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for partial changes within the system, the latter demand a radical change of the system itself.¹⁰ The former are against social inequality and unemployment, the latter stress their student interests and fight for the better organization of the student life. The former attack gov-ernment, the latter express their confidence in the Slovenean Execu-tive Council.

This openly demonstrates the contrariness of the Southeastern parts of the country which accept the idea of class struggle and solidarity with the Northwestern parts, especially Slovenia »which is preparing to enter into modern Europę and does not wish to deal with the class struggle, preferring to perfect their organizational basis«.^u It rejects egalitarianism and replaces it with selection which means that the stronger must go forward on the professional and not on the level of class and ideology.¹²

These are the positions of technological functionalism modified and adapted to smali relatively areas. They combine themselves with the idea of »nation« as a total society and become the ideology of the upper strata of society in the less developed countries which are try-ing to link their areas to the developed and because they consider it the best guarantee for their stabilization.

The hetrogenous character of the Yugoslav area was reflected in the differing kinds of echoes that Belgrade demonstrations has in various university centers. This has not been researched up to now so that appraisals cannot be madę on the basis of compiled and compared materials. But, even without that, if we judge on the basis of meagre newspaper reports, it is obvious that the stronger echo was in Sara-jevo where students took to the streets in great numbers and wherc clashes with the police arose.

In Zagreb the situation was different. In the pacification of students the main role was played by opposing positions taken by Federal and Republican governments. From the very beginning it was pointed out that Croatian politics differs in a positive way from Federal poli -tics because it stressed the need for returning financial resources back to industry which means that it relies on the working class. Without regard to the question whether this was true or whether it was verbal manipulation, it had a great influence. We must not ignore that the stressing of differences between the Federal government and Croatian leadership was followed by attempts to represent the Belgrade student

demonstrations as expressions of nationalism and unitarism.

«

In Ljubljana the authorities awaited these events and as it appears, kept the situation well in hand in such a way that it dealt with the students basie demands at the outset thereby paralyzing demonstrations. At the end of this summary review of the events, in which we tried to point out some events and circumstances which should be morę thoroughly researched, we can return to the two related ques-

¹⁹ Wc have carcfully rcad all the available materials relating to the student movement and we stress that wc nevcr found a document demanding a radical change of our social system.

¹¹ Kritika, ibidem.

'* Kritika, ibidem.

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