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Clearly tlie high pay ofTered to sonie 13th-century crossbowmen was dependent upon tlieir attaining a certain level of skill. In generał, tlici e is evidence of an overa!l rise in military salaries in the 13th cenlnry, particularly in the lich city-states. Wages naturally increased in tinies of crisis. In 1282 King Charles of Naples offered twelve gold tari a month (a handsome sum) to crossbowmen and spearmen, while elsewhere pay appeared morę modest. In 1260 the Florentine army gave three shillings a day to crossbowmen, two shillings and eiglit pence to ordinary archers, two shillings and six pence to pavesnri, two shillings to ordinary infantry, and a mere shilling to sappers or pioneers. Such figures considered on tlieir own appear almost meaningless, but do proeide a useful indication of comparative pay-rates. Almost everywhere crossbowmen were paid morę than pcwesań, while cavalry received considerably morę than botli of tliese. For example, during the war between Florence and Pistoia in 1302, horsemen received nine florins a month, while the crossbowmen were paid only one florin, despite being described as ‘specialists’. Garrison duty on an exposed frontier could guarantee an increase in pay, while service in dangerous wooden battifolle to wers during a siege miglit result in a bonus.

Ofiicers were naturally paid morę than tlieir men: in Piedmont in 1286 a crossbowman received three florins a month, rising to four by 1288, whereas a captain of crossbowmen in 1266 already receieed five florins monthly. Elsewhere, sun ieing plans drawn up for an early-14th-cemury crusade suggest tliat knights should receive four tinies the pay of a crossbowman. In peacetime the constabli of Florence were given 40 soldi per month, while tlieir men received only 25: in time of war, this was increased to six and three florins respectively. The rewards that a ‘master crossbowman’ could expect were higher still: by the late-14th cen tury, tlieir pay was sometimes higher than that of a cuirass-maker.

Other useful sources of income were booty (of special import on naval expeditions) and the ransom extracted from captured enemies. We know for example that at Yercelli in 1232, 20 soldi were offered for cavalry prisoners, and 15 for infantry. We also know that in 1318 the Sienese militia rioted because they were stopped from sacking Massa following its surrender, which goes to showjust how strongly the troops felt about this.

Goeernments, not surprisingly, often encouraged these income supplements, sińce military expen-diture could consume over a third of the State’s revenues. But money was not the only moti-vation: religion also played a part. For example Ghibelline opposition to the Pope and his Guelf supporters was to sonie extent a rejection of the Papacy’s authority, particularly his claim to temporal authority. Similarly, those fighung in support of the Pope during the Italian crusades often wore crosses sewn to the left shoulder. Many Italians though found these so-called crusades dis-tasteful, and the friars preaching them had to be protected by military escorts.

However, loyalty to the local city-state was by far the strongest motiration to fight. According to

Detail from Ambroglio Lorenzetti’s 1338-39 allegorical wall-painting representing ‘Good Government in the Country', showing hunting with crossbows. {In situ, Palazzo Pubblico, Siena)

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