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15 The Ideological and Cultural Dimensions 14?

translations and not in the original /Greek/ text” (I. Dujcev, Medioevo Bi-zantino-Slavo, 2, 1968, pp. 209—210).

23.    Such examples are the Prince Enravota or Bojanos; the first son of Omurtag (814—831) known from Theophylactos of Ochrida (P.G., 126, 193) and other sources, who died as a martyr in 833 under the influence of ą Byzantine prisoner. A second case is the Khan Telerig (768/9—777) who fled to Constantinople after resigning and was there converted, to be included without good reason, J)ujcev believes, in Christian hagiography. Later Western writers confounded him with the Khan Tervel (701 — 718) and the Prince Boris (852—889) and venerated them as saints, to be followed by l9.c. Bul-garian Iconography (ibid., pp. 210—212). Half-legendaiy hagiographical narratives that were not admitted into the official Byzantine hagiographical literaturę appeared after the official conversion of the Bulgarians in 865 du-ring Boris’ rule (852—889). Boris spent his last years in a monastery as a pious monk who, according to various sources, was semi-officially venera-ted as a Saint while still in life and represented as such in wall-paintings and miniatures. Still, there is no proof that he was admitted into the official Byzantine hagiography. On the contrary, Cyril and Methodios, the Apostles of the Slavs, were immediately recognised as Saints by them and later on by the Byzantines and a rich hagiographical literaturę was produced about them by the Slavs. The pertinent Byzantine hagiography admitted the two brothers and their disciples, Clemens and Naum of Ochrida, into its area of interest as agents instrumental in the process of assimilation of the Slavs by Byzantine Orthodoxy. Theophylactos of Ochrida (11. —12.cc.) in his bio graphy of Clemens draws on old Bulgarian sources for his detailed Life of the Sts, Heptańthmoi (P.G., 126, 1193—1240). His successor, Demetrios Cho-matianos (c. 1216 — after 1234) wrote a shorter Life of Clemens based on other sources which was translated into Bulgarian: it contains rich original information. As late as 1740 and again in 1742 a short Greek Life of St. Naum was published while a detailed Greek Life by Theophylactos rather than Chomatianos remains unpublished. The former wrotte an Akolouthia for the same Saint, and the latter three Canons for St. Clemens surviving in the original and in Medieval Bulgarian translation. Constantine Cabasilas (mid-13.c.), an archbishop, composed a Canon for St. Clemens and another for St. Naum, and another two similarly,. that have been lost. Archbishop Gre-gory of Ochrida at the time of Andronikos II composed an Akolouthia partly surviving in a Medieval Bulgarian translation. St. Clemens was commemo-rated jn some Byzantine Menologia (Dujcev, op. cit., pp. 212—216). We are confronted here with a mixed hagiography which reflects Byzantine ideology and culture projected and assimilated in vąrious ways by the supposedly assimilated Slavs.

24.    This regime continued for long. George Skylitzes, governor of Sofia under Manuel I (1143—1180), wrote a detailed rhetorical Life of the best known Bulgarian Saint John of Rila (876/880 — 18.8.946); it was based on lost Bulgarian sources and translation. In the second half of the 15.c. Demetrios Cantacouzenos wrote a new Life of John surviving in the same way. A short Greek Life appeared in the early 19.c. in print. But neither the czar Peter (927—969) nor John Vladimif the Prince of Diokleia the son-in-law of King Samuel (976—1014) found their way intó Byzantine hagiography