjörn
dísarskáld are preserved mostly in fragments quoted by
Snorri in the Skáldskaparmál for the sake of
the information they contain. A typical example (tr. Turville-Petre,
Myth and Religion, p. 85) goes -
You smashed the limbs of Leikn,
you bashed Þrivaldi;
you knocked down Starkaðr;
you trod Gjalp dead under foot.
John Lindow compares these lines to others from Indo-European
tradition, in which prayer "...included exactly the two components of
praise of the deity, not infrequently in the second person, followed by
a request to the deity" ("Addressing Thor", p. 132). He further
speculates that the remainder of the prayer (not quoted by Snorri),
"...called on Þórr to slay the missionaries
Þangbrandr and Guðleifr and implicitly assigned them to the
category of giants in the mythological system..." (p. 133).
A modern example is -
Redbeard, firebeard, bringer of lightning,
Lifegiving stormlord are you, lover of feasting,
Father of freedom, fighter most doughty,
Donar, defender, dearly we need thee,
Hear us, hero, hasten to help us,
Gifts thy great goats gallop to bring.
A formula for such a prayer could be stated as:
Hail (best-known name), (descriptive epithet),
Child of (parent), lover of (spouse),
You who dwell in (name of hall),
You who (summarize several relevant deeds)
With your (characteristic tool or weapon)
Come swiftly to aid me
As I (summarize problem being addressed).
A similar structure is found in some of the spells included in G.
Storms' Anglo-Saxon Magic. Deities can be invoked through
chanted incremental repetitions of their names, references to
attributes and epithets, and sympathetically, by reference to relevant
episodes from their mythology. This latter might be called the "epic
formula", in which the summary of the deity's success in a similar
situation is followed by an affirmation that things will happen as they
did then. Perhaps the most famous pagan example is the Old High German
Second Merseberg Charm (see "Balder" for translation). Here is an
example of a christian Icelandic spell, repaganized in parentheses -
May bleeding be stanched for those who bleed;
blood flowed down from God's cross.
(blood flowed down from the worldtree).
The Almighty (Alfather) endures fear,
from wounds tried sorely.
Stand in glory, even as in gore,
that the Son of God (High One) may hear of it.
The spirit and bleeding veins -
s/he finds bliss who is realeased from this.
May bleeding be stanched -
bleed neither without nor within.
With these words St. John the Apostle
stanched the blood on the lips of our Lord
(Odin stanched the blood
when he was gashed by the spear).
A stone called Surtur stands in the temple. There lie nine vipers.
They shall neither wake nor sleep before this blood is stanched. Let
this blood be stanched in the name of the Father and the Son and the
Holy Ghost (In the name of Odin), etc. (Kvideland & Sehmsdorf,
Folk Belief, 28.6)
The formula for this kind of prayer/spell might be expressed thusly
-
Summary of myth, as for instance the binding of the wolf
Fenrir by the gods
Statement of the action taken in terms which can apply
to both the problem in the myth and the current difficulty,
as for instance the forces of conflict and destruction, in
form of an affirmation e.g. "The fetter is fast, and Fenrir
bound!"
There is also evidence for prayer in the form of a simple request.
When the Rus merchant brought his offerings to the god-posts he said -
Oh my lord, I have come a long way with so many slave-girls
and so many sable furs (and then he mentions all the goods he
has with him). Now I come to you with these offerings...I want
you to send me a merchant who has lots of dinars and dirhems
and will buy on my terms without being difficult.
The traditional position for prayer has been the subject of some
discussion in the neo-Norse community. Most Ásatrúar
favour an upright stance with arms lifted in salutation (the "Elhaz"
stöðr), feeling that this position is most in keeping with
characteristic Viking independence. Although this is a view with which
I (Diana Paxson) find myself in sympathy, most of the evidence seems to
suggest that at least at times the actual practice was otherwise.
In his chapter on Worship (vol. I: III) Grimm analyzes the
etymologies of several relevant terms, beginning with their earliest
known Gothic forms. Among them are inveita, which seems to
be an act of adoration involving some kind of inclination of the body,
although it is not clear whether this meant bowing the head or bending
the knee. He cites a number of references in support of this idea,
including one in the Saga of St. Olaf in which men fell til
iarðar fyrir likneski (fell to earth before the likeness) of
Þórr (Fornm. sög. 2, 108). The
Langobards were said to have bowed their knees before a goat's head.
The Rus traders observed by ibn Fadlan on the lower Dnieper prostrated
themselves to the god posts they had set up by the riverside. A
variation of this may have been the uncovering of the head to show
honour (in contrast with the Roman and Jewish practice of covering the
head when engaged in religious activity), preserved in the modern rule
of etiquette which requires men to remove their hats in church (it
should be noted that in the mediæval Church, as among the ancient
Goths, only the chief priests worshipped with heads covered [Grimm,
I:32].
Even the Old Norwegian Rune Poem is suggestive - SÓL
er landa ljóme; lúti ek helgum dóme (Sun is
the light of the lands; I bow to the holy doom). The verb here,
"lúta" means "to lout down", to bow, as when Thomas the Rhymer
met the Queen of Faerie and "louted down upon one knee". One form of
prayer may have involved standing with upraised arms in the form of the
Elhaz rune, but apparently at times the Germanic peoples
also bowed down in adoration, especially, it would appear, in honouring
the sun.
A line in the Sólarljóð (41) which
states "henni ek laut hinzta sinni, alda-heimi í" - "I louted to
her (the Sun) for the last time in life's world", meaning that it was
the last day of the speaker's life, is even more indicative. "Bowing to
the holy doom", therefore, is not necessarily an expression either of
Norse fatalism or christian influence, but could be a reference to a
daily ritual of alignment with the forces that govern the fate of all
beings as represented by the daily journey of the sun (a rite for which
is given in this book under "Small Rites" - KHG).
Bowing to the east to hail the rising sun is mentioned in the
Landnámabók I:9. The references from Norse
literature cited above refer to the practice of saluting the rising
sun, and several Anglo-Saxon charms direct the user to face sunward, or
move deosil. Grimm, on the other hand, cites numberous references in
favour of facing North for worship, a view supported by the
mediæval christian prejudice against that direction.
Offerings
Vápnom oc váðom skolo vinir
gleðiaz,
þat er á siálfom sýnst;
viðrgefendr oc endrgefendr erost lengst vinir,
ef þat bíðr at verða vel.
Vin sínom scal maðr vinr vera,
oc gialda giöf við giöf..."
- Hávamál
41-2
"Betra er óbeðit, enn sé
ofblótið,
ey sér til gildis giöf;
betra er ósent, enn sé ofsóit."
- Hávamál 145
Prayer and praise, whether uttered standing or bowed down, were
only part of Heathen worship. The giving of gifts has always been one
of the strongest bonds between humans and the god/esses. In his
Germania, Tacitus wrote of the mass sacrifices made by the
Germanic tribes in thanks for battle-victories, a description held up
by archaeological discoveries such as the Hjortspring and Illerup
finds; much later, the Old Norse term for someone who was close to the
god/esses was "blótmaðr mikill", "a great sacrifice-person",
and the sacrifices at Old Uppsala were known even in christian lands.
Many of the most valuable and enlightening treasures of the Germanic
archaeological records, such as the Gundestrup cauldron, the Trondelev
sun-wagon, and the lur-horns of the Bronze Age, were preserved by being
sunk into peat bogs as sacrificial gifts for the god/esses...as were
the slain corpses of Tollund Man and many others. The
harvest-sacrifices - the last apple on the tree for Freyja, the last
sheaf in the field for Wodan - lived on in the ways of the folk long
after the tales of the god/esses had been forgotten. So what does this
mean for those who seek to turn back to the ways of our forebears? Are
we, in fact bound, to slay animals as gifts to our god/esses in the old
ways?
The first point that must be thought on is the fact that our
earlier kinfolk did make gifts to the god/esses in this way, and
thought of it as one of the chief parts of troth. Whatever we do, we
cannot condemn the sacrifice of living beings out of hand as "immoral"
without harming our understanding of our elder troth. Our forebears did
these things for good reason, in answer to the needs of their world;
they were neither fools nor bloodthirsty wasters of life.
At the same time, we cannot deny that the world has changed in the
last thousand years. By and large, it is the understanding of the Troth
that our task is not to create an historical reconstruction of the
religion precisely as it was practised in Iceland in 999 C.E. - or
England at the time of the Saxon invasion - or Germania in the time of
Hermann the Cheruscan. Rather, we seek to bring the elder troth
forward - to shape it as it should have grown through these past
thousand years of sleep. To understand how this may be done while
keeping our ways true to those of our earlier kin, we must consider the
context of each of their deeds and the need which gave birth to them;
and thus with the question of sacrifice.
Animals were by no means the only offerings. The archaeological
record shows that the sacrifice of fine goods was practised in
Scandinavia from the Stone Age through the Viking Age. Necklaces of
amber too large for humans to wear; golden vessels; fine bronzework;
ships and weapons; long braids of hair: whatever was dearest to our
forebears, they shared it with the god/esses, sinking their treasures
into hallowed waters. Grains, fruits, and flowers might be sacrificed
(especially the first fruits of the harvest), alcoholic drink was
poured out in libation, hair cut from the forelock. Even a vow could be
considered an offering. This manner of gift-giving should raise no
fears in even the faintest of hearts: as the god/esses share their
might and good with us, so we give back tokens of our own riches and
victories. Folk customs, too, have kept this great root of troth alive.
With a few exceptions, such as the Yule-tide boar still celebrated in
Scandinavian marzipan images and in the English "Boar's Head Carol",
the old blood-sacrifices were suppressed under christianity. However,
the less offensive offerings of leafy branches, garlands of flowers,
and sheaves of grain continued to be made, and the drinking of memory
ale, the minni-öl, or sumbel, survives
to this day in the custom of drinking toasts at banquets. Even when
offerings to the old gods were forbidden, folk continued to put out
alcohol, milk, or broth for the house-spirits. One sees a survival of
this custom in the milk and cookies that are set out for Santa Claus.
As well as sinking gifts to the god/esses, our forebears also hung
them on trees or burned them. One practice which has become more common
among true folk today is the burning of small model Viking ships at
Ostara or Midsummer; these ships often bear messages for the god/esses
written in runes on small strips of paper. The custom of decorating the
Yule tree is likely to hark back to the elder days when sacrifices were
hung up in this way. All of these can easily be done now, though if a
gift is to be burned, of course, you have to make sure that the fire is
suitable for burning it safely.
Less comfortable to most folk of today is our forebears' practice
of sacrificing living things. The most common form of this was the
killing of cattle at Winternights - the ordinary slaughtering season.
The blood was sprinkled on the harrow and over the folk; but the meat
was eaten. While the rite of sacrifice fulfilled two spiritual goals -
the strengthening of the bonds between god/esses and humans and the
hallowing of the beast which had given its life to feed the folk - the
reason for the killing was practical. The available fodder could only
feed so many beasts; the cattle were often so weak at winter's end that
they had to be carried out to the pastures. Surplus animals had no
chance of survival, and would have eaten the food that the others
needed to stay alive; therefore, they had to be killed for meat in the
fall. The Yule boar, likewise, replaced the stores of food which were
eaten at the Yule feast. Sacrifices were also made at celebratory
feasts, to mark great occasions, such as weddings, funerals, or
king-makings, to gain the favour of the gods for planned undertakings,
or to placate them in times of disaster. Most of these cases involved
large gatherings where the folk had to be fed and, therefore, animals
slain to feed them.
More rarely, an animal would be given to a god or goddess for a
specific purpose, as in Víga-Glúms saga
where Þórkell, asking Freyr for revenge on
Víga-Glúmr, "went...to Freyr's hof and led an old ox
there...and the ox was so moved (by Þórkell's prayer to
Freyr) that he bellowed and fell down dead, and it seemed to
Þórkell that it had gone well, and he was now higher of
hugr, for it seemed to him that his prayer had been received". It is
not clear that Þórkell had meant to slay the ox: it might
have been given as a temple beast, similar to the many other cattle
treated with particular reverence in Norse literature and to the horse
Freyfaxi, whom Hrafnkell Freysgoði shared equally with Freyr, "vin
sínum" (his friend), and concerning whom he "swore this oath,
that he should be the bane of any man, who should ride him against his
will". The inviolability of creatures dwelling in holy places is also
mentioned in connection with Fosite's holy island (see below) and the
mountain Helgafell (Eyrbyggja saga, ch.IV).
Grønbech mentions that "the blot-beast (the living, but hallowed
creature - KHG) is man's way of raising himself up beyond his
limitations. To blote is to increase qualities to the extraordinary,
nay to the divine"; and from this spring the many stories in the later
sagas about men who trusted in sacred cows and such: the hallowed
animal was filled with the might of the gods (II, pp. 201-5). This form
of gift-giving may be the easiest in modern times (I can easily see a
host of Ása-cats dedicated to Freyja and treated with fitting
reverence and love, for example).
When an animal was sacrificed, its head, heart, and hide would be
hung up as an offering, its blood poured over the
hørg and sprinkled on the people and the shrine,
and its meat boiled and eaten in the communal feast. Blood-bowls and
sprinklers were part of the furniture of a hof. Only healthy, perfect
animals must be offered, garlanded with flowers and aromatic herbs. The
boar was especially sacred to the Vanir; horses seem to have been the
most valued sacrifice, and it is possible that their meat was eaten
only on sacred occasions. White or black bulls, rams, and he-goats were
also preferred, especially those which had never been used for labour.
It is my (Diana Paxson's) speculation that the hare was sacred to
Eostara and eaten only at her festival. Participation in such feasts
was both the privilege and condition of membership in the tribe or the
community.
In these times, few of us live on farms or have to kill our own
meat, and thus the general emphasis on animal sacrifice can be
understood to have shrunk accordingly. The spiritual needs, however,
remain: the giving of the holy gift and the honouring of the animals
who die to feed us throughout the year. Those who do not raise or
slaughter food animals can answer this need by the making of
bread-loaves in the shape of cattle, horses, or swine, and
"slaughtering" them during the rites. However, it should never be
forgotten that the bread beast represents real lives, which all who eat
meat are ultimately responsible for ending; and its slaughter
represents the dedication of those lives and the strength the eaters
gain from them to the god/esses.
As the Troth grows, it may in the course of time prove to be
financially practical for those hofs or garths which put on large
feasts in rural area to learn how to butcher their own meat (being
careful, of course, to fulfill whatever requirements of training and
licensing are set out by local law); and should this come to pass, the
hallowing of those beasts' lives will be both needful and good.
The question of human sacrifice is a much thornier one. Killing
without government sanction is unquestionably illegal; in addition to
which, the least whiff of a religion's possible willingness to commit
human sacrifice is more likely than anything to cause an hysterical
public reaction against it. At the same time, we cannot deny the deeds
of our ancestors because some aspects of their troth are not generally
acceptable today. We must, then, look at why and when they practised
human sacrifice, and whether any of these circumstances could ever
apply today.
Human sacrifice among the Germanic peoples was relatively rare, and
usually took place in clearly defined situations, which fall into four
categories: war, law, holy kingship, and death-rites.
The best-documented, and apparently most common of these, was
sacrifice connected with battle. This kind of sacrifice was further
divided into (1) the hallowing of the slain to Óðinn before
the battle, and (2) the sacrifice of prisoners in thanks for victory,
as described in Tacitus. The first of these presents no problem: there
is no reason why a soldier today should not, as King Harald did,
"promise all the souls he ejected from their bodies...to
Óðinn." Such a hallowing, carried out before the battle,
should turn the warrior's awareness to the awesome and terrible nature
of the killing s/he expects to carry out, and call forth Wodan's aid in
it. The sacrifice of prisoners, like the Winternights slaughter, was
probably originally practical, not bloodthirsty: men taken in battle
were too dangerous to keep as slaves and could not be turned loose;
therefore, our forebears dedicated their foes to Wodan before the
fight, knowing that they would have to kill them all in any case.
Again, what we see here is a hallowing of a necessary slaying, rather
than slaying for a holy reason.
The death penalty, and thus sacrifice for reasons of law, were
relatively rare, though the former was by no means unknown among the
Germanic folks. The paying of weregild or various degrees of outlawry
were the normal punishments for lawbreaking. In cases of murder, the
dead person's kin might take revenge, and sometimes revenge-killing was
carried out as a sacrifice, as revenge was considered a holy act (vg.
Stephen Flowers' "Sigurðr: Rebirth and Initiation") - though it
should be noted that most of the examples here come from legendary
hero-tales. Alcuin's Vita Willibrordi describes how
Willibrord broke the holiness of Fosite's island by baptizing people in
the hallowed spring and slaying animals who were protected by the god's
frith; the punishment for this was determined by lots, and one of
Willibrord's followers duly killed. However, Ström (Sacral
Origins of the Germanic Death-Penalty), citing this and other
cases where the violation of holy places or objects was punished by
death, is careful to note that the death penalty for sacrilege, so far
as our materials show, neither bore a sacral character, nor constituted
a sacrifice to the wrathful divinity. Kristni saga says
that "heiðingar blóta hinum verstum mönnum", Heathens
sacrifice the worst men, and parallel references in
Landnámabók and Eyrbyggja saga
speak of criminals being given to Þórr by breaking
on a rock. Ström rejects the historical accuracy of these
descriptions, but accepts the existence of a general understanding
that, when community sacrifices were required, the first victims chosen
were criminals, or in the absence of criminals, slaves. Such community
sacrifices, however, were wholly a function of the existence of a
social system in which legal authority and sacral authority were most
often vested in the same person, and very often thought of as one and
the same. No religious groups today, of course, have any power over
juridical process; thus for the Troth to hold such sacrifices of its
own volition is impossible. However, two possibilities exist for
sacralizing of the death penalty. In cases where true folk believe that
justice is being done by the execution of a criminal, it would be
fitting to hold a blót to Tiw, Skaði, and Váli at the
time of the condemned wo/man's death. Also, if a true wo/man should be
condemned to death, that person might choose to ask for a Troth Elder
as chaplain and to be ritually hallowed as a gift to the god/esses
before execution.
The third type of Germanic human sacrifice, the killing of the holy
king, is of course dependent on the institution of the holy kingship.
This institution had various forms, the best documented of which are
the Froði-kingship (a king tied to his land, a defender in war
rather than an aggressor, best known for peace, fruitfulness, and good
administration) and the Wodan-kingship, an extension of the role of
drighten (leader of the warband), where the god's
blessings are firstly shown in battle-victory and secondarily in
fruitfulness for the conquered lands. Both forms of kingship often end
with the king himself as a human sacrifice, either given to the god by
his folk, as with Domaldi of Ynglinga saga, or taken
directly by the god, like Saxo's Harald War-Tooth and Víkarr of
Gautreks saga. It is highly doubtful, however, that we
will ever again live in a world where a single man is seen as
personally responsible for bringing fruitfulness to the land and
success to the folk who follow him; and thus it is highly doubtful that
we will ever again see a holy king sacrificed.
The fourth kind of Germanic human sacrifice, that associated with
burial rites, was often voluntary. A wife or concubine might choose to
be slain at the death of her man. This appears in several of the
heroic legends - Brynhildr killing herself when Sigurðr is dead,
Signy returning to the house where her husband Siggeir is burning - but
is also attested by ibn Fadlan's famous description of a ship-burial
among the Rus on the Volga. There are no records of a wife or concubine
being slain against her will at her husband's death, nor of any social
stigma attaching to a woman who outlived her husband; in fact, widows
had the most advantageous legal and financial position of any women.
This free choice does not seem to have applied to slaves; there are a
number of records of thralls being killed to accompany their masters to
the graves, and this is supported by archaeological evidence, such as
Viking Age double graves from Denmark in which one of the bodies had
hands and feet bound and head hewn off. It is also thought that one of
the two women in the Oseberg ship burial was the maidservant of the
other, killed to accompany her mistress (though opinions vary as to
which was which). Obviously, since the institution of slavery is long
gone, the latter type of burial-sacrifice will never be practised
again; the former, having been, as far as we can tell, a matter of
personal choice, falls rather into the category of suicide than of
sacrifice.
Worshipping the Gods Today
Naturally enough, what little evidence we have for ancient
religious practice tends to focus on public and community rather than
individual worhip. Today, we are in need of models for both group
workings and individual spirituality. Indeed, considering how many of
those who follow the Northern Way are forced by circumstance to
practice as solitaries, a discussion of solo spiritual work is both
useful and necessary. Even those who participate regularly in group
worship will find their experience enriched and their skills improved
by regular work alone.
Especially at first, it is useful to create a physical focus for
worship in the form of images, altars, and shrines. Setting up an altar
is easy enough, indeed it seems to be an instinctive response, and
people are sometimes surprised to realize that this is what they have
done. For the ancients, the pillars of the high seat and the hearth
were sacred within the home. Outdoors, they built altars of heaped
stones, established sacred groves, or built "halls" for the gods.
Today, a rock can be placed beside the hearth or stove to make a home
for the house-spirit, and a cairn or a single stone placed in the
garden for offerings.
However, the best aid in developing contact with the gods is a
personal altar. This need not be elaborate - a clear spot in the
bedroom secure from interference by small children or animals is a good
place to begin (warning: as you work with more deities, altars may
proliferate, until your bedroom begins to look like a hof). If the
altar is dedicated to a single deity, cover it with a cloth of the
colour that seems most appropriate (for instance, dark blue for Odin,
red for Týr, or an earth tone for one of the Vanir). Otherwise,
a piece of white or natural coloured linen will do very well (warning:
you will spill drink, candlewax, and other things on it in
the course of time, so choose something that can easily be washed -
KHG). Images of the gods can be photocopied from books or magazines, or
you can make a miniature god-post by carving a face on a stick and
setting it in a pot of sand. For the more artistic, reproductions of
ancient figurines can be modeled from Sculpey or clay. These images can
be changed as you work with different deities. A votive candle in a
glass container is the safest way to illuminate your image. You may
also set up a small bowl or plate and cup (shot glasses or saki cups
are convenient) for offerings. Burning herbs is traditional for
purification, though not as an offering, but incense can be very
helpful in creating the right mood.
Such an altar honours the gods, but it is more than decoration.
Each day set aside a time when you will have privacy. Light the candle,
perhaps pour a little mead into the offering bowl. Sit comfortably and
contemplate the altar. You may spend this time simply in thinking about
the deity, considering the meaning of his or her myths and their
relevance to your life. Or you may compose formal prayers on the
models given above. Memorizing a brief invocation is a good way to
shift gears as you begin. To deepen the experience, chant the name/s
of the deity, or intone an appropriate rune.
Close your eyes and build up a mental picture of the god. When you
can hold the image easily, repeat your prayer, and wait for reply. You
may find it helpful to precede this activitiy by a systematic
relaxation of muscle groups, or by slowing and counting your breaths.
If you are experienced in pathworking or shamanic journeying, imagine a
door leading from your room through a passage to the Midgard that lies
within. Using the arrangement of the nine worlds on Yggdrasil as a map,
seek the one where your deity is most likely to be found and build up
an image of his or her home or temple. Ask to enter, call on the god,
and hold your conversation there. An ancient practice was to lie down
and wrap oneself in a cloak of hide for such journeying and
communication.
With regular practice, you will find it easier to sense the
presence of the deity, and eventually you may find that not only is
your god always waiting when you journey inward, but that awareness of
his/her presence comes to you when you are in a state of "ordinary"
consciousness, so that worship becomes companionship. I believe that in
the old days those who were known as "friends" of specific gods
experienced the relationship in this way. Such an awareness may at
times become quite powerful, to the point where it is necessary to
explain to the god that you need to be able to work without
distraction, and limit the interaction to appropriate times. Do not,
for instance, contemplate your god while operating a moving vehicle
(unless of course he is a better driver than you are). Carrying on
conversations with the god in your head is not pathological so long as
you do not do it aloud in public or when you are supposed to be doing
other things.
The gods will also tell you what they desire in the way of altar
ornaments and offerings. Again, you may find it necessary to explain
that times have changed, and items such as gold armrings and fresh
horsemeat may be hard to come by. It is reasonable to ask a god who
wants something to cooperate by helping you to find/pay for it. In many
ways, if an active relationship is to endure, common sense and courtesy
are required on both sides.
However authentic we would wish to be, unless one lives on a farm
and has mastered the skills involved in humanely butchering an animal
(see discussion above), blood sacrifice is not an opportunity for the
contemporary Heathen. However, in addition to the sumbel, offerings can
be made in a number of ways. When one is holding a feast (or any family
celebration) a portion should be set out for the house-spirit (who
lives in a stone by the stove or hearth) and/or gods, first in a plate
or an offering bowl and then on a hørg of heaped stones or hung
on a tree in the yard. In my household we hang appropriately shaped
gingerbread cookies on the Yule tree.
For a more elaborate ritual, go to a wilderness picnic area to make
your offering. Try for a time and place where you can be reasonably
private (such as a mid-week evening). If you ward the place well enough
you are unlikely to be disturbed. Build a hørg of heaped
stones, place offerings of meat, etc. upon it and pour red wine (such
as the Hungarian "Bull's Blood") over it as you make your prayers. If
barbecue facilities are available, take a pot and make a stew with
barley, onions, and garlic or other herbs, and hearts of whatever
animals are available. It is advisable to cut up all the ingredients
and partly cook the barley ahead of time. Seethe the stew with beer or
wine, and as it bubbles, stir it, chanting runes and spells. When it is
done, some can be offered on the hørg and the rest shared. The
experience can be amazingly powerful.
Food which is set out in this way invariably disappears, especially
if you have pets. This is consistent with Heathen tradition. We are
told by ibn Fadlan that when the dogs came out at night and ate the
meat, the merchant would say, "Assuredly my Lord is pleased with me and
has eaten my offerings". Even in Ásgard, Geri and Freki ate the
food given to Odin.
Although there are days (such as Wednesday for Odin) and times
(such as Yule or Ostara), when worship is particularly appropriate,
honouring the gods is not an activity which should be restricted to one
day of the week, or to those times when the community meets for
feasting or festivals. Each day, and each activity, can be dedicated to
an appropriate deity. Those who work with their gods on a regular basis
will find a relationship developing with which they can enrich their
lives. The Norse gods are not myths. They are living presences who are
eager to interact with us, and will eagerly respond to almost any
invitation.
Contributors
KveldúlfR Hagan Gundarsson, "Sacrifice in the Troth"
(unpublished previously).
Diana L. Paxson, "Worshipping the Gods". Idunna,
vol 5, #3, Issue 20, Holymonth 1993 C.E., pp. 4-8).
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