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Saila Kumar Ghosh, Colonial Modernization and Gandhi (Calcutta: Papyrus),
2008, pp. 296
A. Raghuramaraju
Indian Economic Social History Review 2010 47: 261
DOI: 10.1177/001946461004700205
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Book Reviews
SAILA KUMAR GHOSH, Colonial Modernization and Gandhi (Calcutta: Papyrus),
2008, pp. 296.
GOPALKRISHNA GANDHI, ed., Gandhi is Gone: Who will Guide Us Now Nehru,
Prasad, Azad, Vinoba, Kriplani, JP and Others Introspect, Sevagram March
1948 (Ranikhet: Permanent Black), 2008, pp. 107.
The first book tries to reopen the existing closers in reading colonial modernisation
in India. Ghosh brilliantly identifies several gaps, limitations and even defects in
the existing works on nationalism by liberals and Marxists both in the west and in
India. As if to further thicken the plot, he brings into the centrestage those areas
that dangle outside these theoretical frameworks. He locates Gandhian  emergence
in the  political and social movements of India that has  unquestionably mediated
the style and value of the Indian national movement. This specificity is ignored
by many as they tend to subsume the developments in India under the over-all
theoretical framework of the West. Indian communists, though they had some
significant advantages, nevertheless made the same mistake.
Amidst the density of details deployed by Ghosh lies the key to his plot, namely,
his delineating the variation between modernisation in the west and in India. He
declares this at the outset in the introduction when he says that modernisation
operated  slowly in the west; however, in India it is  faster and more  complex .
This sensitivity to the time dimension prevails over the entire text and changes
the colour of argumentation. The reasons for this are many. Some of them that he
chooses to discuss are: limitations in the theories of modernisation; some indomit-
able variations in colonial modernisation; certain cultural specificities of Indian
society; and the remarkable novelty that Gandhian intervention brought into the
political discourse. Using this as a background, Ghosh seeks to develop a  broad
theoretical framework of political modernization in India and to evaluate the con-
tribution of Gandhi from that perspective .
The next chapter lists questions raised around the traditional approaches to
nationalism both within and outside the west. In this context the author suggests
The Indian Economic and Social History Review, 47, 2 (2010): 261 89
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DOI: 10.1177/001946461004700205
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262 / The Indian Economic and Social History Review, 47, 2 (2010): 261 89
the compelling need to have a dialectical relation between theory and empirical
reality in theory-building, which would have facilitated a meaningful study of
Gandhi. Chapter III discusses the limitations in the application of these modern
theories in understanding Indian modernisation, particularly in their assessment
of Gandhi. The next chapter turns its attention to the reading of modernisation
and colonialism by Marxist tradition. While acknowledging certain advantages
this tradition has over theories of modernisation discussed above, particularly
their reading of social developments, Ghosh however demonstrates how they too
failed to figure out the different nature of colonial modernisation. The failure is
attributed to the limitations in theory and also to Marx s use of secondary sources
on India. Chapter V focuses on discussing Soviet and Indian communist under-
standings of Gandhi. It points out the serious inadequacies in this understanding.
The next three chapters embark on elucidating the inimitable character of Gandhian
intervention in  evolving strategies of directing all sectional grievances against
colonial state (p. 212); his ability to mediate between various groups and forces
which Ghosh characterises as  inclusive style of leadership ; his theory of education
which helped in bridging the  gap between the elite and the masses (p. 266). The
concluding chapter returns to the key theme of the book, namely, the variation
between modernisation in the west and in India.
The task of the book is challenging, several resources discussed are extensive
and useful, and the conclusions drawn are interesting, though the nature of argu-
mentation could have been more nuanced.
The second book undertakes the task of consolidating the Gandhian spirit after
his death and deliberates on the need to formalise an institution to further his
philosophy. Six weeks after the assassination of Gandhi, at Sevagram  few men
and women who were close to the Mahatma gathered. This included amongst others
Nehru, Prasad, Azad, Vinoba, Kripalani, J.P., Kumarappa, Mridula and Sarlaben,
to discuss about the future plans that would fill the void created by the absence of
Gandhi. This significant meeting was reminiscent of the meeting of Buddha s
disciples after his death, or Christ (recalled by Kumarappa), or Ramakrishna
paramahansa. They discussed ways of mediating between the indomitable life of
a great soul and the absence created by his death, more importantly to deliberate
on how to bring life into the world view of the deceased. The task was torrential
and the mood was heavy. The volume is an historical document of the immense
importance of understanding the serious but subtle transformation surrounding
the new nation. The seriousness almost makes the deliberations seem like a well
written play, the heaviness makes the participants say only those things that are
compellingly necessary, and more importantly makes them listen with rapt atten-
tion to others. The arrival of Nehru on the third day brings new dimensions to the
deliberations. Let me discuss the details of the deliberations to understand better
these new dimensions.
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Book Reviews / 263
The bewildered, sad and shocked associates of Gandhi gather without him in a
meeting which was initially planned by Gandhi himself. Before the arrival of
Nehru the discussion centred on the need to  educate people in the  doctrine of
ahimsa : the practice of ahimsa should not be in the mode of contemplative inaction
by individual believers which was not the method envisaged by Bapu. Rather it
must be situated amongst the people. In this context several of them indicted the
use of violence by the state like the use of violence by Morarji Desai and in the
case of tackling the Kashmir question. An interesting feature of this discussion is
that they focused more on the internal defects rather than blaming the RSS. Both
ahimsa and their inward search were characteristic features of Bapu but he was
not there and  no single person can take his place. So they explored the possibility
of forming an organisation called Sarvodaya Samaj to fill the void as a second
best alternative.
Vinoba who was apprehensive about the very idea of any institutions, however,
reluctantly agreed to the proposal. The other major issue that came up for discussion
was the rise of communalism, the refugee problem, food scarcity and the need to
combat it seriously and immediately through a Gandhian method.
With the arrival of Nehru there was an interesting twist to the priorities before
them. He argued and almost convinced them to accept what the government was
doing, which they had earlier considered as going against Bapu s principles. On
the surface of it his proposals seemed anti-Gandhian, but they could also be read
as active-Gandhian. The latter gains credence as Gandhi was known at least at
times for changing his views if the situation called for it. There was an interesting
mature flexibility behind his determined personality. Nehru argues how khadi
was a secondary problem, the primary ones being communalism, the refugee prob-
lem, poverty, political and economic centralisation. He convinced the others of
how some of these issues in fact constituted the fundamental core whereas khadi
and other issues were mere symbolic. Interestingly, even Vinoba was convinced,
admitting that Nehru s  problems are real ones . This is clear when he says to him
that  we are yours and you are ours. Your difficulties are our difficulties .... What
do you want from us? You must lead the way; or you give the command, for us to
act upon.... (p. 66).
This is an important historical document to understand significant changes in
the post-independent Indian historiography. The editor has done fine work in
bringing out this volume.
While Ghosh s book makes a case for opening existing theories to recognise
Gandhi s contribution in shaping colonial modernisation differently in India,
Gopalkrishna Gandhi s volume captures the moves to consolidate the principles
of Bapu by his close associates. Both books are useful additions to the Gandhiana.
A. Raghuramaraju
Department of Philosophy, University of Hyderabad
The Indian Economic and Social History Review, 47, 2 (2010): 261 89
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