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��Studies in Ethnicity and Nationalism: Vol. 10, No. 2, 2010 Di�erent Shadesof Blue: Gay Men and Nationalist Discourse in Mongolia Franck Bill� University of Cambridge Abstract The article seeks to challenge the implicit equation made between national autonomy and personal freedom. Post-socialist Mongolian identity, articulated on a notion of resistance against Chinese territorial and biological encroachment, is accompanied by an explicit, often violent, anti-Chinese discourse. This resistance against an external enemy also has a centripetal effect on Mongolian society, and contemporary notions of Mongolianness tend to congeal into a homogenised identity that leaves little space for personal reinterpretations. For those whose voices are not heard, such as Mongolian women and gay men, freedom to be ethnic can be far from liberating. The data I present in this article suggest that, while it is routinely depicted as the main danger against which to rally, China can, for some people, open up spaces of opportunity and liberty unattainable to them within Mongolia. Wedged between Russia and China, Mongols have navigated a narrow political path throughout modern history; much of their limited political power has consisted in playing one giant against the other. During the Socialist period (1921 1990), Mongols saw their culture attacked by harsh and at times violent political and cultural policies: temples were destroyed, lamas and intellectuals assassinated, and the traditional script was eliminated in favour of Cyrillic. But on the whole, Mongols argue, it was a positive experience: without Russia, Mongolia would not have been able to retain its independence and would have become part Franck Bill� is a Ph.D. candidate in the Department of Social Anthropology, University of Cambridge, and a member of the Mongolia and Inner Asia Research Unit (MIASU), Cambridge. His research interests include identity politics, gender, race, linguistics, and psychoanalysis. He holds a degree in Russian and Arabic from the University of Westminster and an M.A. in Chinese Studies from the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS), University of London. He has published Faced with Extinction: Myths and Urban Legends in Contemporary Mongolia (Cambridge Anthropology, 2008) and Cooking the Mongols/Feeding the Han: Dietary and Ethnic Intersections in Inner Mongolia (Inner Asia, 2009). 187 Franck Bill�: Different Shades of Blue: Gay Men and Nationalist Discourse in Mongolia of China. This discourse of independence articulated on the China threat has an old genealogy and remained a recurrent theme throughout the Socialist period. The doctrine of the lesser evil (Wheeler 1960:41 42) employed throughout the Communist East painted Mongolia s Asian neighbours (predominantly but not exclusively China) as dangerous actors against which Russian presence and support were required. Far from abating, the end of the Socialist period was not accompanied by a change in attitudes. On the contrary, the disappearance in the early 1990s of the role of protector played by Russia throughout most of the twentieth century saw an intensification of China-related anxieties. As I have discussed in depth elsewhere (Bill� 2008), contemporary nationalist discourse in Mongolia continues to focus on an impending Chinese threat. The Chinese government is widely rumoured to be plotting a takeover of the country: it is suspected, for example, of trying to exterminate the Mongols with poisoned food, of diluting the gene pool by sponsoring Chinese men to father half-breed (erliiz) children in Mongolia, of spiriting homeless children out of the country for the organ trade, and of carrying syringes with blood containing the AIDS virus. It is believed that in order for Mongolia to survive as an independent and modern nation, the Chinese need to be kept out of involvement with Mongolia and particularly with the (female) bodies of its citizens. In the media as well as in discussions, these anti-Chinese sentiments are explicit and often violent. Occasional graffiti on the walls of buildings in Ulaanbaatar sanction violence against the Chinese, including murder.1 A popular hip-hop song by the band D�rv�n Z�g entitled B�� davar hujaa naraa ( Don t push it, you Chinks ) explicitly encourages it: Call the Chinese over and kill them all, boom boom. Mongolian writer Erdembileg (2007) has pointed out that the figure of the Chinese in the Mongolian media is akin to that of the ogre in tales, employed to scare children into obedience. Native anthropologist Uradyn Bulag (1998:37) has convincingly argued that the Mongols have come to craft an identity that is defined largely in an oppositional mode against the Chinese. A similar claim was advanced by Almaz Khan (1996:260), who contends that it was only in the eighteenth century, when Mongols found their cultural traditions threatened and stigmatised by Han ethnocentrism and ethnic chauvinism, that a sense of Mongol ethnic identity began to emerge and develop. Throughout the Socialist period the China threat was a card skilfully played by Moscow, and in the 1990s accusations of having Chinese parentage was a strategy occasionally used to discredit politicians. However, anti-Chinese discourse in Mongolia cannot be solely ascribed to political games, and the pervasiveness of these sentiments has a number of social and psychological underpinnings. The association of negative social phenomena such as poverty, ill health, and corruption with China an external actor largely absent in living history2 conceals other influences, both foreign and domestic, downplaying in particular the prevalent role played by Russia in Mongolian affairs for most of the twentieth century. At the same time, portraying Mongolia as a historical lure for China tends to elicit a certain national and ethnic narcissism,3 as well as magnifying the significance of Mongolia on the international stage. 188 Studies in Ethnicity and Nationalism: Vol. 10, No. 2, 2010 Mongols tend to show less political correctness and to be more overt about their xenophobic sentiments than people in Europe or America. Anthropologists working on Mongolia are therefore aware of these discourses but have been often disinclined to address them. %i&ek (2005:156) has drawn attention to the double standards witnessed in discussions of ethnicity, highlighting the disconnect between our reluctance to engage with affirmations of our own autochthonous traditions and our willingness to accept and even celebrate those of others. This particular issue was also examined by Dale (1986) in his discussion of Japanese forms of racism. For him, our lack of moral stance on the xenophobia of others is rooted in the fear of being ethnocentric: Remaining ignorant of others is to be preferred to inadvertently misunderstanding them; better to lapse into a passive silence than to imprison and contort the sacred alterity of the Orient within the conventional framework of Western knowledge (Dale 1986:4). Afraid of being ethnocentric and of blindly applying a set of moral values to the societies we study, we tend to look for extenuating circumstances whenever we are confronted with certain unpalatable discourses: the Chinese are indeed powerful and the Mongols are understandably worried about the preservation of their way of life. But what such rationalisations do is bolster the implicit assumption that ethnicity constitutes the principal identity system that people find meaningful,4 as well as the equation that is unproblematically made between political and personal goals and values. The actual, discursive, and symbolic violence witnessed in Mongolia and directed at the Chinese also has a centripetal effect on Mongolian society to the extent that it enforces homogenisation. The rallying calls for collective resistance defined in ethnic terms beg the question: Whose way of life is being preserved and whose values? Or, as Butler and Spivak (2007) have phrased it, who sings the nation-state? Current Mongolian identity discourse hinges on the idea of impeding encroachment by China and is therefore articulated on the notion of resistance. Mongolian nationalist discourses posit a Mongolian identity en- trenched in a traditional nomadic lifestyle and look to the deep past for authenticity (Humphrey 1992). As a result, Mongolianness tends to congeal into an essentialised identity, leaving little space for personal reinterpretations. Descriptions can easily turn into ascriptions, and ways of being Mongolian can become constricted; but the most important restriction is perhaps the very assumption that ethnicity itself is liberating and that it takes precedence over other forms of identity. This can be especially problematic for individuals who have a lesser voice in these ethnic definitions of Mongolianness, such as sexual dissidents or women. For them, voicing an alternative mode of Mongolian identity constitutes a form of resistance against resistance that is coded as unpatriotic and possibly even treasonous. A quote from a recent novel by Ir�ne N�mirovsky opens Jacqueline Rose s book The Last Resistance (2007). The heroine expresses her reluctance to forego personal freedoms in the name of a collective identity, as well as her desire to enter into a relationship with a German soldier: I d rather feel free inside to choose my own path, never to waver, not to follow the swarm. I hate this community spirit they go on and on about (quoted in Rose 2007:1). This article will focus on such acts of dissidence. In particular, I will examine the social and political restrictions imposed on a rarely studied group Mongolian 189 Franck Bill�: Different Shades of Blue: Gay Men and Nationalist Discourse in Mongolia gay men. As men, they enjoy considerably more freedom to enter into romantic and sexual relations with non-Mongols than do women, but as gay men, their intimate aspirations do not dovetail with the national interpretation of masculinity. However, this article will not be about the Mongolian construction of homo- sexuality, either as an external discourse or as a form of self-identification. The chief question this article will seek to address is what happens when the forces mobilised in defence of national independence and in the name of social cohesion against an external enemy begin feeling restrictive to a number of a nation s citizens. The Mongolian discourse of resistance against China articulates on a number of assumptions, including how the Chinese are imagined to be and the specific Mongol qualities that are worth preserving and fighting for. What interests me here is specifically the positioning of sexual dissidents vis-�-vis a traditional enemy such as China. For Mongols, China is routinely depicted as the main danger against which to rally; however, I suggest that Mongolia s southern neighbour is not necessarily perceived as such by all Mongols, and that for at least some, China may open up spaces of potentiality and liberty unattainable to them within Mongolia. National Morality and Internal Violence The definition given by Freud (1959 [1921]) for the process of group formation, namely a process whereby a number of individuals set one and the same object in the place of their I ideal , is one that can also be useful to understand national and ethnic loyalties. For Freud, the group is not merely a process of exclusion keeping the Other at bay; it is simultaneously the surrender of the individualities of the group s members, an interruption of the subject . As psychologist Frosh (2008:191) argues, while such a group disruption of the subject s fantasy of autonomy may be productive, the idea that it is always experienced as liberating is clearly wrong. At times, there can be nothing worse than finding oneself in a group, surrounded by other people who seem persecutory, threatening, damaging to one s precarious health . Anthropologist Tapper (1999) has discussed these issues of personal sacrifice for the greater good in reference to sickle cell anaemia. Narratives and discourses in the U.S. media on this topic have emphasised the duties of socially responsible individuals in not transmitting the condition to future generations and urging people to give up a potential mate if necessary. But as he points out, although this strategy is to be applied by individuals, it is not meant to improve conditions within the sphere of the self, but rather to positively affect entire families and communities (Tapper 1999:100). In Mongolia, because the construction of ethnicity is articulated on the idea of impending extinction (see Bill� 2008), choice of marriage/sexual partners takes on a strong political dimension and tends to follow a binary logic either the choice is patriotic and in the interest of the group or it is an act of treason.5 This is the case in particular for certain groups in Mongolia, such as women who choose not to conform to the gendered codes of behaviour and enter into relationships with Chinese men. These expectations, however, are very much one-sided. An important part of my fieldwork research 190 Studies in Ethnicity and Nationalism: Vol. 10, No. 2, 2010 has consisted of monitoring media discourse about Sino-Mongolian relations. While stories of Mongolian women having relations with Chinese men were very common, I never came across the reverse.6 Unfailingly, these stories were narrated as cautionary tales in which innocent (and/or selfish) women entered into relations with or married Chinese men to later find themselves in nightmarish situations. As is often the case with nationalist discourses, the responsibility of the future of the group as a biological entity rests with women, and their conduct is thus subject to strict social policing. In August 2007, the nationalist group Dayar Mongol issued a statement warning that they would shave off the hair of women having sexual relations with Chinese men (Jargal 2007; Nyam-�lzii 2007). An article published the following month in the tabloid Mash Nuuts ( Top Secret ) (2007) argues that while such warnings may seem brutal and violent (hargis, hertsgii), the fault does not rest with the nationalists but with Mongolian girls who have over-enjoyed their freedom (erh ch�l��g hetr��len ashiglahdaa garshsan). While not always expressed as forcefully, my interviews with informants and fieldwork data generally corroborated this general position: Mongolian women are seen as having a social responsibility that they are expected to prioritise over personal desires. The Mongols right to protect their traditional way of life and culture demands sacrifices, but these sacrifices are not exacted equally from all. The differential between which group is expected to be socially responsible and who has the power to define these responsibilities highlights the gendered power structure under- girding the community: Nationalisms turn the control of women, their bodies, and their sexuality into a matter of national importance by defining patriarchy as the core of national identity (Tumursukh 2001:122). While some women in Mongolia vocally support nationalist views in urging other women not to betray the nation , many do not. A large contingent of Mongolian women is actively looking for a foreign husband in order to find an easier life abroad. A number of introduction agencies in Ulaanbaatar cater specially to them. The largest facilitates contacts between Mongolian women and men from Japan, Korea, Western Europe, and the United States; two other agencies focus specifically on introductions to Korean men.7 Nationalism, however, is not just a gendered and sexist practice; it is also strongly heteronormative. The figure of the soldier, just like that of the fallen hero, is not easily reconciled with a homosexual identity.8 Butler (2004:34 35) has highlighted the belated (and selective) public recognition of the families of gay victims of 9/11, thereby illustrating U.S. society s perception of a misalignment of the homosexual with the group as well as with its explicit/implicit claims. In a similar vein, Ventrone (2005) has argued that, particularly in periods of perceived imminent danger,9 the criminalisation of homosexuality constitutes an attempt to regulate and channel non-reproductive sexual practices. Homosexuality thus appears as a meaningless waste of precious energy which, instead of contributing to enriching and strengthening the nation, [is] geared towards mere personal pleasure (Ventrone 2005:15). This reading parallels that of Freud who, as mentioned previously, saw the formation of a group as a relinquishment of autonomy by its members by binding their libidinal investments (Frosh 2008:186).10 191 Franck Bill�: Different Shades of Blue: Gay Men and Nationalist Discourse in Mongolia Especially in contexts where the state concerns itself with the sexuality of its citizens, sexual difference can be equivalent to sexual dissidence. This is particularly true of homosexuals who are discursively saturated with sexuality, thereby rendering precarious their inclusion into a nation defined as a communal enterprise where libidinal interests are to be harnessed and sublimated (see Bernstein 2007:132; Starks 2008:188). Deviance from national ideas/ideals constitutes a political act that is routinely subject to legal punishment and/or medicalisation.11 Sexual Dissidence Homosexuality in Mongolia is a taboo and largely unknown subject. Despite its lack of associations with religious notions of sin like in Christian and Muslim cultures, it is perceived very negatively. It is not clear whether this was also the case in pre-revolutionary Mongolia or whether the current attitudes reflect values inculcated during the Socialist period. Allegedly, the eighth Jebtsundamba Buddhist reincarnation (hutagt) was bisexual, and this seems to have shocked Western travellers and missionaries more than it did the locals (Bawden 1968:165 66; Lattimore 1962:211). In post-Socialist Mongolia, nationalist discourse looks back to the time of Chingis Khan to the deep past (Humphrey 1992), that is, a past unadulterated by foreign influences and reflective of a golden era of cultural and political accomplishments. As is well-known, Chingis Khan s legal text, the Ih Zasag Huul , condemned homosexuals to death. The rationale, uncannily reminiscent of contemporary ethnic policies and positions, was articulated on the notion of survival. It is unlikely that the negativity associated with homosexuality in contemporary Mongolia is directly attributable to Chingis stance on the issue, but it provides a rationalisation of social opprobrium to the extent that Chingis Khan has come to stand as the touchstone of Mongolian cultural authenticity. It is also important to note that Mongolian society attaches a great deal of social capital to (hyper)masculinity, namely strong resilient bodies, wrestling, and the capacity to drink alcohol. The Mongolian summer festival of Naadam (also known as the three manly games eriin gurvan naadam), the customs of which articulates precisely on virile qualities of strength and endurance, is a particularly good illustration of this cultural inclination. Further, as Hamayon (1979:122) has noted, wishes, lullabies, and blessings bestowed on children unequivocally evoke, irrespective of gender, masculine attributes such as heroism, skill, and strength. Notions of masculinity also seep through discourses about Others , namely the Russian and Chinese. Whereas the Russians are perceived to be Mongol-like (mongolchuud shig) on account of their physical resilience and capacity to withstand alcohol, anti-Chinese sentiments tend to be couched in narratives of physical weakness and deficiency. In Mongolia, like in many other contexts such as in contemporary Europe and the United States, homosexuality tends to be associated with femininity or at least with modes of failed masculinity. This assumption has been reinforced by the high visibility of a few transgender individuals, the most famous of whom is probably 192 Studies in Ethnicity and Nationalism: Vol. 10, No. 2, 2010 Gambush, a transvestite12 who is routinely referred to as manin (hermaphrodite). Although Gambush is a prominent show-business personality who regularly gives interviews to tabloids, he is not necessarily popular: some stories circulate that he does not have a permanent home because he is afraid of acts of violence that could be perpetrated against him. His extremely feminine appearance does not make it easy for closeted homosexuals to come out and the majority of my informants did not find him a positive role model to identify with. While Mongolian law does not criminalise homosexuality, homophobia is very pervasive in Mongolian society. Despite a sizeable gay population, there are no homosexual public spaces such as bars or clubs.13 However, private parties are organised monthly, and information about their time and location are disseminated by word of mouth and text messages. Venues change from one event to the next so that knowledge about the existence of a gay club will not spread and intimidate people from attending. Most Mongolian gay men tend to be closeted, rarely out to their families and their (straight) friends. They are so concerned about protecting their privacy that some of them even give a false name to friends who are aware of their sexual orientation.14 These careful attempts at insulating the two different parts of their life are not a symptom of excessive caution there have been cases of people being blackmailed by former lovers. Unlike Europe and the United States where gay identities are inextricably linked to the culture of sexual story telling (Plummer 1995) and coming out , Mongolian gay men generally adopt different strategies to deflect familial pressure to marry. Like many Chinese and Japanese men, they tend to show a cultural preference for deferment strategies while maintaining an ostensibly traditional gender role. In the hope that family pressure will eventually subside, this approach can be seen as silent dissidence, a refusal to conform to society s rules without confrontation. Not everyone is so careful, however, and some of my interlocutors15 were out to their family and even in their work place, without any apparent negative fallout. However, these were rare cases. People have to tread carefully and create their own personal spaces with caution, abroad or online, in order to connect with others. The Internet has in this sense provided a safe space in which to get to know other people, share thoughts, and discuss personal issues. A substantial number of Mongolian gay men and lesbians have a blog, and it is often through comments left on them that relationships develop and flourish. Many of these bloggers live or study abroad, either in the United Kingdom, Japan, or the United States. A good friend of mine, whom I will refer to as Z, has established a strong network of friends this way, finding it easier to interact virtually than in the limited safe spaces the city has to offer. Different Shades of Blue V is in his late twenties. Very open and direct, he has a reputation as a bit of a player. He is a generous person with a really good sense of humour. His work takes him abroad regularly, and he is keen to explore what the cities he visits have to offer. I quite like China , he tells me one day. I like going to Hohhot, they have great saunas there. I always have a great time when I go. But his interest in China 193 Franck Bill�: Different Shades of Blue: Gay Men and Nationalist Discourse in Mongolia is not limited to sexual encounters; he speaks some Chinese and enjoys spending time there. Last May I went to Hohhot with my mum, she also really liked it. They have McDonalds, KFC, Pizza Hut . . . Hohhot is a rich city. My mum was very excited about it. She said, Let s buy an apartment here, and then we can live a bit here and a bit in Ulaanbaatar! N is in his early twenties. He has never been abroad and, as a student financially dependent on his family, cannot afford to. Unlike V, he is not interested in random hook-ups; a romantic at heart, he is looking for a long-term relationship. He is very much aware that a stable relationship with a Mongol in Mongolia poses a number of difficulties not least of which in terms of discretion. Like most Mongols, he is not out to his family. He would like to go abroad in the future to enjoy more personal freedom; in the meantime, he uses the Internet in order to try and establish contacts with foreigners. Z is in his mid-twenties and was educated in both Mongolia and the United Kingdom, where he has lived for several years. The last time I saw him he was just returning from England, with a detour holiday in China. It was his first time there, and he had a good time. Because he prefers Asian men to Europeans, it was interesting for him to visit the gay clubs in Beijing. To his surprise, he even met an Inner Mongol in one of the clubs. It was really cool, we were chatting in Mongolian and no-one around us could understand. We talked about the sex words we [speakers of the form of Mongolian spoken in the Republic of Mongolia] use and they [speakers of the form of Mongolian spoken in Inner Mongolia, China] use. For instance, we say tavih to say to cum , but they use the word harvah. 16 For someone like Z, not out to his family and always taking great care in ensuring his two worlds do not collide, having this free space with a fellow Mongol felt liberating. The fact that gay places exist in Beijing was also something he greatly enjoyed. The last time I saw him he was about to go travelling through China and Southeast Asia, and he spoke about learning Chinese. M is about thirty. A male-to-female transsexual, she has been living in London for many years. In Mongolia, this is something I could never do , she explains. Mongols are very macho. When I was younger, I worked on TV as a presenter. I was a boy then but very feminine, very unlike Mongolian men. M does not see herself as gay; she considers herself a woman, living her real gender in a different country. When I met with her, she was with her English boyfriend. They looked just like any of the straight couples around us. N tells me one time, I think Mongols don t generally know about homo- sexuality. Mongols go and study in Russia and when they come back, they know about being gay and that s how people here know. It s like propaganda! [smiles]. Although he was being facetious, for him homosexuality was not a position easily compatible with Mongolianness. In some ways analogous to the situation described by Boellstorff (2005) in Indonesia,17 homosexuality was often discussed as something extraneous, if not altogether foreign, to Mongolia and Mongolian culture. To my surprise, a female student in her early twenties, fluent in several languages and cosmopolitan in both education and outlook, confidently asserted to me that there are no lesbians in Mongolia, but we do have one gay man [referring to Gambush]. 194 Studies in Ethnicity and Nationalism: Vol. 10, No. 2, 2010 This lack of fit, or incommensurability to borrow Boellstorff s term, is in fact also reflected linguistically in the terms used for gay , which are exclusively of foreign origin. The most common one is possibly the English word gay itself (gei), but the Russian derogatory gomo ( homo ) was also used, mostly in a tongue-in-cheek manner. Apart from the rather clinical ijil h�isten (homosexual), I did not come across specific Mongolian terms, derogatory or otherwise. Yet identities did not seem particularly fluid, and my interlocutors did perceive themselves as different on account of their sexuality, not merely as men who sleep with men . In fact, the word ��r (different) was commonly used as a way of suggesting an alternative sexual orientation. This is the wording N chose for instance to turn down a girl who was interested in him: bi ��r baina ( I m different ), he told her. I would suggest that the lack of autochthonous terminology does not necessarily reflect an absence of a native notion of homosexuality, but perhaps simply a cultural reluctance to discuss sex too openly. In fact, this linguistic preference for metaphors and circumlocutions is also seen in expressions such as the poetic uulen boroony yavdal ( relations between the mountains and the rain ) to refer to sexual intercourse. Despite V s generosity, intelligence, and great sense of humour, his openness about sexual topics made some of my gay friends uncomfortable. As an excuse not to join us for a drink, I was told, He s too direct, I don t like that. I also noted very little public displays of affection beyond discreet hand-holding during the monthly parties, even if the locale offered complete privacy and had bouncers stopping strangers from coming in. I hardly ever saw couples kiss. Another term occasionally used is tsenher (light blue), a direct translation of the Russian goluboi,18 which is also used occasionally in Mongolia in the original Russian.19 The etymology of the Russian term is somewhat obscure. Some scholars have suggested it may be a reference to aristocratic blue blood , hinting at exclusivity; others suggest that it may have derived from the term of endearment golubchik ( little dove ) (Kon 1993:113). In the Mongolian cultural context, this use of the colour blue is especially significant, even if cultural associations tend to point to a darker hue, h�h, with specific associations, namely to the sky (tenger). Originally employed as a referent to the Mongols in the Chinese system of orientation, which was later adapted and modified by the Mongols (see Bulag 1998:44; Hamayon 1978:229; Lhamsuren 2006:73), blue remains to this day the favourite colour of Mongols, used for clothing and to symbolise support of national sentiments (Hamayon 1978:224, 244). More importantly, it is also the colour of the blue spot (h�h tolbo), the birthmark found on the lower back of Mongolian infants,20 thus symbolising Mongolianness itself (Erdembileg 2005:167), as bears witness the ubiquitous doublet h�h mongol (blue Mongol). In this sense, tsenher Mongols represent an altogether different kind of Mongol and the self-appellation tsenher can be construed as a voice of dissent, a claim to legitimacy beyond the narrow confines of traditional patriarchy. In July 2009, a multimedia exhibition created by Fulbright Scholar Brandt Miller, held at the Mongolian National Contemporary Art Gallery, sought to play precisely on this alternative reading. His short film Tsenher tengeriin tsaana 195 Franck Bill�: Different Shades of Blue: Gay Men and Nationalist Discourse in Mongolia (Beyond the Blue Sky) depicts the tragic love story of two Mongolian boys, whose faces are covered throughout with a traditional hadag (blue scarf). The hadag, traditionally used in Mongolia to cover the face of the deceased, was used in the film primarily as a way of ensuring the safety of the actors but also acted as a visual commentary on the invisibility21 of homosexuality. It also represented the brute force of societal pressure in Mongolia: the blue (h�h) of the hadag covering and silencing the blue (tsenher) shade of gay Mongolian men. The Romance of Resistance It is with some reservations that I have used the term gay in this article, essentially as a shortcut for less loaded but more cumbersome phrasings such as sexual minorities or men having sex with men . Similarly, I have avoided terms like community that convey a false sense of unity. Perhaps the notion of affinity without identity proposed by Haraway (1991:155) in her discussion of female- ness a highly complex category constructed in contested sexual scientific discourses and other social practices is a better fit. As was discussed earlier, there is little (if any) cohesiveness among the Mongolian gay men I have met. Even at parties, it was clear that the community was in fact a heterogeneous collection of many sub-groups who often were not on speaking terms with each other.22 It was made quite clear to me early on that interacting with certain people would alienate me from others, even if my status as an outsider gave me some leeway in this respect. The lack of friendship ties was a reflection of mistrust and self-preservation against those who might attempt blackmail later. It was also a direct consequence of living in a relatively small city where it seemed everyone knew (of) everyone. Sometimes a lack of interaction was the safest way to go. The people who attended the parties were also there for myriad reasons: looking for a safe space to have fun with their immediate group of friends, hoping to meet a long-term partner, or using the parties as sexual hunting grounds . Of course, the grouping together of individuals as gay is a political statement, just as are the relatively recent equation of lesbianism and male homosexuality (Dynes 1992:229) or the exclusion of other types of sexual minorities. The emergence of gay identities outside of the Euro-American context does not necessarily map neatly onto these political formations. As Essig (1999) has shown, following the collapse of the Soviet Union, the gay rights movement in Russia, spearheaded by Roman Kalinin and Evgeniia Debrianskaia, was much more inclusive and comprised all kinds of sexual minorities (seksualnye men shestva), including sex workers. Essig reports that many members of the emerging groups were unwilling to identify as gay , and it was only under the financial pressure exerted by foreign sponsors that the focus of these groups narrowed around fixed identities. Until the early 1990s, she argues, sexual practices in Russia had not translated into a fixed identity; subjectivities were much more fluid, and this fluidity was mirrored in the national positioning vis-�- vis other groups (Essig 1999:125). The more relaxed attitude vis-�-vis China, which I frequently noted among Mongolian gay men, may be construed as a form of resistance against a national 196 Studies in Ethnicity and Nationalism: Vol. 10, No. 2, 2010 discourse seeking to exclude contaminating elements such as foreigners or sexual minorities. But it was not necessarily a political act. In a conversation with N over a meal, he tells me that he does not like seeing Mongolian women go out with Chinese men; it s not good, he argues, they are betraying the nation. Since he had told me a few days earlier that he would be open to meeting a Chinese man, I call him on this double standard. But it s different for me , he says. I m not a woman, I can t get pregnant! Similarly, M explains that she understands a Mongolian woman might fall in love with a Chinese man and decide to follow her heart and marry him. But , she adds, she will always be sad over the fact she s produced Chinese children. That s something she will have to learn to deal with. Such comments highlight the complexities of mapping the individual against the collective and suggest that great caution should be taken whenever we employ terms such as resistance . Abu-Lughod (1990:42) warned against the tendency to romanticise resistance, to read all forms of resistance as signs of the ineffectiveness of systems of power and of the resilience and creativity of the human spirit in its refusal to be dominated . I agree with her that we should be careful about construing the actions of a group at odds with the mainstream as necessarily constituting resistance. Gay men in Mongolia may not fit the Mongolian image of heteronormativity; but, as men, they can still collude with the dominant discourse in oppressing women. These positions of resistance against a hegemonic discourse have been problematised by black feminists, such as bell hooks (1981), who contend that by arguing on behalf of women , white feminists have participated in racist ideologies and in silencing racially other women. Zito (2006:35) has argued along similar lines that the oppression of women is not (and has not historically been) based solely on sex gender difference from men, nor is it solely perpetrated by men . While the positions taken by some Mongolian gay men undeniably counter a dominant discourse imposing a narrow Mongolian identity crafted against the backdrop of a China threat , this resistance to inclusion is not necessarily liberating. Foucault (1976) has pointed out that resistance is in fact never in a position of exteriority in relation to power, and as Abu-Lughod (1990:42) argues, it is perhaps more useful to see resistance as a diagnostic of power. Mongolian gay men are subjects that are already embedded in the social structure in which they actively participate. De Certeau (1990) has used the term tactics to refer to the ways in which individuals who are not in a position of power seek to meet their needs behind an appearance of conformity. While his theoretical framework opens up a number of possible readings, this dichotomy between those in power and those without feels somewhat contrived. In Mongolia, women and gay men may be construed as minorities to the extent that they do not necessarily have a voice in defining who/ what a Mongol citizen is. But are the most vociferous actors in nationalist groups such as Dayar Mongol or H�h Mongol necessarily in a dominant position? A large section of the individuals filling the ranks of these groups are young men, many of whom are unemployed; by contrast, women are over-represented in higher education, making up about 60% of students in tertiary education, as well as in the business sector. So while the violence symbolic and actual employed by 197 Franck Bill�: Different Shades of Blue: Gay Men and Nationalist Discourse in Mongolia nationalist groups seeks to reinforce traditional norms, it may also be symptomatic of a lack of power. The theoretical prism of power/resistance condenses actors into either dominant or dominated groups while concealing other tools at their disposal. Gay or female may be a minority or even a dissident status, but are wealthy gay men or women in government merely resisting power ? Anthro- pologists such as Benwell (2006:133) and Bamana (2008:62) have in fact argued that it is precisely the feminisation of education and the decreasing role played by men that has led some young men to emphasise and reinforce masculine ideals. Although the more liberal views of Mongolian gay men vis-�-vis China may be reflective of self-interest in the sense that China represents a space of anonymous possibilities away from the prying eyes of family and neighbours, they still potentially undermine a dominant discourse that posits China as evil and imperialistic . Whatever the rationale anonymity, personal preference for Asian men, availability, or simply proximity23 sex with Chinese men intrinsically remains a highly transgressive act in Mongolia. While it may not be an act of dissidence, explicitly political, or fully conscious, it can be tagged as a critical practice (Kipnis 2003:28). It also posits Mongolian men as less xenophobic and more cosmopolitan. Even if some of my friends did align themselves ideologically with nationalist discourses, many did not. They preferred to form opinions on the basis of direct experience rather than accept a discourse that rested on strong heteronormativity and therefore potentially excluded them as well. They were also often more cosmopolitan, better travelled, and better educated, and they were therefore less prepared to accept media information and news uncritically. Rather than locating resistance in the nature of the subject, I suggest it may be this very fracture in belief in the nation that constitutes resistance. As %i&ek argues: I believe in the (national) Thing equals I believe that others (members of my community) believe in the Thing . . . . The national Thing exists as long as members of the community believe in it; it is literally an effect of this belief in itself. (%i&ek 1993:202) As he later developed in a recent lecture, the whole system of belief functions when every individual presupposes that there is another one who believes, even if this putative Other does not exist at all (%i&ek 2008). I discussed in the introduction to this article how contemporary Mongolian identity is constructed in an oppositional mode against the Chinese and how it articulates on an idea of resistance against an impending threat from China. In the particular ethnographic context I have discussed here, the attitudes displayed by Mongolian gay men with regards to China perhaps do not constitute an act of resistance but precisely the opposite. Their readiness to interact with Chinese men on a physical and emotional level may simply be a relinquishment of resistance, a loss of belief in the need for the nation to resist. Acknowledgements I would like to thank Christopher Kaplonski, Uradyn Bulag, Gre� gory Delaplace, Olga Ulturgasheva, Gae� lle Lacaze, Valerio Italiano, Paula Haas, � � James Kapalo, Sandra Lopez-Rocha, and Bernard Charlier, as well as the 198 Studies in Ethnicity and Nationalism: Vol. 10, No. 2, 2010 journal s two anonymous referees for their invaluable comments at various stages of the revision of this article. Notes 1 A trilingual series of graffiti, in Mongolian, English, and Chinese, reads One mustn t kill people, but one can kill the Chinks (H�n alj bolohg�i, hujaa naryg alj bolno). Numerous anti-Chinese graffiti are also found in various spots around the capital. 2 While at the time of the Communist revolution in 1921 there was a sizeable Chinese presence in Mongolia, for most of the twentieth century there was very little contact. Until 1990, very few Mongols travelled to China or were able to speak Chinese. 3 Renata Salecl has reported a similar phenomenon in Slovenia, which she refers to as narcissistic exultation . Following the anthrax scare in the United States after 9/11, similar cases were reported in the Slovenian media. [I]n the way Slovenian media reported on these anthrax scares one could discern concern coupled with some kind of narcissistic exultation. When these anthrax cases became the primary news story of the day, it was as if this tiny country was becoming equal in its fears with powerful America (Salecl 2004:11). Worthy of note on this issue is the rumour that circulated in 2007 in Mongolia concerning a possible terrorist attack by al-Qaeda in Ulaanbaatar. 4 For a more detailed development of this argument in the context of Inner Mongolia, see Bill� (2009). 5 Some families encourage their daughters to study foreign languages in the hope that they will marry a rich foreigner, but such practices remain subject to social opprobrium and often lead to permanent emigration. Responses also vary depending on the nationality of the foreign spouse; marriage to a European or United States citizen tends to be perceived more favourably, even by right-wing nationalist groups such as Dayar Mongol (Interview with Byambatulga on 5 October 2007). 6 This is due in part to the way transmission of ethnicity is conceptualised in Mongolian culture. As it is considered to follow the paternal line, a Mongolian man will father Mongolian children regardless of the ethnicity of his mate, while children of a Mongolian woman will take on the ethnicity of the father. 7 The focus on Korea represents less a cultural preference than available opportunities. South Korea is the main foreign importer of the Mongolian work force, and the managers of these latter two agencies have personally established contacts there. Note, however, that despite Mongolia s geographic proximity to China, none of the three agencies operating in Ulaanbaatar offers introductions to Chinese men. 8 On the topic of gays in the military, see Butler (1997:ch. 3). 9 Ventrone discusses this in reference to World War II in Italy, but it may also be applicable to contemporary Mongolia where the constant reiteration of a Chinese threat produces a climate of political and ethnic insecurity. 10 Naiman (1997:147) has demonstrated that in the early years of the Soviet Union, state discourse focused heavily on sexuality and particularly on the necessity to sublimate the individual into the collective. At the same time, the Russian revolutionary regime, though short-lived, exhibited fairly liberal attitudes evidenced by the legalisation of abortion (Bernstein 2007) and the decriminalisation of homosexuality (Carleton 2005). 11 Kon (1993) notes that the same Article 121 of the Soviet penal code applied to both homosexuals and political dissidents. Unlike the U.S. and some European penal codes, which construe the homosexual as a discrete category and punish acts that include attempts and fantasies (Dall Orto 1999; Kipnis 1996), Essig (1999) argues that the reluctance of Soviet medical and psychiatric professions to consider homosexuals as a 199 Franck Bill�: Different Shades of Blue: Gay Men and Nationalist Discourse in Mongolia separate species made the latter reformable and treatable. In a different ethnographic context, Metzl (2003) shows how Freudian psychoanalysis was employed in the United States in the 1940s and 1950s to institutionalise cultural biases as pathologies. Using psychoanalytic language, the medical establishment made women who did not conform to established gender roles the subjects of pharmaceutical intervention. 12 It is not clear whether Gambush is a transvestite or a transsexual, and discussions by Mongols betray considerable confusion between the two concepts. Because Mongolian does not differentiate pronouns in terms of gender, ter means both he and she . Friends and informants speaking to me in languages other than Mongolian (namely Russian and English) used the masculine pronoun (on/he), and I have followed their practice here. Because I do not know how Gambush positions himself with respect to gender, the perspective imposed by English grammar should be construed precisely in this way as a grammatical constraint not as an assumption or implied judgment on my part. 13 One gay bar, managed by a Russian couple, opened in Ulaanbaatar some years ago. It soon became unpopular, allegedly because of its prohibitive prices. 14 I was surprised when, after several weeks into our friendship, my friend X told me: You know my name s not really X, right? At [gay] parties everyone knows me as X, but that s not my real name. You have to be careful in Mongolia, some people have been blackmailed by former lovers. My family and even my boss know about me, but still I prefer to separate these two parts of my life. 15 During the year of fieldwork (2006 2007) I spent in Mongolia as part of my doctoral dissertation in Social Anthropology at the University of Cambridge, I interviewed people of all walks of life about their feelings and attitudes towards China and the Chinese. When a Mongolian gay friend invited me to a monthly party and introduced me to a number of his friends, I quickly noted very different responses to China among them. Later, the incipient gay community grew into an important pool of informants, some of whom eventually became good friends. Based on the traditional method of participant observation, my methodology has largely reflected my liminal position of social anthropologist/friend, accounting for my toggling between terms such as friend and interlocutor . This purposefully fuzzy terminology was also motivated by my uneasiness in using the loaded category of informant with its many colonial implications, historically as well as lexically. As Metcalf (2002:43 48) has pointed out, anthropology lacks precise terms to describe the numerous types of relations that ethnographers form in the field, and many of the lexical substitutions for informant , such as co-researcher , mentor , or consultant merely mask the moral ambiguities of the fieldwork experience. 16 The primary meanings for these slang terms are to release (tavih) and to shoot (harvah). While both these terms carry sexual connotations, they are only used as a translation for to cum in Mongolia and Inner Mongolia, respectively. 17 The situation in Mongolia differs from Boellstorff s ethnographic context to the extent that homosexuality in Mongolia is not associated with religious notions of sin and is not explicitly or legally proscribed. While gay-bashings occasionally occur, there are no organised hate groups (Smith 2002). Incommensurability between Mongolianness and homosexuality operates fundamentally on the cultural assumption that Mongolian men are inherently both masculine and heterosexual. 18 Lesbians are pink (rozovye), a name which is likely to have surfaced as a gender- appropriate counterpart to blue . 19 Given the close contact between Russia and Mongolia (and the numerous Russian language television channels), it is not surprising that people have become familiar with the term. Although it is not a Mongolian word, it does crop up occasionally, in particular when people become inebriated and lapse into Russian. Several Mongolian 200 Studies in Ethnicity and Nationalism: Vol. 10, No. 2, 2010 friends have pointed out this tendency, which I have also observed first-hand on many occasions. 20 This birthmark, which looks similar to a bruise, gradually fades in the course of the first five years and only rarely subsists into adulthood. The spot, normally found in the lumbosacral area, occurs as a result of the entrapment of melanocytes in the dermis during embryonic development. Allegedly present on all Mongolian infants at birth, it is also widely prevalent in Japan and Korea, where it is known as a Mongolian spot (mMkohan and mong-go banjeom, respectively). Research suggests it occurs in 99% of births in Japan (Vl ek 1965). 21 Part of the aim of the exhibition was to draw the attention of the Mongolian public to the plight of gay Mongols. While it predominantly attracted the expat community, it also led to a number of television programmes and debates on the issue of homosexuality. 22 Despite the lack of community feelings, some gay and lesbian advocacy groups have emerged in Mongolia. Tavilan (Mongolian for destiny ), created in 1999, established contacts with lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) groups abroad, namely in Europe and the United States. In the last few years some non-governmental organisations (NGOs), as well as public and private groups such as the Global Fund (www.theglobalfun- d.org), have funded campaigns for the prevention of HIV/AIDS (HDHV/DOH) and tuberculosis (s�r yee). Is it usually through such channels that parties are organised and that informative brochures are distributed. 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Lecture given at Powell s City of Books, Portland, OR, 9 September. 203

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