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it is possible that in Radogość Svarożic was accompanied by a goddess of military function. The deities whose effigies were kept inside the tempie were not identical with those engraved at the exterior wali. The latter, called “gods and goddesses” by Thiettnar, seem rather minor deities worshiped as a group not as individuals or perhaps images of heroes or ancestors.

In the tempie the military banners were kept. Two of them (both with an image of a goddess) are mentioned in the description of the Emperor’s struggles with Boleslaus the Brave, in which the former was reinforced by the Lutizens. One banner was assaulted, another one, according to Thietmar (VII, 64), drowned in the high waters of the Mulda River with a superb squad of 50 warriors. It seems that in Radogość, like in Arcona, the priests had at their disposal special troops that fought under gods’ emblems.

The tempie had a treasury. Thietmar does not mention it directly, but says that the Lutizens, coming back from a successful campaign, left “due gifts” in Radogość. Such formulation points to their institutionalized char-acter. The gods, believed to lead the Lutizens to victory, had their share of the spoils. Probably the treasury profited from confiscating the property of those who opposed the decisions of the counselling meeting and from punishing them with fines. Significant sums might have been acąuired from foreigners. Thietmar’s remark that the Lutizens can be easily bribed to break a swom treaty seem to indicate that Henry II paid handsomely for the alliance with Radogość.

The description of the oracie does not differ from Saxo Grammaticus’$ relation about divination in Arcona (Słupecki, 1991c). The god’s medium was a horse, but we do not know its colour. As it belonged to Svaroiic, the god of fire and son of the god of the sun, we can suppose that it was white, because white horse is attributed to solar deities (Widengren, 1965, p. 128). It is another Slavonic public oracie deciding about state affairs, war and peace. As Saxo Grammaticus did not draw from Thietmar’s chronicie, the descriptions of oracles in Arcona and in Radogość independently document Slavonic divination practices.

Adam of Bremen*s description of Radogość differs from Thietmar’s one in so many points that serious doubts arose whether they referred to the same sanctuary. It seems highly improbable, however, that the Redars had at roughly the same time two eąually famous shrines, one of which was called Riedegost, and in the other Radogost was worshiped. According to Thietmar, the tempie is situated in a stronghold near the water, while in Adam of Bremen’s chronicie Rethra is completely surrounded with water, so it stands on an island to which a wooden bridge leads. These details are rather trustworthy as many strongholds in Polabia were located in this way, and in bridge construction the Slavs reached perfection rare in the then Europę (Schuldt, 1988, p. 57-60). The information that “passage [through the bridge] is allowed only to those who bring offerings or come for divina-tion” cannot be questioned either.

It seems, however, that it is not the place described by Thietmar. J. Herrmann (1972, p. 34) supposes that the solution of the puzzle lies in the events of the dvil war of 1057 or defeats from the years 1068-1069. It is possible that after the destruction of the old tempie situated near the water, the new one was built in an island, a place morc suitable for defense. In such a turbulent period admitting only few visitors coming to the oracie into the stronghold had a practical, not only religious sense. We know examples of strongholds in which entrance bridges were blocked with guardhouses (Schuldt, 1971, p. 264; 1985, p. 65). A stronghold in an island cannot have had nine gates mentioned by Adam of Bremen, who seems to have been showing off as an erudite at this point, because the nine gates correspond to the nine circles of Styx from the linę of Vergil’s Eneid that he ąuotes (R. Schmidt, 1974, p. 381-384).

As far as the details of cult are concemed, the sources describe, apart from the oracie, the offering ceremonies, showing them in rather distorted proportions. Thietmar writes that “[they] appease the silent anger of gods by sacrificing people and cattle.” The human offerings are renowned, while the others enigmatic. Adam of Bremen’s narration about the martyrdom of two monks suggests that their fate was decided bu the counselling assembly. Thietmar, on the other hand, says that the priests “eagerly inquire what should be offered to the gods.” The object of oblation was not the whole human body, but fust of all the head'. the two monks were beheaded, bishop John’s body was neglected and only the head impaled onto a spear was offered to Radogost. According to Bruno of Querfurt, it was exactly the way offerings to Svarożic were madę. The same sacrifice ritual is imputed to the Slavs in bishop Adelgot’s letter (Labuda, 1960-1975, vol. 3, p. 233-269; cf. Rehfeld, 1942, p. 39-45). The head as an object of offering and valued war trophy, is a common motive (von Amira, 1922, p. 207-213). Among Indo-Europeans it was especially important in Celtic culture (Schlett, 1987, p. 126): Irish heroes took pride in necklaces of enemies’ heads. The offering madę of bishop John’s head followed the principle written down by Thietmar before 1018 that after a war the Lutizens “eagerly inąuire what should be offered to the gods.” It was probably an important element of victory celebrations after abandoning Christianity by the Abodrites. The sources mention both thanksgiving and precipitating sacrifices.

Thietmar stressed the role of the priests, pointing to the fact that only they were entitled to seat during offerings. We can suppose that the tempie had its own warriors and a treasury at disposal. It is evident that the domination of Radogość and the tribes dosest to the tempie, i.e. the Redars and Tolensans, caused disintegration of the Lutizen Union in 1057. No Priest is, however, mentioned by name. It is not a coincidence that the Emperor’s allies in the war with Boleslaus the Brave remained anonymous in documents.

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