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POLISH FORTNIGHTLY REY1EW

Juno 1, 194*1

The Prime Minister said Germany would have to submłt to any changcs considered necessary to the security of Europę. I hope that when he said that he had in rnind what l have in mind. It so happens that the detachment of East Prussia from the Reich is the only conceivable way in which you can ensure to Poland free and safe access to the sea, unless you are going to revert to the timorous absurdity of tlie Corridor. It happens, moreover, that to detach East Prussia from the Reich is the only way to ensure against futurę war. I would remind your Lordships that that was the nest in which were hatched and fiedged the first. and worst illegal armies after the last war. East Prussia in German hands is further a guarantee that the Poles can never

terms offered to Finland and in the declaration to Kumania to which Lord Noel-Buxton referred, and I say that it is unthinkable that greater inagnanimity should be displayed towards two of óur enemies than

. . . Now, my Lords, I would like to take this topie to a little higher ground than the misty lowlands of expe-diency. Why is it that ln this country and in the United States there are so many other people ever ready to fly to the help of strength? There is a religious body which is called the Little Sisters of the Poor. There is in poli-tics a body which might well be called the Little Brothers of the Strong, Their ereed consists in the literał inter-pretation of the tcxt “ Whosoever hath, to him shall be

and populations to alien rule or the dcportation of peoples from Iheir homes is not tlie appropriate method. The German population concerned is solid. Germany would seek recovery at the flrst opportunity. Hostility would be ensured. We all feel the right of the Poles to the fullest life, but for the sake of that life their grc-atest interest is peace in the futurę.

Poles are divided on thls annexatlon question. Some of them foresee the danger. British sympathy with Polar.d cannot be too great. We ought to be ready to make sacrifices for Poland. T suggest that the true form of compensation would be economic aid from the Allies and restitution by Germany in kind. We ourselvea ought to take a fuli share, especially in finaneial help. The guarantee which we ga%^re in 1939 adds greatiy to our obligations. I want to urge the extreme danger of disregat-ding the principle of self-determination on such a large scalę as is anticipated. I submit that our support of annc*xation would be open to the gravest objections both from the point of view of war diplomacy and from that of a durable peace. In regard to war diplomacy our policy has been helping to hasten the German collapse by the Atlantic Charter and by the Prime Minister’s own utterances. He has many times alluded to the distinction between Hitlerite Germany and the Germany which could earn our respect. Let us not hamper the policy till lately pursued by announcłng a different view.

Most. important of all is the effect ol' annexation on the futurę. We cannot too olearly distinguish between the interim period and the finał settlement. Peace in the transitiou period is to be ensured by predominant force. The durable settlement will require acceptance by the rnembers of what the Prime Minister called a “ European partnership.” We are profoundly indebted to him for keeping the prospect of such a settlement bcfore the peoples of the world and insist.ing that it must bc prcparcd for. The danger of anncxations which defy the wishes of the population is amply proved by history. In reply it is now suggested by some that history will be disproved, that the fever of nationalism will die down, so that Germany will accept the loss of German lands. That is surely wishful thinking and a precarious hope to bank on. The history of Poland, where national sentiment only grcw strongcr as the rcsult of partitions, shows tlie reverse to bc true. . . .

... I know, of course, that a case can be madę for the annexation of German lands. It is said. for instance, that the separation of East Prussia and Upper Silesia from the Reich would be a guarantee that Germany would be powerless. The use of that argument shows that the ąuestlon of lasting peace is being forgotten. The argument would be relevant to the interim period, if such a guarantee were needed, but peace in that period will be preserved by the great Allies. It is the permanent order that we are concerned with. The Prime Minister has foretold the day when Germany will be a'partner in the European group. Control cannot then be directed against Germany any moro than against other States. That moment of greatest importance. on which we must keep our eye9, may be many years hence, but we cannot be too much in earnest about it. I may be asked what solution to the Corridor problem is to be hoped for with frontiers left as they are. There is an unswer givcn by sorne authoritative cxperts which is, at least, vcry interesting. It is that if further deprivation of territory is not carried out Poland and Germany will see it to be in their interest. to be on good terms, and an exchange between the Corridot and Posen on the one hand, and East Prussia on the other, may be voluntarily madę. That is the ideał solution, if we can hope for it.

Lord Yansittart

in any cireumatances defend thcmselvcs successfully. Article 6 of the Charter protniseB the peoples that they shall dwell “ in safety within their own boundaries ” and *'can live out their livas in freedom from fear.” If any-one desires to argue I am quite prepared to arguc that failure to detach East Prussia from Germany would render both these promisos incapable of fulfilmont and would in fact be a breach of the spirit of the Charter.

Herc cornes a point in which I am not in agreernent with the Prime Minister and, perhaps, the disagreement may ease the mind of the noble Viscount who opened this debate. I do riot regard this as being in any sense a question of compensation for Poland, compensation for the loss of some 50 por cent. of her territory. East Prussia is a vital necessity to Poland and I hope she will be treated gcnerously in this matter. Our Russian Allies have shown great generosity and inagnanimity in the towards the first of the Allies to resist Germany.

given, but from him that hath not shall be taken away evcn that which he hath.” How could that be morę crudeły exhibited than in the attempt to interpret the Charter in favour of the strong and against the weitk. I would like to take the matter a little higher still. I have often notieed in the course of my life that when the ncccssitics of the strong conflict with those of the weak morał courage is apt to wander and the weak fali out of favour. Honest criticism gets out of hand and goes be-yond bound or reason. Men are very frequently inclined to be the most eritical of those whom they have wronged and that seems to be so in the ease of oft-partitioned Poland.

During the past year I have hardly lieard a good word for Poland. On the contrary, there has been some pretty steady sneering. I feel it is about time that stopped. I feel that we should tliink morę frequently nf