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POLISII FORTNIGHTLY REVI EW

Junfi I, 1944

security. I am glad the Prime Minister has madę it elear that, while the spirit of the Charter applies to Germany, we are certainly not bound to ask thoir permission for anything that may seem necessary.

Mr. Martin

Soutliwark, Central (Labour)

Before I sit down I should like to make an allusion to one problem which i8 much in hon. Membcrs’ minds at the moment, and which is bound up with this ąuestion of the post-war world order, the problem of the Polish boundaries. The Prime Minister has said words with which hon. Members will not seriously quarrel about the desirabiłiiy of the Poles making surrenders on their Eastern frontier to Russia and receiving compensation from Germany for that surrrender. The Pole.⁴* are a great and galiant people, and evcrybody must desire that their position after the war shall be adeąuate to a nalion which has a great contribution to make to the European scene. But if we are to assume that East Prussia or any considerable area of Germany ri to be lopped ofE from the rest of that country we have to consider this question which I want to address to the Secretary of State. I hopc that my hon. Friend the Undcr-Sccrctary will ask him whether he can say something about this problem, lt is all vcry well to say that the Gernians have no right to claim the application of the provisions of the Atlantic Charter to-day. I agree. I think they have no right. It is all very well to say that they should cede this territory for the sake of the Polish nation or Polish access to the sea, or European peace, but what is to be the end of this? Is there to be in the new order some facilities for peaceful change? If there is. at what point are the people who occupy East Prussia to be able to say that they want this arrangement to come to an end, and that they would like to go back to the German State ? Are they to be refused indefmitely after the point at which German people have become decent members of society again? . . .

All I ask—I do not want to debate that problem now —is, has it been considered by the Government ? What is their answer to the decision to hand East Prussia over to Poland having regard to the conseęiuential develop-ments that that will probably have unle3a it is linked up with a generał European settlement which we all desire to see? It is quite conceivable that East Prussia may become part of Poland, but it should at least be scen as part of the whole problem and not as an isolated instance.

Major Lloyd

Renfrew, Eastern (Conservatlve)

It would seem as though almost finał arrangements have been madę in the west, but are we satisfied that we know eaactly what arrangements have been madę, or are in contemplation, with regard to those Eastern countries, in which we are also interęsted, as conquering armies pass through on the way to Berlin? Are these arrangements to be entirely unilateral at the exclusive will of the conąuering army, or are they to be madę not only in co-operation with the countries and the legiti-rnate Governments of those countries, but also in accord-ance with the mutual agreement of the United Nations who form the great alliancc?

I tried to get an answer to that pertinent, but, 1 do not think, impertinent, question some months ago in a foreign affairs del>ate, but 1 never got an answer and scarcely expected it. But now the time is ripe and opportune, surely, for thoso interested, both in Parlia-ment and in other parta of the world, to have an answer. Is there to be any status whatever for emigrć Govern-ments, and are they to be allowed to collaborate in the occupation of their territory or are they to be excluded? What is right for the West should be right for the East. I should like to ask the Foreign Secretary whether he is prepared to ucccpt a completely unilateral decision in the East, which he would not be able to justify in this Ilouse, if applicable to the West? I liope the right hon. Gentleman will grasp the nettle and give some satisfaction to those of us who want to know what is going to happen in those Eastern countries when they are overrun by the eon-quering armies of our Aliies.

Sir John Wardlaw-Milne-

Kidderminster (Conservatłve)

The Prime Minister, yesterday, madę some helpful references to the situation between Poland and Russia. and we all hope that these references will be proved to have been well-founded. I hope it may prove that he might have been even a littlc morę optimistic than he was, because there can be no satisfactory solution of the problem of dealing with Germany after the war unless we have a strong Poland. Further, a strong Poland is the best possibie Ally for the Russian people. I hope we shall have a strong Poland and a strong France.

HOUSE OF LORDS

Viscount Samuel

Morę difficult is the question of Poland, to which the Prime Minister gave much attention in his speech. The history of the last two hundred years has shown that Poland cannot live if she has cnemies in both Russia and Germany. If she could make friends with both, that would, of course, be the best solution; but it is vital for Poland to bo on terms of friendship and good will with the one or with the other. Since in present circumstances it is obvious that there can be no friendship and good will between Poland and Germany, it is essential for her to arrive at a friendly under-standing with Russia, even at the cost of considerable

sacriflces. After the Teheran Conference the Prime Minister used this language in speaking in another place:

“ It was with great pleasure that I heard from Marshal Stalin that hc too was rcsolved upór. the creation of a strong intcgral independent Poland as one of the leading Powers in Europę.”

He has several times repeated these declarations in public and I am convinced that they represent the settled policy of the Soviot Union. That being so, the atmosphere should be favourable to a friendly understanding and agreement between Poland and Russia.

How wholeheartedly the Poles are engaged in this war has been shown by the contribution they have