THE POLICE AND HOW THEY ARE PERCEIVED BY THE PUBLIC
Read the following and decide whether they sound plausible:
Simon Harwood, a van driver in the Metropolitan Police's Territorial Support Group said at the inquest of Ian Tomlinson, who had died during a G20 protest in London in 2009, that he believed, two weeks after the event, that he had fallen to the floor, lost his baton, received a blow to the head and was involved in violent and dangerous confrontations.
John Yates, Acting Deputy Commissioner of the Metropolitan Police, told a parliamentary committee that there was no evidence that MPs' phones had been hacked by journalists working for the News of the World; that the Crown Prosecution Service had given the police "unequivocal" advice that the paper had committed an offence only if it picked up messages before its victims did; that the police had contacted everyone targeted by the paper; and that the police had ensured that the phone companies had warned all the suspected victims.
Sir Ian Blair, Commissioner of the Metropolitan Police, claimed that Jean Charles De Menezes "was challenged and refused to obey police instructions". A police statement said that his clothing and behaviour gave grounds for suspicion, suggesting that he was wearing a heavy jacket, that he fled from the officers when he was challenged and that he vaulted over the ticket barrier into Stockwell underground station.
And now read the following report before discussing your reactions:
“In August 2008 Michael Doherty, who lives in Hillingdon, discovered a long series of messages exchanged by his 13-year-old daughter with someone who appeared as if he might be grooming her. The messages were sexually explicit. At one point the person proposed staging a kidnap and whisking her away. Doherty went to the police. He presented them with an 86-page dossier. When he wasn't satisfied with the action being taken, he phoned Hillingdon police station five times to try to speak to a senior officer to complain, and to find out why, in his view, the investigation seemed to have stalled. Then a series of remarkable things happened.
Two plainclothes officers arrived at Doherty's house at seven in the morning, when he was feeding his baby, to arrest him. Among other charges, the police claimed that he had been harassing the Commander's secretary. She had produced a witness statement in which, she said, he had phoned 10 times in two days, that he was "raging", "abusive", "rude and aggressive". Doherty offered to get dressed and then present himself at the station - but the officers, after threatening to smash down the door, handcuffed him and dragged him out of the house in his dressing gown.
At the same time the police dropped the grooming investigation. They hadn't looked at his daughter's computer. A note by a detective inspector at the Hillingdon station later justified this decision by maintaining that "there is no evidence of a crime capable of proof". Doherty believes that this conclusion could not be supported without examining the computer; the police maintain that they have established that the correspondent was only 15, had met Doherty's daughter, and was who he said he was.
Doherty had proof that the calls he had made were not rude, abusive, raging or aggressive: he had recorded them. I have listened to the recordings: he remains patient and polite - remarkably controlled for someone faced with alleged police indifference to what was happening to his daughter. The police failed to pass these recordings to the Crown Prosecution Service, so off to court he went. There, though she had signed a legal witness statement, the secretary admitted that her recollection of the calls was hazy, and he was acquitted; but had he not recorded them, and meticulously documented everything else that happened, he might have been convicted.
Having failed to interest the crown prosecutors, Michael Doherty is about to launch a private prosecution for alleged perjury. It's the last hope he has of holding anyone to account.
Justice is impossible if we cannot trust police forces to tell the truth. The remedy I'm about to propose should not be difficult for any government to adopt. It offers, I think, the only chance we have of addressing what seems to be an endemic problem: anyone who works for the police and is found to have made false statements - to the prosecution, the defence, the courts, parliament, public inquiries or the media - should be sacked. No excuses, no mitigation, no delays. It sounds harsh; it's not nearly as harsh as a system in which the police malign both the living and the dead, and use the law against innocent people in order to protect themselves.
So back to the initial statements:
Simon Harwood later admitted that, though he had made these claims in a signed statement, none of it happened. In fact the police claimed, for example, that officers tried to resuscitate Ian Tomlinson and called an ambulance while a screaming mob pelted them with bottles. In reality, demonstrators helped him and called an ambulance, and there was no hail of bottles. If it had not been for the fact that a New York investment fund manager Chris La Jaunie had shot crucial video footage of the incident the falsehoods might not have come to light.
A Scotland Yard briefing paper shows that "a vast number" of people had their phones hacked, including at least eight MPs. The Director of Public Prosecutions has testified that the claims Yates made about CPS advice are false. There are plenty of victims who have not been contacted by the police, and the phone companies say that the police didn't ask them to contact their customers.
Jean Charles De Menezes was shot seven times in the head and once in the shoulder while on an underground train in Stockwell station in 2005 not long after the terrorist attacks in London. However, further reports and CCTV evidence show he was acting perfectly normally, unaware that he had been followed by the police from is flat in Brixton, and only ran at the last minute to catch his train. He was shot at point blank range having been mistakenly identified as Hussain Osman who was suspected of having placed a faulty or mock explosive in a train.
Similarly misleading stories surrounded the killings of Kevin Gately, a Maths student from Warwick University killed by a blow to the head in a demonstration in 1974, though whether the poice were involved was never proved, Blair Peach, a New Zealand-born teacher killed in a protest against the National Front in 1979 most probably by an elite squad officer, and Shiji Lapite, a Nigerian asylum seeker who died in 1994 in police custody, possibly from numerous injuries to the head and asphyxiation,. These are not the only examples although it is rarely felt justice has been achieved, with the police `getting away with it'. The problem appears systemic and widespread: we can't trust the police to tell the truth.