Chapter ## PLURACTIONAL VERBS luractional verbs, first given this designation in Newman (1980), indicate multiple, iterative, frequentative, distributive, or extensive action (Newman 2000:423). The P table below presents the range of contexts typical of pluractional verbs. This table, as well as much of the description in this chapter, draws from Gimba (2000:Chapter 10): NON-PLURACTIONAL PLURACTIONAL 1. One subject repeatedly nć duru-woć nć du-duru-woć doing the same action I jumped I repeatedly jumped 2. One subject repeatedly ita bna-k kućfia ita b-bna-k kućfia kala doing the same action to the she washed the pot kut-tuĄ bneć same object she washed the pot over and over, but it would not get clean 3. One subject acting oćn-su go\roć! oć-&oćn-su go\roć! iteratively on several give them a kola! give each of them a kola! objects kećre uwwać! kećrre uwwać! slaughter goats! slaughter each goat! koćni da\ndeć! koć-g-ni da\ndeć! take the children! take each of the children! 4. Several subjects acting uwwa pećte-n ko gaĄ boćnoć uwwa pećtte-n ko gaĄ boćnoć one by one goats came out of the goats came out of the house (as a group) house one after another maćte ma-n boćnoć maćte mać-mać-&&an boćnoć they went back home they went back home one after another 5. Several subjects acting yaćbbi ać j doć+"+"ać tętok yaćbbi ać j doć-doć+"+"ać tętok iteratively on the same the chickens are pecking the chickens kept pecking object the bug the bug yaćbbi sa-n aćmma yaćbbi sać-&&-an aćmma the chickens drank water the chickens repeatedly drank water 6. Several subjects acting maćte koćna-n kućlinshe maćte koć-koć-g-na-n iteratively on several they picked up calabashes kućlinshe objects (in a bunch) they picked up calabashes in turn Comparison of the pluractional verbs with their non-pluractional counterparts in the table reveals that Bole has three types of pluractional verb morphology. The most productive type reduplicates the initial CV- of the verb (ż1). Of the less productive types, one infixes gi- (ż2) and the other geminates the second consonant of the verb (ż3). Bole 1 Pluractional verbs 2 also has many verbs that appear to be pluractional in form but which are no longer associated with existing simple verbs and/or no longer have a meaning that obviously fits the pragmatic contexts listed in the table above. We discuss these frozen pluractionals in Chapter (##). 1. Reduplicated CV- Pluractionals 1.1. Structure of reduplicated CV- pluractional verbs. The most productive method of pluractional verb formation is reduplication of the intial CV of the verb stem. If the first vowel of the stem is long, its short counterpart appears in the reduplicated syllable. The CV reduplication process is available for all Class A1 and A2 verbs and for at least transitive Class B verbs. It is available only for selected Class C and D verbs. Examples in the table below are in the completive masculine singular subject form, with the completive affix wo\ and, for transitive verbs, the object marker, -yi. See ż1.2 for discussion of the forms pluractional verbs take in other TAMs. Class Simple form Pluractional A1 si+"uwoĄyi sisi+"uwoĄyi leap up, start tupuwoĄyi tutupuwoĄyi spit leyuwoĄyi leleyuwoĄyi give birth, procreate &yoruwoć &yo&yoruwoć stand, come to a stop gashuwoĄyi gagashuwoĄyi jerk away onuwoĄyi o*onuwoĄyi give ngoruwoĄyi ngongoruwoĄyi tie A2 druwoĄyi ddruwoĄyi thresh kuĄpuwoĄyi kućkuĄpuwoĄyi embrace reĄtuwoĄyi rećreĄtuwoĄyi split, separate soĄruwoĄyi soćsoĄruwoĄyi fall daĄ&yuwoĄyi daćdaĄ&yuwoĄyi step on zrfiuwoĄyi zzrfiuwoĄyi tighten gaćnduwoć gaćgaćnduwoĄyi lie down fioćppuwoĄyi fioćfioćppuwoĄyi follow wućn&yućluwoĄyi wućwućn&yućluwoĄyi sway boćngruwoĄyi boćboćngruwoĄyi turn teĄtyuwoĄyi tećteĄtyuwoĄyi try hard daĄrtuwoĄyi daćdaĄrtuwoĄyi heal ućmbućluwoĄyi uć&ućmbućluwoĄyi throw at, launch njaĄ+"luwoĄyi njaćnjaĄ+"luwoĄyi dabble in food B pta\woĄyi ppta\woĄyi sprinkle bućla\woĄyi bućbućla\woĄyi dig up baćsa\woĄyi baćbaćsa\woĄyi shoot znga\woĄyi zznga\woĄyi peek, peer aćla\woĄyi ać&aćla\woĄyi carry, transport ndra\woĄyi ndndra\woĄyi dig with hands or claws C tęwoĄyi titęwoĄyi eat (otto) ęwoĄyi i&ęwoĄyi do Pluractional verbs 3 D sa\woĄyi sasa\woĄyi drink ka\woĄyi kaka\woĄyi implant The CV reduplicated syllable always copies the first vowel of the verb stem. For most verbs, the same vowel will appear in all the verb s pluractional forms. Roots for Class C and D verbs, however, each comprise only a single consonant, with stem vowels determined by TAM and/or subject agreement. The vowel in Class C and D pluractional forms thus varies from form to form, e.g. compare the forms of the Class C verb tę- eat in the table with tangoĄyi they ate , pluractional tatangoĄyi and the forms of the Class D verb sa\- drink in the table with nć se\shoĄyi I drink (habitual TAM), pluractional nć sese\shoĄyi. Likewise, when Class B verbs assimilate a root vowel -a- to -e- in forms where the stem final vowel becomes -e- (see ## for forms with stem final -e-), the reduplicated CV syllable in pluractional verbs copies this -e-, e.g. compare the Class B verb baćsa\- in the table with bećsengoĄyi he shot and brought (completive ventive), pluractional bećbećsengoĄyi. Bole does not permit onsetless syllables (##). Thus, syllables that would otherwise begin in a vowel have glottal stop as the default onset. This applies to pluractional reduplication of vowel initial verbs, e.g. onuwoĄyi he gave , pluractional o&onuwoĄyi [/o/onuwo~& yi]. Verbs that begin in prenasalized consonants reduplicate the entire prenasalized onset, e.g. ngoruwoĄyi he tied , pluractional ngongoruwoĄyi he repeatedly tied . A morpheme boundary separates the reduplicated syllable from the stem, and this morpheme boundary corresponds to a syllable boundary, i.e. ngo.ngo.ru-, not *ngon.go.ru-. NC sequences within a root are syllabified with the N forming the coda of the preceding syllable, e.g. zn.ge hyena . At the moment, we have only native speaker intuition as evidence that the boundary falls after vowel of the reduplicated syllable, but a possible test would come from metrics if the initial syllable of a reduplicated pluractional like ngongoru- were to fall in a position requiring a light syllable for proper scansion. See ## for evidence that a morpheme boundary corresponds to a syllable boundary in internal N+C sequences. Gimba (2000:157) notes that although transitive Class B verbs freely use CV- reduplicated pluractionals, reduplicated Class B intransitive verbs such as ??paćpaćta\woć he repeatedly went out (< paćta\woć) sound awkward . These verbs prefer geminate pluractionals (ż2), i.e. paćttangoć, etc. However, such geminate pluractional can, themselves, be reduplicated when a plural subject is involved (ż4), e.g. paćpaćttangoć they repeatedly went out . Gimba (2000:157-158) notes that some verbs in Class C and Class D, the classes with a single root consonant, do not allow reduplicated CV- pluractional formation. The table below lists all Bole Class C and D verbs in CV- pluractionalized form (completive, masculine singular subject) with the judgments from Gimba (2000) on acceptability. Pluractional verbs 4 Class CV- plac. OK CV- plac. NOT OK1 C do run i&ęwoĄyi " jijęwoć eat (otto) ripen titęwoĄyi " ninęwoć stab go yiyęwoĄyi " ndindęwoć enter " riręwoć D pound in cut grass baba\woĄyi " gaga\woĄyi mount bind fiafia\woć " nzanza\woĄyi transplant get kaka\woĄyi " wawa\woĄyi return, go back exceed, surpass mama\woć " &ya&ya\woĄyi prevent nganga\woĄyi close papa\woĄyi drink sasa\woĄyi put away zaza\woĄyi In Class C, only transitive verbs allow CV- pluractional formation and only intransitives disallow it. This jibes with the judgments for Class B verbs. Class D verbs, however, do not fit any obvious pattern of this type. Some of the Class C and D verbs that disallow CV- reduplication form their pluractionals on the geminate pattern (ż3). Others appear to have no serviceable pluractional form. 1.2. Reduplicated CV- pluractionals and TAM forms. The basis for dividing Bole verbs into five classes (A1, A2, B, C, D) is the fact that verbs of the five classes differ in form, primarily tone and final vowel, in the five basic Bole TAMs (##). Verbs with CV pluractional reduplication behave in somewhat unexpected ways in the respective TAMs. The base forms for classes A1 and B all have CVC- root shape and classes C and D have roots comprising a single consonant. Addition of the CV- syllable in reduplicated pluractionals thus creates verb stems that do not fit the canonical patterns for the respective classes. These pluractionals run counter to correlations of stem shape and verb class by following the TAM patterns of the corresponding non-pluractional stems. Glosses are those of the non-pluractional form. Class TAM Non-pluractional Pluractional A1 Completive he tied ngoruwoĄyi ngongoruwoĄyi Subjunctive that he tie ngoćrę} ngoćngoćrę} Imperative tie! (sing.) ngoćrę} ngoćngoćrę} Future he will tie ać ngoćra\yi ać ngoćngoćra\yi Habitual he ties ać ngoroĄyi ać ngongoroĄyi A2 Completive he followed fioćppuwoĄyi fioćfioćppuwoĄyi Subjunctive that he follow fioćppe\} fioćfioćppe\} Imperative follow! (sing.) fioćppę} fioćfioćppę} 1 Gimba (2000:157, fn. 2) notes that the three Class C motion verbs, ję- run , ndę- go , rę- enter disallow CV- pluractional formation in the completive, subjunctive, and imperative, but do allow it in future and habitual, e.g. ać riręnać he will repeatedly enter . The verb nę- ripen disallows CV- reduplication across the board. Pluractional verbs 5 Future he will follow ać fioćppaĄyi ać fioćfioćppaĄyi Habitual he follows ać fioppoĄyi ać fiofioppoĄyi B Completive he shot baćsa\woĄyi baćbaćsa\woĄyi Subjunctive that he shoot bećse\} bećbećse\} Imperative shoot! (sing.) bećse\} bećbećse\} Future he will shoot ać bećseĄyi ać bećbećseĄyi Habitual he shoots ać beseĄyi ać bebeseĄyi C Completive he ate (otto) tęwoĄyi titęwoĄyi Subjunctive that he eat taćyyi taćtaćyyi Imperative eat! (masc. sing.) tikkoĄyi titę} Future he will eat ać tęnaĄyi ać titęnaĄyi Habitual he eats ać tęshoĄyi ać titęshoĄyi D Completive he drank sa\woĄyi sasa\woĄyi Subjunctive that he drink saćyyi saćsaćyyi Imperative drink! (masc. sing.) sekkoĄyi sese\} Future he will drink ać se\naĄyi ać sese\naĄyi Habitual he drinks ać se\shoĄyi ać sese\shoĄyi Note, in particular, the following: " Completive tone: Class A1, C, D verbs bear H tone on the root in the completive whereas Class A2 and Class B verbs bear L. Addition of the CV- syllable makes class A1 verbs syllabically identical to class A2 and class D verbs identical to B, yet they retain all H tone on the stems.2 " Subjunctive stem final vowel: Subjunctive Class A1 verbs have final i, Class A2 verbs have final -e. Reduplicated pluractional A1 verbs retain i in the subjunctive. Class C and D verbs have a special subjunctive stem for ending in -ay (or -ai the forms in the table have a object affix -yi to which the suffix assimilates). Pluractional C and D verbs retain this subjunctive form even though it is otherwise restricted to monoconsonantal roots. " Future tone of A1 verbs: Class A1 verbs have LH tones on the future stem, in contrast to verbs of Classes A2 and B, which have all L. Reduplicated pluractional A1 verbs retain the LH pattern in the future. " Future form of C and D verbs: Class C verbs have a future form Cęnać and Class D verbs have Ce\nać. Pluractional verbs of these classes retain future forms ending in -naĄ, even though this suffix is otherwise restricted to monoconsonantal roots. " Polysyllabic Class B verbs: Basic Bole Class B verbs are all disyllabic. Pluractional reduplication creates otherwise anomalous trisyllabic Class B verbs, which, in all respects, have TAM forms identical to disyllabic Class B verbs. 2 This is reminiscent of reduplicated Grade 3 verbs in Hausa. Two syllable Grade 3 verbs have LH tones, e.g. fta go out , three syllable Grade 3 verbs have LHL tones, e.g. zaĄburać leap up . When two syllable verbs are reduplicated, they retain the LH pattern (assigning tones right to left) even though they are formally identical to basic three syllable verbs, e.g. frfta repeatedly go out . Pluractional verbs 6 These NON-effects on TAM forms is particular to pluractional reduplication. Other inflectional and derivational process do affect TAM forms. When the subject of a completive verb is plural or feminine singular, an -aC- syllable is added to the stem (##), giving an additional mora. A1 completive forms with plural or feminine singular subjects have LH tones characteristic of Class A2 and Class B verbs, each of which have at least one more stem mora than A1 verbs, e.g. ngoćrangoĄyi they tied , ngoćrakkoĄyi she tied . The same facts hold for addition of the completive ventive extension, consisting of a syllable -un- for Class A1 and A2 verbs (##), e.g. ngoćrungoĄyi he will tie (and bring) (LH tones on an A1 ventive verb). When a -t- dervational affix (##) is added to an A1 root, creating a stem with an additional mora, the derived verb takes A2 TAM forms, e.g. +"olwoć it (e.g. a stick) broke (A1 with H tone on stem), +"oćltuwoĄyi he broke (it, e.g. a stick) (A2 with LH on stem). Finally, formation of pluractionals by infixation or gemination (żż2-3) DOES cause a shift in verb class. 1.3. Reduplicated CV- pluractionals and verbal extensions. Reduplicated pluractionals show no special properties with verbal extension (##) beyond those described in ż1.2 for TAM forms. Compare the non-pluractional and pluractional forms of the A1 verb tied in the completive with each extension. Extension Non-pluractional Pluractional (no extensions) he tied ngorwoĄyi ngongorwoĄyi Totality he tied completely ngortućwo ngongortućwo Additive he tied again ngordućwo ngongordućwo Ventive he tied and brought ngoćrungoĄyi ngoćngoćrungoĄyi Gimba (2000:159) notes that with the Intransitive Copy Pronoun (ICP ##), the counterpart of the totality extension for intransitive verbs, pluractional verbs require a plural subject, e.g. soĄru\jn he fell , soĄranjsu they fell , soćsoĄranjsu they fell one by one, they fell repeatedly , but *soćsoĄru\jn he fell repeatedly . This quasi-agreement pattern also applies to certain infixed and geminate pluractional see żż1.2-1.3. 2. Active but Non-Productive Pluractionals: Infixation and Gemination In addition to the productive CV- reduplication method of pluractional formation described in ż1, Bole has two other methods of pluractional formation. They are not productive in that they are restricted to specific verbs and would probably no longer be extended to additional verbs. They are active in the sense that they bear a transparent morphological relation to the base verb and in certain pragmatic and/or grammatical contexts, they are required in place of the base verb. Infixed pluractionals, described and illustrated in ż2.1, infix the syllable -gi- in the Fika dialect. Geminate pluractionals, described and illustrated in ż2.2, geminate the second root consonant. Infixed and geminate pluractionals are available only for Class A1 and Class B verbs, the classes whose root structure is CVC-, and only for a minority of those. From our current list of about 700 verbs the following figures emerge with respect to infixed pluractionals and geminate pluractionals (discussed in ż3). Pluractional verbs 7 Class # of verbs in class Infixed plac. Geminate plac. Both inf. & gem. A1 119 23 (19.3%) 16 (13.4%) 1 B 64 3 (.5%) 12 (18.8%) 1 A2 109 1 0 0 (CV|C-) only 2.1. Pluractionals with infixed -gi-. As noted immediately above, infixed pluractionals are available only for verbs of Classes A1 and B, those classes with CVC- root structure, and one known case of a Class A2 verb of root structure CV|C-, daĄ&yu- step on . In the Fika dialect, infixed pluractionals insert a syllable -gi- after the first CV- of the root. In the Gadaka dialect, where the infixed pluractional rather than CV- reduplication is the productive form for Class A1 and B verbs, the pluractional infix is -ki-/-ku-/-k- (see below for a sidebar on the Gadaka dialect). The one Class A2 verb in Fika with an infixed pluractional has -ki-, and the Fika dialect also has what appears to be frozen pluractionals of the infixed type with -ki- (##). These facts suggest that the pluractional infix was originally -ki-. In addition to being restricted to a subset of Class A1 and B verbs, infixed pluractionals in the Fika further require that C2 of the verb root be a sonorant consonant or fi, though not all verbs meeting this description have infixed pluractionals, e.g. tonuwoĄyi sharpen a blade but no *toćgnuwoĄyi, gućra\woĄyi hoe up but no " gućgra\woĄyi. Class Simple form Infixed pluractional A1 konuwoĄyi koćgnuwoĄyi pick up lumuwoĄyi lućgmuwoĄyi plug a hole ngoruwoĄyi ngoćgruwoĄyi tie ngaluwoĄyi ngaćgluwoĄyi collect, gather gowuwoĄyi goćgwuwoĄyi hit, beat ngafiuwoĄyi ngaćgfiuwoĄyi eat (meat), chew &yoruwoć &yoćgruwoć come to a stop B kaćra\woĄyi kaćgra\woĄyi slaughter aćwa\woĄyi aćgwa\woĄyi open aćla\woĄyi aćgla\woĄyi carry, transport A2 daĄ&yuwoĄyi daćkyuwoĄyi3 step on Addition of a syllable through infixation shifts Class A1 verbs to Class A2. This is in contrast to addition of a syllable through pluractional CV- reduplication (ż1.2). Thus, the tone of the verb stem in the completive, as in the table above, is H in the simple form but LH in the pluractional form. Likewise, the final vowel of the subjunctive for simple A1 verbs is -i, but for infixed pluractionals, it is -e, e.g. koćnę} he should take it (simple form) but koćgne\y they should take several (pluractional). Class B infixed pluractionals, on the other hand, retain properties otherwise associated only with CVC- roots, including the stem vowel -a\- in the completive (see examples in the table) and a verbal noun with final 3 Note that the vowel in the root syllable is short in the pluractional, a feature shared with CV- reduplicated pluractionals, where the vowel of the reduplicated syllable is short regardless of root vowel length. Pluractional verbs 8 vowel and initial root vowel shifted to -e-, e.g. kŁrŁ slaughtering , kŁgrŁ repeated slaughtering . Note on the Gadaka dialect (Schuh 1983): As noted above, -k(V)- (vowel or its absence depends on environment) infixation is the productive pluractional process for Classes A1 and B in the Gadaka dialect, e.g. koćkućnu\ bućku he picked up bags (< A1 konu), baćksangoĄyi they each shot (< B baćsa\), maćte ać ećkećweć boĄ bn they will open doors (< B aćwa\). The Gadaka dialect uses a similar process for Class C and D verbs, e.g. raćkyanjsu they entered (< C rę), maćte ać tikina paćte-paćte they will eat pate-pate pudding (< C tę), maćkaćyanjsu they each returned (< D ma\), nć ndoluĄ nć saćkye aćreć fiinkiya I want to drink many cups of water (< D sa\). This use of the -k- infix is probably a result of Ngamo influence. Gadaka was originally an Ngamo speaking town and in fact is the seat of the Emirate of Mai Gudi, the traditional ruler of the Ngamos, though Bole has now replaced Ngamo, even in the court of Mai Gudi. In the Yaya dialect of Ngamo, pluractionals for classes other than A2 infix a copy of C1, e.g. Ngamo Class A1 n dućdgok koćsaćsać I killed mice (< dug-), Class C n tućtyok wo;toć I repeatedly ate woto (< tu-). However, for vowel and h initial verbs, which have what amounts to an onsetless first syllable, the default infixed consonant is -k-, e.g. Class A1 aćktina\ he repeatedly bit me (< at-), Class C n kyo rłta I did several jobs (< i-). The " fact that Ngamo and Bole both form certain pluractionals by infixation of -Ki- makes it likely that this is an old feature, inherited into the two languages from at least the time of their common ancestor. However, because the incursion of Bole into Gadaka is relatively recent, the pervasiveness of the method of pluractional formation in the Bole of Gadaka must but be an innovation, or perhaps better, a reintroduction, of the general use of -Ki- infixation in Bole. 2.2. Pluractionals with Geminate C2. A subset of verb of Classes A1 and B, the classes with CVC- root structure, have active pluractionals marked by gemination of C2. There are no apparent phonological restrictions on what C2 may be, in contrast to infixed pluractionals, where C2 must be a sonorant or fi. Also in contrast to active infixed pluractionals, where most tokens are from Class A1, geminate pluractionals are about equally divided between Classes A1 and B (see figures at the end of ż2). The intransitive verbs are given in plural subject form of the completive see ż2.3. Class Simple form Geminate pluractional A1 fioluwoĄyi fioćlluwoĄyi swallow lotuwoĄyi loćttuwoĄyi chip off motuwoć moćttangoć die njiluwoĄyi njlluwoĄyi pinch a piece off rupuwoĄyi rućppuwoĄyi crush with teeth washuwoĄyi waćccuwoĄyi nip off (simple); trim (pluractional) B gaćfia\woć gaćfifiangoć pass by paćta\woć paćttangoć go out bućla\woĄyi bućlla\woĄyi dig out of the ground Pluractional verbs 9 bfia\woĄyi bfifia\woĄyi untie (simple) untangle (pluractional) kaćwa\woć kaćbba\woć be sated; swell (simple) swell locally (pluractional) Gemination of C2 shifts Class A1 verbs to Class A2. Thus, in the table above, the tone of the simple A1 stem is H in the completive, but LH in the pluractional form. The final vowel of the subjunctive is -i in the subjunctive of the simple form, but it is -e- in the pluractional, e.g. fioćlę} he should swallow but fioćlle\y they should swallow . Class B geminated pluractionals, on the other hand, retain properties otherwise associated only with CVC- roots, including the stem vowel -a\- in the completive (see examples in the table) and a verbal noun with both final vowel and root vowel shifted to -e-, e.g. gećfieć passing , gećfifieć repeated passing . In the Fika dialect most Class C and D verbs have geminate pluractionals. Verbs in these classes have only a single consonant. To form geminate pluractionals, they insert a geminate glottal stop. According to Gimba (2000:165-166), geminate pluractionals of Class C and D verbs require a plural subject and, for transitive verbs, the object must be singular.4 The examples in the table, which are in the completive, thus have the plural subject agreement form. With the simple form, the plural subjects would act as a group. With the pluractional form, the several subjects would be acting as individuals. Class Simple form Geminate pluractional C rangoć rać&&angoć enter ndanjsu (with ICP) ndać&&anjsu (with ICP) go tangoĄyi tać&&angoĄyi eat otto D fiangoć fiać&&angoć climb manjsu (with ICP) mać&&anjsu (with ICP_ return, go back sangoĄyi sać&&angoĄyi drink pangoĄyi pać&&angoĄyi cover, close In the same way that some, but not all Class C and D verbs allow pluractional formations by CV- reduplication (ż1.1), not all Class C and D verbs allow geminate pluractional formation, e.g. angoĄyi they did (it) but no " ać&&angoĄyi (Class C ę-), ngangoĄyi they prevented (it) but no " \ngać&&angoĄyi (Class D nga\-). As implied in the discusson above, there are no TAM restrictions on Class A1 and B geminate pluractionals, though Class A1 verbs shift to Class A2 in TAM forms. Class C and D geminate pluractionals also shift to Class A2 in terms of TAM form. Gimba (2000:166) points out that geminate Class C and D pluractionals can only be used in completive, subjunctive, and imperative, e.g. 4 A possible reason for the restriction of object to singular form is the fact that geminate pluractionals incorporate a meaning of action distributed over several individuals, not repeated action involving a single individual (ż2.3). A pluractional verb would imply subject-object pairings, each subject acting on its respective object. A plural object would pair each subject with several objects. Such a pairing would require a repeated action reading, which is compatible only with CV- reduplicated pluractionals. Pluractional verbs 10 Class TAM Non-pluractional Pluractional C Completive they entered rangoć rać&&angoć Subjunctive that they enter raći rać&&e Imperative enter! (plural) ra\} rać&&a\} Completive they ate otto tangoĄyi tać&&angoĄyi Subjunctive that they eat otto taćyyi tać&&e\y Imperative eat otto! (plural) ta\} tać&&a\} D Completive they returned mangoć mać&&angoć Subjunctive that they return maći mać&&e Imperative return! (plural) ma\} mać&&a\{ Completive they covered pangoĄyi pać&&angoĄyi Subjunctive that they cover paćyyi pać&&e\y Imperative cover! (plural) pa\} pać&&a\} Class C and D geminate pluractionals do not appear in the future or habitual. This may be a result of the fact that for Classes C and D, the future and habitual verb forms are based on nominalized verbs with suffixes -ęną/-e\nać and -ęshoś-e\sho respectively. These suffixes generally cooccur with verbs having only one stem consonant. Thus, a future form such as *r&&ęnać will enter or a habitual form such as *mać&&e\sho returns would be anomalous, combining a suffix that is incompatible with its host verb stem. This explanation is problematic, however, since it would seem that these verbs could use future and habitual forms characteristic of A2 verbs, as they do in other TAMs. 2.3. Infixed and geminate pluractionals as quasi-plural agreement marking. Infixed and geminate pluractionals have a referential restriction that does not apply to CV- reduplicated pluractionals. Whereas CV- reduplicated pluractionals may express any type of plural action many individuals acting, repeated action by one individual, etc. active infixation and active gemination indicate only action distributed across a set of individuals. For this reason, active infixed and geminate pluractional forms constitute quasi-plural agreement in that they must have at least one plural argument. If the verb is intransitive, the subject must be plural because it is the only argument. A transitive verb must have a plural subject and/or the action must apply to several referents. Typically, such referents would be a plural direct object, but it could also be plural indirect objects, plural locations, or the like. Intransitive verb or transitive verb with plural subject and singular direct object Base verb: paćta\ (B) go out uwwa pećttengoć goats came out *oĄshi pećttengoć ( the goat kept coming out ) oĄshi pećpećtengoć the goat kept coming out Pluractional verbs 11 Base verb: gaćfia\ (B) pass by mo\tać goćdon ać j gećfifieć many cars are going by 5 *mo\taćn daći ać j gećfifieć ( a red car keeps going by ) mo\taćn daći ać j gećgećfieć a red car keeps going by Base verb: yoru (A1) come to a stop mu &yograć gać masęd we will stop at the mosque *nć &yoćgrać gać masęd ( I will repeatedly stop at the mosque ) nć &yoć&yoćra gać masęd I will repeatedly stop at the mosque Base verb: sa\ (D) drink uwwa ać seć&&e\na aćmma the goats will drink water *oĄshi ać seć&&e\na aćmma ( the goat will repeatedly drink water ) oĄshi ać sese\na aćmma the goat will repeatedly drink water Singular subject with plural direct objects or other referents over which action can be distributed (plural subjects are also acceptable) Base verb: fiolu (A1) swallow fioćllu\ gucceć he swallowed stones (completive verb fioćllu- has singular subject form (##), i.e. the subject could not be plural) plural subject: fioćllan gućcce they swallowed stones fioćllan guĄsho they each swallowed a stone *fioćllu\ guĄsho ( he kept swallowing the stone ) fioćfioćlu\ guĄsho he kept swallowing the stone Base verb: aćwa\ (B) open, uncover ećgwe kufiinshe ye]! uncover (sing. imper.) the pots! *ećgwe kufia ye] ( keep uncovering the pot! ) eć&ećwe kufia ye]! keep uncovering (sing. imper.) the pot! Base verb: yoru (A1) come to a stop nć &yoćgru\ gać goćrinshe goćdo&! I stopped in many towns *nć &yoćgru\ gać Pataskućmoć ( I stopped here and there in Potiskum ) nć &yo&yoru\ gać Pataskućmoć I stopped here and there in Potiskum Base verb: onu (A1) give oćgna& &otto n; da\ndeć she gave otto to the children 5 Many nouns in Bole have no morphological plural form (##), e.g. mo\tać car(s) . However, if context, such as that provided here by goćdo&! many , makes it clear that plural referents are involved, a distributive pluractional verb form is acceptable. Pluractional verbs 12 *oćgna& &otto l: la\woć ( she repeatedly gave food to the child ) oć&oćna& ott l: la\woć she repeatedly gave food to the child Base verb: zowu (A1) put, put on, place nć zoćgwu\ seĄfii gać gaĄ koĄrinshe I put fertilizer on my farms *nć zoćgwu\ seĄfii gać gaĄ koĄrno ( I put fertilizer here and there on my farm ) nć zozowu\ seĄfii gać gaĄ koĄrno I put fertilizer here and there on my farm The following paradigm from Gimba (2000:162) summarizes the facts, using the base verb ngoru tie up and pronominal subject and object: Infixed pluractional6 CV- reduplicated plurac. Sing. subject, Sing. object *ishi ngoćgri-na\-wo ishi ngongor-na\-wo ( he repeatedly tied me ) he repeatedly tied me Sing. subject, Plural object ishi ngoćgri-su\-wo ishi ngongor-su\-wo he tied them one by one he repeatedly tied them Plural subject, Sing. object maćte ngoćgran-na-ngo maćte ngoćngoćran-na-ngo they each tied me they repeatedly tied me Plural subject, Plural object maćte ngoćgran-su-ngo maćte ngoćngoćran-su-ngo they each tied them or they repeatedly tied them they tied them one by one 3. Stacked Pluractionals Pluractional formation through CV- reduplication and pluractional formation through -Ki- infixation or gemination may be combined. Reduplicative CV- pluractional formation, which is the only type available for many verb stems, can indicate either repeated action by an individual, action distributed across several individuals, or both (see the table at the beginning of this chapter). When combined with an infixed pluractional or a geminate pluractional, however, the meaning must be that the action is repeated by or to several individuals, i.e. as explained in ż2.3, the infixed and geminated types express distribution over individuals, and hence addition of the CV- reduplication adds the only pluractional function left to add, viz. repetition. The following sets of examples from Gimba (2000:163, 167) give an infixed or geminate pluractional together with the same pluractional combined with reduplication, showing the different meanngs. Infixed or geminate pluractional alone CV- reduplication + infix or gemination maćte ngoćgran-na-ngo maćte ngoćngoćgran-na-ngo they each tied me they each tied me repeatedly maćte kaćgral lo (< kaćra\) maćte kaćkaćgral lo they each sliced meat they each repeatedly sliced meat poćfifian yaćbbi (< pofiu) poćpoćfifian yaćbbi they each removed chickens they each repeatedly removed chickens 6 The same facts would hold for a geminate pluractional.