olutionary re-education. They are perfecting organization, building the system and because of this they do not need freedom, or a revolu-tionary figurę, as much as they need people as carriers of well dcfined roles. What is essential is the accomodation of man to the system with the goal of increasing the productivity of work and the standard of living. Since our nation belongs to this category of nations and sińce we can justifiably assume that our social system yearns for the same aforementioned goals, still, after many authoritative announce-ments and admissions, the June actions of our students are thought of as a historical failure which considerably slackened the rhythm of progress in our country.
The above-mentioned appraisal pretends to be scientifically object-ive, that is - that manner in which it passes sentence must be differ-entiated from those many interest-value judgements which are givcn in nervousness and without deep thought and which attributed the events to »hooligan assaults«, »reactinary plots«, »anti-reform blo\vs«. or even »narrow class actions of students who being their father’s sons are fighting for better materiał positions in the moment when the working class is consciously tightening its belt«. Naturally, these new appraisals even if they are better thought out also fali among this same type of announcement which are on the basis of common sense and pronounced without necessary analysis of argumentation. without
ate between »national« and »nationalistic«, an aspect that could only confusc the reader who has not read my article.
This attack clearly demonstrates in other aspects as well that Gamulin did not care for a scientific dialogue, namely, if the second aspect were at least to a degree ordained by the first, then he would undoubtedly approach his thesis about the working class constituting a nation with morę care. At least he could ask himsclf why it happened that those who pampered and expanded this thesis the most were the ones who suffered the greatest catastrophe in the Second World War. The pro-jection of a classless society, which Gamulin is clamoring for is so unsuitable that it grotesquely hangs in the air. Aside from this the classless society would enthuse hardly anyone in our country. Spcaking of a national society is morę realistic and acceptable. The classless society easily grows into nationalism, so the workers are also wary in this regard. Therefore Gamulin’s indircct suspicion that 1 pulled out of the air the assertion of absence of nationalism among workers, can be under-stood as a spontaneous reaction which is used to combat that which is undesirable. If this is the case, then indeed all of my additional arguments miss to point, because in comparison to a well-known and widely accepted stand^oint »the world of worthy idcals and the world of expcrienccd facts do not lie on the same plane«. I think that my esteemed critic’s real problem is his lack of ordinary information so I would therefore recommend that he mingle a little among the workers or at least that he look at the appropriate documentation. He can perform the latter by going to the workers’ university Moja Pijade and looking at the department of workers’ self management or by looking through the issues of »Kulturni Radnik« from 1966 to the present, in which he will find invcstigative materiał from Croatian factories. He can find a good pertinent document in the March 1970 journal »Po-gledi« cntitled »Fizionomija jednog Jtrajka* (Physiognomy of a Strike) which dcals with a strike situation in the shipyard of Split. All of this we hope will even con-vince Prof. Gamulin that the thesis of imcompatibility of synchrony and dychrony did not totally miss the point.
* Speaking on immanent content and intention of the movement we can not of course take into account various guesses conccrning the forccs who were waiting to exploit the situation. Those forces are always present, what may not be the barrier to evaluate in a open and honest way spontaneous youth*s action which in takrng the risk had no hiaden thoughts.
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