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581

          Medieval History Writing and Crusading Ideology , ed. Tuomas M.S. Lehtonen 

and Kurt Villads Jensen (Helsinki: Finnish Historical Soc., 2005; pp.  320 . 
N.p.).  

  The  ‘ markedly weak tradition of crusading studies in Scandinavia ’  is ascribed 
by Villads Jensen to an unwitting collaboration of the Lutheran tenet that 
all crusades were popish delusions with the pacifi st-humanist refusal to waste 
time on any military enterprises. This blindness was reinforced by the con-
viction of most crusade historians (since Guibert of Nogent) that the only 
real crusaders went to the Holy Land, and that the other Northern enterprises 
were side-shows or spurious, so that even the Holy Wars of immediate con-
cern to Scandinavians were not of much interest. A new knight-hood of 
Scandocrucigerent historians, encouraged by Tore Nyberg, is busy making up 
for lost time, as this collection of  23  papers proves. Janus Møller Jensen rides 
fi rst with a refutation of the idea that crusades were originally meant to be 
pilgrimages or hybrid holy war-pilgrimages; the literature of the eleventh 
century reformers persuades him that Urban proclaimed penitential war, and 
that this concept was the link between all crusades, even if contaminated by 
others. Nevertheless Nedkvitne observes that sagas reveal a variety of motives 
for crusading by northerners rather than one penitential urge, and Kangas 
discovers in all cross-bearers the need to prove faith  ‘ not only by personal 
suffering, but also by causing misery to others ’  as at Antioch and Jerusalem, 
where the frenzied bloodlust was no regression into barbarism, but a deliberate 
attempt to win salvation through violence. Unlike the Rhineland pogroms 
of  1096, argues Heikkilä, which were seen by christian chroniclers as an 
inducement to conversion germane to the crusade, and by Jewish sources as the 
result of greed for undefended wealth rather than religious zeal. William of 
Tyre’s narration of crusading events is shown by Lehtonen to be determined 
not by reality but by a schoolman’s formula which explained events by the 
operation of God, nature, fortune, and sinfulness in that order. Russian sources 
for the life of Alexander Nevsky, hammer of the Teutonic Knights, are found 
even less reliable by Isoaho: not contemporary and largely dependent on 
classical and hagiographical stereotypes. Thomas Lindkvist fi nds the fame of St 
Eric as the fi rst Swedish crusader to Finland and converter of the Finns a 
refl ection of fi fteenth-century Scandinavian political posturing rather than 
twelfth-century reality, and that would be a safe assumption were it not for 
the critical acumen of John Lind who is  ‘ puzzled ’  by recent approaches to the 
crusades, in particular by Lindkvist’s refusal to accept the plain witness of the 
sources that Swedish rulers and clerics waged war to impose christianity on 
some Finns, however christian others may already have been. Lind blames the 
theory of Swedish social development which does not allow Swedes to wage 
war for religion rather than plunder before 1292. He also traces the effects of a 
recent Nordic obsession with matters of  

regnum 

 and  

sacerdotium 

 in the 

distortions and superfl uities of  Diplomatarium Danicum , in which he fi nds 
the crusades sidelined and internal confl ict over-emphasised in obedience to 
the outlook of Skyum Nielsen, Hal Koch and Fenger, stout secularists. The 
tendency to attribute the development of crusade indulgences, full remission 
of sins, to papalist scheming is checked by Bysted’s inquiry, which shows that 
after 1095 these were granted or promised by various authorities and did not 
become a papal prerogative until Aquinas. On this theme Fonnesberg Schmidt 

EHR, cxxi. 491 (April 2006)

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582

SHORTER NOTICES

shows that northern crusades were briefl y equated with others in 1147, but not 
again, in terms of remission, until after 1200; a conclusion consistent with 
Bombi’s, who holds that no pope planned to arm Baltic missions until Innocent 
III was persuaded to align the Livonian crusade with the Jerusalem expeditions 
in 1204. Yet Selch Jensen maintains that the fi rst missionary there, Meinhard, 
had already brought warfare to the Dvina with his fort. He does not seem to 
have fought anyone, all the same. Torben Nielsen uses the career of the model 
convert Caupo to argue that the invaders massacred and kidnapped recalcitrant 
natives to allow a restructuring of their societies unhampered by  ‘ pagan kinship 
relations ’ . He does not explain the survival of native dynasties and kindreds 
into the eighteenth century. Palmen and Annala on St Francis, Ruotsala on St 
Louis and the Mongols, Bisgaard on the blacking of Balthazar the mage, Janson 
on the ideological bias of Adam of Bremen, and Bandlien on the possible 
infl uence of St Bernard on king Sverrir and Jomsvikinga saga complete this 
volume. Finally one would wish to press Villads Jensen whether Denmark and 
Portugal, as  ‘ crusaders on the fringe of the ocean ’  did actually exchange and 
copy  ‘ ideas and organization ’  in the twelfth century, as he claims. Perhaps John 
Lind will put the question. †

  Oxford  

  E.      CHRISTIANSEN

      

EHR, cxxi. 491 (April 2006) 

† doi:10.1093/ehr/cel044