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9 U1N D&BAT : LSIS MJENTALTrfiS OOIiLBCTrYES 673

(“Shąiperia”, 1897, 19, p. 1) (:prezenta); probas vb. “to prove, to demonstrate” (“Sąipetari”, 1888, 13, p. 2) ( : próba); proklamate n. “proclamation” (“Shąiperia e Re”, 1919, 9, p. 1) ( : proclama^ie); publi-kacie n. “publication, periodical” (“Sąipetari”, 1889, pL4, p. 1); publikas vb. “to publish” (“Shąiperia”, 1897, 8, p. 8; 10, p. 8) (rpublica); relaksie n. “editorial Staff” (“Shąiperia”, 1897, 12, p. 6) ( : redac^ie)¹⁷, but redakciune (“Shąiperia”, 1897, 22, p. 4) ( : redac^iune); refuzas vb. “to refuse, to rejeet” (“Shąiperia”, 1897, 2, p. 1) ( : refuza); sollucje n. “solution” (“Shąiperia e Re”, 1919, 1, p. 2) ( : solu(;ie); stat n. “state” (“Shąiperia”, 1897, 6, p. 8) ( :stat); supremate n. “supremacy” (“Shąiperia e Re”, 1919, 9, p. 1) ( : possibly, supremate); shoąate n. “asso-ciation, society, board” (: possibly, asociató, adj.)¹⁸; tiparis vb. “to print” (“Shąiperia”, 1897, 4, p. 8) ( : tipari); universitałe n. “university” (“Shąiperia”, 1897, 17, p. 6) ( : unirersitate).

The above list of borrowings is not definitiye. It might be further enriched through new readings of Albanian periodicals published in Romania as well as of proclamations, manifests and other social and political works of that period.

Here are our conclusions as to the adoption of the Romanian borrowings :

The first conjugation yerbs were integrated to the -as (lst person) verbs (s. hurnbas “to lose”)¹⁹, a category which is not very produetive. Such verbs are for instance abonas, inkurazhas, interesas, organizas, prezentom, publikas, etc.

Many Romanian nouns formed with the aid of the -(fliune suffix and seldom in the epoch we refer to, with its yariant ~(f )ie are borrowed in Albanian ahnost exclusively with the -(f)ie form: ambicije, ęeshtje, ęeshtje, delegacie, direkcie, komisie, konstitucje, sollucje etc. What we suppose is that these forms were preferred because they eould be morę easily integrated in the Albanian language system, which already had a number of old nouns of the type : akacje “a kind of locust tree”, anedetje “coast river, bank”, angullitje “dog bark”, kacafytje “scuffle”. Another series must be added to these -(p)ie forms : afirmate, okupate, organizate, dergate and delegate, shogate etc. for which we presupposed as Romanian etymons such nouns madę lip with the ~(})ie ²⁰ suffix. In our opinion,

¹⁷    E. ęabej, RIEB, p. 176 provldes the rcdaksi form explaired as well by the Romanian rcdaclie. The form might have becn already frequent in the standard Albanian of the time. It has been preserved to this day (Fjalor, p. 458).

¹⁸    The etymology of the word — namcly rom. asociatd — is suggested by E. ęabej, RIEB, p. 176. In fact we think it is the feminine of the adjective asociat, participle asoclat (<vb. asocia). ęabej thinks we could also discuss the Macedo-Romanian form sufató (Tache Papakagi, “The General and Etymological Dictionary of the Macedo-Romanian Dialcct” second ed. 1974, p. 1140). The term has been assimilated by contempornry standard Albanian (Fjalor p. 533).

¹⁹    In this sense the conjugation types due to W. Fiedler, O. Buchholz and G. Uhlisch in Albanisch-deutsch Wórlerbuch (pp 700, and ff.), see for Instance subtypes 23—30. It is an interesting fact that the4th conjugation verbs are also part, observing their formal resem-blance of a less productive category, i.e. the first person -fr verbs (as for Instance tiparis).

²⁰    Before us, E. ęabej, RIEB, p. 176 suggested the same Romanian form as an etymon, but provided no detailed explanation for the Albanian form which cannot be derived straight-forward from the Romanian one.