885096448

JPRS-EER-91-053 25 April 1991

POLITICAL

15

and of patiently waiting to see how I could help them do or organize something. In concrete terms, they say that I am not doing anything for them. The same thing is said of the RMDSZ leadership by some of my colleagues (who have a good political stance). By all means, I interpret this situation as a confrontation of the two essentially different attitudes and ways of thinking men-tioned earlier. Of course, this is a peaceful struggle, taking place in the form of a dialogue; its possible results in the RMDSZ are a crystallizing of the political struc-tures on the one hand, and the emergcnce of nonpolitical blocs on the other. In my opinion, this process is already beyond the point where it still endangered the existence of the RMDSZ, a uniting organization of interest repre-sentation. Local autonomy (within the organization) makcs it possible for the membership to decide which of the two forms of activity it prefers.

[Olah] Does the membership need leadership—and leaders?

[Kolumban] My dilemma is that both the membership and perhaps the present political and social situation require authoritarian leadership. But how could a leader be authoritarian if he hates power and all forms of dictatorial leadership? I recognize that a leader with initiative and a consistent, almost aggressive stance is needed in this period, but I also see the dangers of the direction in which a membership that has such leaders for a long time can progress. Public life must progress in a direction in which one can outgrow as soon as possible the reflexes inherited from the previous regime and dcveloped by paternalism and in which one can make use of the freedom that one does indeed have.

Chief Prosecutor Urges Gradual Change

91CH0470B Budapest NEPSZABADSAG in Hungarian 13 Mar 91 p 4

[Interview with chief prosecutor Dr. Kalman Gyorgyi by Andras Sereg; place and datę not given: “Conversation With Chief Prosecutor: Change of Regime Cannot Be Assigned Specific Datę”—first paragraph is NEPZA-BADSAG introduction]

[Text] Last June the parliament chose Dr. Kalman Gyorgyi as chief prosecutor of the Hungarian Republic. Since then nine months have elapsed.

[Sereg] Are you sorry that you accepted the job?

[Gyorgyi] Not at all. I thought I could do a lot in this area to turn Hungary into a constitutional State, and I still feel that way today.

[Sereg] Nowadays morę and morę people are demanding that the criminals of the previous regime, all those whose deeds werc winked at by the authorities, be called to account. Some say this is a task for the office of the chief prosecutor. What is your opinion?

[Gyorgyi] Look, the office of the chief prosecutor is an administrative agency, which means that its function is to uphold and enforce the laws. At the same time, it has no power to rule on individual cases. Its primary task is to see to it that other officials make decisions in accor-dance with the rules of law. It is not inconsequential that Hungarian society is currently undergoing a transforma-tion. The change of regime cannot be assigned a datę on the calendar. In my opinion, the legał system and the State organization can only bc rcshapcd step by step. Problems will crop up, of course. What bothers me is that even though the goal of the transformation is elear, we do not agree on the way to achieve it. In fact, it is still undecided which path we should follow. As far as changing the legał system is concerned, we must struggle with an enormous number of inconsistencies. At the same time, there are in effect, rules of law that were enacted uninterruptedly at various periods and that espouse often contradictory concepts. If we overstep our province, we could come into conflict with the constitu-tion. So my answer to your question is that a solution to these dilemmas exceeds the chief prosecutofs scope of authority.

[Sereg] Is there a solution?

[Gyorgyi] Today Pm afraid that questions conceming the judgment of history cannot be answered by applying the law. It is the National Assembly^łs task to enact laws whose enforcement will be in agreement with the over-whelming majority of society.

[Sereg] Aside from this, is political pressure on the office of the chief prosecutor inereasing?

[Gyorgyi] I would like to State categorically that the office of the chief prosecutor is an agency whose employees are not allowed to join political parties or pursue any political activity. On the other hand, the chief prosecutor cannot be guided by political considerations in deciding legał issues. I really mean that.

[Sereg] However, intentionally or not, the law can clash with, or serve political interests.

[Gyorgyi] Because the law pertains to human relations, political interests can be affccted, of course. Accordingly, the chief prosecutoris acts and failures to act may have political effects, but the latter derive from honest efforts to enforce the law. In our changing society, these efforts must be toleratcd by the chief prosecutor.

[Sereg] Do you find it inconceivable that the office of the chief prosecutor might be used as a political tool?

[Gyorgyi] There are numerous examples from the past that serve as warnings. Today the situation is radically different. The current constitutional role of the chief prosecutor offers adequate legał protection against any such efforts. The professionalism and morał standards of the prosecutors amount to a human safeguard.

[Sereg] A week ago in the parliament you were asked a question, the essence of which was whether those who