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ESSAYS IN SWEDISH HISTORY

I i B I My i;

⁸⁰ RRP, xvi, 233; and Runeby, op. cit., pp. 400, 511.

⁸⁸ See Nils Staf, Marhiad och mote, Stockholm, 1935, for the use of markets as altematives to meetings of the Estates.

⁸⁷ The posidon was well stated in a council debate in 1635, ^{on a} ąuestion of whether to legislate by statute or by ordinance: RRP, v, 310. One con-seąuence of this State of afFairs was that the suspending and dispensing powers never came under serious attack. Gustav Adolf dispensed from a true statute - the Judicature Ordinance of 1614 - in one difficult case (J. E. Almąuist, ‘Kungl. Majttsom revisionsratt 1614-32’ (Suensk Jurisł- Tidningen, 1941), p. 59, n. 2); individual exceptions to the legislation against non-Lutherans were madę from time to time; but on the whole, despite occasional procests from the Clergy on the religious ąuestion, no one seemed disposed to treat it as being of much constitutional importance.

⁸⁸ John m seans to have levied illegal taxes: at least, his council alleged that he did: Soenska riksdagsakler, I Series, ii, 826; and Oxenstierna attempted to impose a tax without consent in 1642: Lindberg, ‘Axel Oxenstiema som riksdagstaktiker’, p. 365. But for good examples of a government’s accepting defeat on a ąuestion of taxation, see RRP, xii, 62; xiv, 267-8. And Oxen-stiema himself told the council on 23 September 1641: ‘It is not advisable to lay any burden on them without a meeting of the riksdag, sińce no king has yet been so audacious as to do so, well knowing that libertas statuum et ordinum regtd consists in a free grant’: RRP, viii, 719.

⁸⁰ Prdstestandets ńksdagsprotokoll, iii, 234, 236. In 1655 Erik Oxenstiema, in a curious reversal of historie rdles, contended that the provisions of the Land Law forbidding a king to diminish the revenues of his successor were valid only for an electoral monarchy, and hence no longer had any force:

Ellen Fries, Erik Oxensliema, Stockholm, 1889, pp. 179-80.

⁹¹    The first statutory security for speedy trial seems to be in paragraph 23 of the Constitution of 1720: Emil Hildebrand, Steńges regeringsformer samt konungaforsabingar, p. 100.

⁹²    In Gustaf Adolf’s draft of his Articles of War (1621) he included the following passage: ‘The king is God*s judicial ofiicer on earth. He is the supreme judge as well in the field as at home’: Styffe, Konung Gustaf II Adolfs skńfter, p. 245.

⁹³    Erik Sparre, Pro Lege, Rege et Grege, p. 86, ąuoting Justinian: ‘Con-cessum etiam imperatori vel regi absoluto in propria causa cum de regalibus agi tur judicare’.

⁹⁴    In 1634 the council went so far as to arrest a bookseller who had printed

Magnus Eriksson*s Land Law: RRP, iv, 18; and most members were reluctant to allow the printing of the Form of Government of 1634: ibid.,    I

v, 233: cf. xvi, 712.

⁹⁶ The NobiUty demanded it in 1649: SRARP, I Series, iv, 202; and the Clergy in 1660: Wittrock, Carl X Gustafs testament, p. 193.

⁹⁸ Christina, for her own purposes, clearly enunciated the idea of liberty of debate; but only because it suited her to give free rein for the moment to the attacks of the lower Estates upon the Nobility: RRP, xhi, 34; xiv, 371. She seems also to have been the only public figurę to advocate toleration on principle: Prastestdndets ńksdagsprotokoll, ii, 88.

⁹⁷    ASOB, II, i, 457; Gustav Adolf to Axel Oxenstiema, 18 Feb. 1629; Nils Ahnlund, Gustav Adolf infor tyska kriget, Stockholm, 1918, p. 103.

⁹⁸    See Oxenstierna’s opinion, AOSB, I, iv, 673 (to Gustav Adolf, 8 Nov. 1629); the discussions in 1642, in RRP, ix, 2, 15-17; and a view of the whole ąuestion in Nils Ahnlund, Standsriksdagens utdaning 1592-1672, Stockholm, 1933> P- 528.

⁸⁹ S. Bergh, Karl IX och den soenska adeln, p. 108.

¹⁰⁰    Soenska riksdagsakter, II Series, i, 73; Hildebrand, Soeńges regeringsformer, p. 40.

¹⁰¹    Ahnlund, Stdndsriksdagens utdaning, pp. 300-7.

¹⁰²    Soenska riksdagsakter, I Series, ii, 245-6.

¹⁰³    Ibid., I Series, ii, 671.

¹⁰⁴    But the desire to ‘go to the king’ remained; and Gustav Adolf, anxious not to let slip his judicial prerogative altogether, secured that the king should still be able to revise the hooratts judgments. In his absence the council performed the work of revision: J. Hallenberg, Soea Rikes Historia under konung Gustaf Adolf den Stores regering, Stockholm, 1790-6, iii, 299; Hjalmar Haralds, ‘Kommgsdom och konungsnamnd’, Historisk Tidskrift, 1927, pp. 28-46; J. E. Almąuist, ‘Kungl. Majrt som rerisionsratt’, Soensk Jurist-Tidningen, 1941, pp. 52-64; Sture Petren, ‘Kring Svea Hovratts tillblivelse’, Soensk Jurist-Tidningen, 1945, p. 175. Petitioners to the council seem to have been carefully and fairly dealt with: see, e.g., RRP viii, 659.

¹⁰⁵    See the observations of Per Brahe and Oxenstiema, 14 Oct. 1650: RRP, xiv, 343. For the successful struggle against manorial codes in 1672, see Borgarestandets riksdagsprotokoll, pp. 114-15, and E. Hildebrand, Soenska statsforfattningens historiska utoeckling, p. 364.

¹⁰⁸ Nils Reuterholms joumal (Historiska Handlingar, 36:2; Stockholm, 1957), P-45-

¹⁰⁷    The distinction between Hogenskild Bielke’s and Erik Sparre’s motives and preoccupations is madę elear in Sven A. Nilsson, Kampen om de adliga prioilegiema 1526-1594, Lund, 1952, pp. 111-21.

¹⁰⁸    In his Oration of 1594: Soenska riksdagsakter, I Series, iii, 390.

¹⁰⁹    Ibid., iii, 386; Nilsson, Kampen om de adliga prioilegiema, p. 128.

¹¹⁰    Strómberg-Back, p. 124.

¹¹¹    Sven A. Nilsson, Pa odg mot reduktionen. Studier i soenskt 1600-tal, Stockholm, 1964, pp. 38-57.

¹¹²    Stellan Dahlgren, ‘Kansler och kungamakt vid tronskiftet 1654’, Scandia, xxvi, (1960), passim, especially pp. 133-44.

¹¹⁸ K. Agren, Karl XI:s indelningsoerk for armen, Uppsala, 1922, p. 120.

¹¹⁴ Sven A. Nilsson, Krona och frdlse i Soerige, 1525-1594, Lund, 1947, PP- i57-8> 164-5, 35<H>°> 379-8o, 382-3.

¹¹⁶ Soenska riksdagsakter, I Series, iii, 400 (clauses 14-16); cf S. Bergh, Karl IX och den soenska adeln, p. 91.

¹¹⁶    Hakon Swenne, Soenska adelns ekonomiska prioilegier 1612-1651, Góte-borg, 1933, pp. 296-9.

¹¹⁷    RRP, ix, 453; he also, significantly enough, considered Christopher of Bavaria as the model Swedish king: ibid., x, 20.

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