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dustries possessing the most highly developed technology as opposed »to economic hodge podge«, to fully exploit the production potentials of the Yugoslav sphere, insure integration under conditions of an equal footing as concerns technological development with European countries, develop a wide network of European educational institu-tions (with an exchange of university cadres) in our own country and finally create confidence among the producers and intelligentsia that personal sacrifice for our country has its rewards, and this, in my opinion, can onły be achieved if smali and undeveloped nations havc a developed social consciousness that in some respects they are ahead of the developed nations and that can in our case only be our concept of socialist revolution with its aspiration to create a self-managing socialism. That is exactly what has up to now, in spite of all our typ-ical economic and social failures brought us prestige and good will among the progressive part of humanity. Naturally, there are at large in our country the forces of our traditional backwardness which would like to destroy all of this. Our recent and earlier history has shown that there exists a certain kind of »patriot« who is most satisfied when he can serve a foreign master.

TO BE A COMMUNIST IS NEITHER A CLASS NOR NATIONAL - BUT

AN EXISTENT1AL CHOICE

Every social revolution has its internal dynamics, and the socialist revolution is no exception. It can be concisely described as a phase of totalization during which Identification with the goals of the revolu-tion is at its maximum, when the individual »I« becomes one with the new social »We«, when the utopian ideał is closest to the social reality and the phase of de-totalization, when the zeal of Identification with the goals of revo!ution is diminishing, when the individual »I« starts differing from the new social »We« (when »We« becomes »They«), when a gap appears between the utopian ideał and the social reality (the gap between Words and Deeds), when the real structure of so-ciety with its social and ideological stratifications rises to the surface (structures appear when movements are weakening), when in place of joint goals there arises morę and morę talk of the proper and im-proper naturę of society’s institutions. The futurę is becoming ever morę distant on the horizon, and the past is burdened with horrible memories, which once again seek a right to live.

Naturally, in the phase of de-totalization it becomes evident to what extent the revolutionary changes are really changes, to what extent the new social consciousness is really a »socialist consciousness« and not only an empty phrase behind which are masked old and familiar forms in new attire: petit bourgeois mentality, individual and collec-tive egotism, social backwardness, bigotry, nationalism, chauvinism ... Paraphrasing Nietzsche we could say that socialism apepars as that force that steadily aspires the new but hears forth the old. Conservat-ives are naturally pleased with this discovery. Surprised, these con-servative elements, who in our country swore in 1945 that they would

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