80

International Journal of Mental Health, vol. 35, no. 3, Fall 2006, pp. 80–89.
© 2007 M.E. Sharpe, Inc. All rights reserved.
ISSN 0020–7411/2007 $9.50 + 0.00.
DOI 10.2753/IMH0020-7411350309

A

URIMAS

A

NDRIUŠIS

AND

A

LGIRDAS

D

EMBINSKAS

Psychiatric Euthanasia in Lithuania
During Nazi Occupation

ABSTRACT: The work draws from a wide source of published literature, manu-
scripts, and collections of documents and is the first of its kind in the Lithuanian
historiography of medicine. The paper highlights wartime killing and rescue of
chronic mental patients and medical resistance against attempts to endorse and
legalize forced euthanasia of incurable patients. The tragic fate of Lithuanian Jews
who were mental patients during this period is also discussed.

Lithuanian independence in 1990 created conditions that finally permitted the study
of what had happened to psychiatric patients in Nazi-occupied Lithuania during
World War II. Problems facing mental patients during that period appear in vari-
ous histories of Lithuanian medicine as well as in an eye-witness testimony re-
corded by the former head of the Lithuanian civil medical administration in
Nazi-occupied Lithuania, Balys Matulionis (1895–1974) [1–2]. Probably the most
significant Soviet era dissertation on Nazi policies in Lithuania (including those
pertaining to psychiatry) is by Kazys Ruk

š

ÿenas [3]. An important source of infor-

mation on the general condition of public health in Nazi-occupied Lithuania are
the volumes of the journal Lithuanian Medicine published during that time. Even
more information can still be found in archival documents virtually untouched by
historians of medicine in Lithuania.

Aurimas Andriušis, M.D., is a research fellow at the Department of Medical History
and Ethics at the Public Health Institute, Faculty of Medicine, Vilnius University.
Algirdas Dembinskas, M.D., Ph.D., Hab.D., is head of the Psychiatric Clinic, Faculty
of Medicine, Vilnius University, and President of the Association of Psychiatrists in
Lithuania. Correspondence to: Aurimas Andriušis, M.D., Department of Medical His-
tory and Ethics at the Public Health Institute, Faculty of Medicine, Vilnius University,
M.K.

Èiurlionio g. 21/27, LT-03101 Vilnius; tel.: [phone]; e-mail: aurimas

[e-mail]. Translated by Justinas Vancevi

èius.

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81

This paper is the first attempt to assess the situation of psychiatric patients in

Nazi-occupied Lithuania (June 22, 1941–July 1944). We pass over the universally
known reasons for political change in 1940 and 1941 and their consequences (i.e.,
the occupation and annexation of Lithuania and other Baltic states first by the
Soviet forces and later by the Nazis). However, we briefly describe the principles
of the administration of public health (including psychiatry) at that time, because
understanding them is required to comprehend this topic fully. No unified organi-
zation of the public health system existed in the Second Republic of Lithuania
(1918–1940). From an administrative point of view, the key public health institu-
tion was the Department of Health at the Ministry of the Interior. Additionally,
issues of public health were managed by the Ministries of National Defense, Trans-
port, Justice, and Education. At the local level, matters of internal and preventive
medicine were handled by the municipalities [4].

During the first Soviet occupation (June 15, 1940–June 21, 1941) the public

health system in Lithuania was reorganized according to the Soviet model. The
Ministry of Health Care and Social Security was established on June 17, 1940.
Later, on September 1, 1940, a separate People’s Commissariat for Health Care of
the Soviet Socialist Republic of Lithuania was formed [5]. During this uncertain
period, institutional psychiatry remained part of nationalized medicine and treat-
ment was free of charge. The People’s Commissar for Health Care issued only one
instruction: “On the Order of Admission and Discharge of Mental Patients in Asy-
lums” [6]. Until the beginning of the Nazi occupation (June 22, 1941), mental
patients continued to be treated in clinics, mental hospitals, or at home by home
care workers.

Among the Ministries of the Provisional Government operative between June

23 and August 5, 1941 was the Ministry of Health Care, but it was dismissed,
along with the other Government Ministries, by the German occupying force. The
Health Ministry was replaced by local bodies functioning within municipalities
and reporting to the Chief Board of Health whose headquarters were in Kaunas.
The Board of Health answered directly to the Head of the Department of Medicine
at the Kaunas General Commissariat of the Lithuanian General Region of Ostland
(composed of the general regions of Belarus, Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania, with
its center in Riga) [4, 7].

On May 22, 1942, the Chief Board of Health approved the official staff number

of beds in all hospitals across Lithuania. The two state mental hospitals (private
hospitals did not exist) were allocated the following number of beds: the mental
hospital in Kalvarija, the region of Suvalkija, 600 beds, and the mental hospital in
Vilnius, 300 beds [8]. Thus, at the end of 1942 the following institutions for men-
tal patients were operative in Lithuania: the mental hospital in Kalvarija, in the
region of Suvalkija, with 100 actual inmates (the rest of the 500 beds were left
vacant); the mental hospital in Vilnius with a branch in Kair

ÿenai; and foster family

homes in R

÷udiškÿes in Valkininkai—housing a total of around 400 patients. Ap-

proximately 10 patients were residents of the Clinic of Nervous and Mental Dis-

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INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF MENTAL HEALTH

eases at Vytautas Magnus University (VMU) in Kaunas. It is also estimated that
up to several dozen patients might have been admitted to various shelters. All in
all, at that time, Lithuania, a country with population of 3 million, had just over
500 mental patients officially accounted for in various hospitals and shelters [9].

It must be noted that, in the course of the war, the number of patients in hospi-

tals significantly decreased, due to the difficulties with food, fuel, transportation
within the country, and spread of infectious disease. For example, only 49 patients
remained in the hospital in Kalvarija in November 1944 when the Nazis had been
driven away. On October 28, 1941, the numbers of hospital personnel were offi-
cially decreed: The hospital in Kalvarija was assigned 5 doctors, 11 nurses and
paramedics, 38 orderlies and caregivers, and 4 maids and other personnel; the
mental hospital in Vilnius was assigned 5 doctors, 19 nurses, 49 orderlies and
caregivers, and 26 maids. However, at the beginning of 1942, these numbers were
reassessed. After that, 3 posts for doctors, 9 for nurses and paramedics, and 37 for
orderlies and caregivers were announced at the hospital in Vilnius [11]. According
to witnesses, these vacancies were never fully filled.

On August 1, 1943, the Reichskomisar partly revoked free treatment and pri-

vate medical assistance. The newly established Lithuanian Palace of Health now
had to authorize where doctors worked and how many were allowed to practice
[12]. There was a reallocation of vacancies in various medical institutions. Ac-
cording to the new order, specialists of nervous and mental diseases were allocated
the following quotas: in the cities of Kaunas and Vilnius—six posts; in the towns
of Šiauliai and Panev

ÿe

¡z

ys—one post each. These quotas meant that the largest

Lithuanian towns had a right to employ a total number of 14 specialists of nervous
and mental diseases, whereas the remaining 24 administrative units had to do with-
out these specialists [13].

During the Nazi occupation, the economy of all hospitals was finely balanced

between survival and extinction. Patients suffered from malnutrition. A daily ra-
tion constituted 210 grams of bread, 20 grams of meat, 10 grams of fat, 20 grams
of milk, 20 grams of cheese, 10 grams of flour, 10 grams of cornmeal, 10 grams of
jam [10]. The situation in mental institutions was worse than in other hospitals.
Often patients starved to death. To improve conditions, the administration of these
hospitals resorted to unconventional measures. For example, on October 31, 1942,
281 kilograms of sugar designated for the hospital in Kalvarija were exchanged
for 7,925 kilograms of potatoes, and on June 12, 1944, 105 kilograms of sugar
were exchanged for 500 kilograms of peas and 350 kilograms of flour [11].

Hospital supplies were equally limited. Relatives of patients had to make a

written commitment to bring two pairs of underwear and two blankets immedi-
ately after the patient was hospitalized [11]. Because there was a shortage of medi-
cines, these also had to be supplied by relatives.

Free medical services were finally completely revoked on December 10, 1943.

Although health insurance was introduced, it did not cover the large rural popula-
tion. The most severely affected were some of the mental patients. A circular from

FALL 2006

83

the Chief Board of Health, dated October 29, 1942, stated that “the threat that mental
patients pose to society disentitles them from receiving free medical services” [11, p.
542]. The cost of treating a mental patient in a hospital was 2 marks per day. In many
cases of mental illness, treatment was prolonged and the charges correspondingly
high. Those unable to cover the costs on time were subject to court trials [11].

Prompt assistance to mental patients was also hindered by rules regulating trans-

portation to hospitals. Only individuals who were a threat to society and required
immediate confinement could be transported by trains [11].

Euthanasia

With the same zeal as in Germany, the Nazi security police and Sicherheitsdienst
(security police; SD) forces began preparations for the extermination of mental
patients immediately after the occupation of Lithuania [7, 14]. On their request, on
August 15, 1941 the VMU Department of Nervous and Mental Diseases submitted
statistical data on mental patients in Lithuania [see Table 1]. According to those
data, there were more than 6,000 such patients, among them around 100 with
severe disabilities [3]. On September 1, 1941, the Nazi security police and SD
operational squad A/3 selected 109 patients of Jewish descent (some sources do
not indicate their nationality) from the Kalvarija mental hospital and executed
them in the neighboring town of Marijampol

ÿe [3]. The storm troopers of the same

squad, stationed in Lithuania, massacred 544 mental patients—among them 269
men, 227 woman, and 48 children—in the Latvian town of Agluona on August 22,
1941 [15], and another 95 patients were killed in Mogutov, near the Russian town
of Luga, district of Pskov [16]. By October 15, 1941, this squad had exterminated
a total number of 748 mental patients.

Table 1
Some of the Indicators of the Department and Clinic for Nervous and
Mental Diseases at Vytautas Magnus University, 1941–1942

1941

1942

Total no. of psychiatric
patients/year

264

188

Most frequent diagnoses

Alcoholic psychosis

26

13

Dementia praecox

63

43

Manic–depressive psychosis

60

26

Hysteria

16

16

Menopausal psychosis

12

14

Annual no. patient days

6,637

2,691

Sources: [9, pp. 401–408, and 10, pp. 395–401].

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INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF MENTAL HEALTH

The mass extermination of mental patients became some of the security police’s

routine “assignments.” These crimes were justified by the Nazis on the grounds
that “in many institutions, the orderlies and other medical personnel had quit. Con-
sequently, patients escaped from various hospitals and became a threat to society.
Therefore, they were liquidated” [16, p. 21]. According to the surviving docu-
ments, the Vermacht administration planned on employing security police to “clean”
other medical institutions in Lithuania as well, with the intent to use the premises
for army purposes. However, “it was suggested that the medical facilities deal with
this issue on their own, since in this case in was not in the interest of security police
to interfere” [16, pp. 21–22].

Cases of mass extermination of mental patients (like the one in Kalvarija hospi-

tal) were not repeated. However, individual incidents did continue to occur. Sources
indicate that patients from Vilnius mental hospital were on several occasions taken
to the site of mass murders in Paneriai forest outside the city [3]. In 1944, patients
of Russian descent, most likely war prisoners, were removed from mental hospi-
tals. For example, in 1944 on an urgent order from the occupying forces, patients
from the Kalvarija hospital Jekaterina Anisimova, Pavelas Guzko, and Pelagja
Orlova were transferred to the care of the representative of the Governor of the
town of Alytus. It is assumed that they were murdered [17].

Rescue

Some of the most dramatic pages in the history of Lithuanian medicine and our
civil society during the Nazi occupation are related to the rescue of mental patients
confined in mental institutions and our moral vindication of the right to life of
incurable patients, including those with mental disabilities.

Around mid-1942, B. Matulionis, the head of the Chief Board of Health, was

summoned to the Generalkomissariat and told that the Reichskomissariat of Ostland
had given a secret order to annihilate all chronic patients at Vilnius and Kalvarija
mental hospitals—more than 300 people. The patients would be murdered by
Sturmabteilung (SA) and Schutzstaffel (SS) troops in a “humane” manner: they
would be told that hospital premises were taken over by the Vermacht, and that
they, the patients, would be transported to other hospitals in neighboring Belarus.
In fact, they would be taken outside Lithuania for mass destruction. When the
head of the Board learned this classified and ominous information, he developed
the following tactics: (a) he approached the leaders of the Catholic Church with
the request to condemn, if necessary, the murder of mental patients; (b) he told the
directors of Kalvarija and Vilnius mental hospitals (trustworthy individuals) to
contact the underground Lithuanian anti-Nazi resistance movement and make all
necessary preparations for armed fighting if attempts were made to move the pa-
tients to other locations; and (c) he tried to dissuade the German administration
from implementing its decision, an attempt at persuasion that had proved success-
ful on previous occasions [1].

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B. Matulionis recalled his visit to the head of the Nazi administration in

Lithuania, Generalkomissar Adrian Theodor von Renteln:

I told them what they would gain, how much they would save if they killed 300
chronic inmates dependent on the state. Then I told them in great detail how
much they would materially, politically, and morally lose in Lithuania. I reminded
them of the inevitable and uncompromising condemnation of their actions by the
Catholic Church and indicated its negative impact on food tributes, paid by
Lithuanian farmers, desperately needed by their army. It was a long speech, about
40 minutes. In conclusion, I suggested they give second thought to what I had
just said, reconsider and drop their plans to exterminate mental patients. The
convincing tone in which I spoke and the myriad arguments I produced made a
stronger impact than I had expected. The Generalkomissar even thanked me for
such a thorough analysis of the issue. He personally and immediately wrote a
letter to the Reichskomissar, and, based on my arguments, suggested the revoca-
tion of the extermination order for mental patients in Lithuania. [1, p. 18]

Three weeks letter a reply arrived from Riga. The extermination order was revoked.

Lithuania was the only occupied East European country, where, unlike in Latvia,

Estonia, Belarus, and the occupied territories in Russia, Nazis did not exterminate
all (non-Jewish) mental patients.

There are a number of explanations for this, including the efforts of B. Matulionis

and reluctance on the part of the Nazis to face a wave of outrage and resistance at
that time, when they were already encountering their first defeats on the Eastern
front. In addition, false information was sent to the superiors in Riga and Berlin
stating that the extermination of mental patients had already taken place when it
had not. Testimony given by F. Jekeln, the Head of SD structures in Ostland, seems
to prove that the Vermacht superiors were kept in ignorance. According to Jekeln,
by the latter half of 1942 all mental patients in Ostland had been exterminated:

Patients who were able to walk were transported from mental institutions and
shot to death, and those unable to move were given an injection of morphine. The
murder of patients by morphine injection was executed by obershturmbanfuhrer,
police lieutenant colonel doctor Mexner, since it was his job to do so. [15, pp.
101–102]

According to Jekeln’s testimony, in Ostland and other occupied countries, pro-

cedures and methods of extermination of mental patients were similar to those that
had proven effective in Germany. In Lithuania, plans to exterminate mental pa-
tients were not entirely implemented.

In 1943, Dr. Jonas

Šli÷upas (1861–1944), a prominent public figure of the time,

published an article entitled “What Do We Need?” which appeared in the joint
issue (nos. 5/6) of the journal Lithuanian Medicine. In the article, among other
things, he wrote:

And finally I would like to say a few words about incurable patients (paralytics,
syphilitics, consumptives, insane, alcoholics etc.), who suffer a great deal and
are unable to enjoy their lives. They often call for the Reaper with his poisonous

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INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF MENTAL HEALTH

sting, but he does not come. In such cases, a medical commission should be
appointed to assess and confirm the intractable nature of the patient’s condition.
After an appropriate decision has been made, a doctor should be allowed and
instructed to inject the patient with drugs in order to send him/her to eternal
sleep. [17, p. 365]

These ideas—analogous to the Nazi ideology of eugenics so enthusiastically

propagated by the occupying regime and its local collaborators—were elicited
from a senior public figure living in difficult circumstances [18]. Fortunately, they
received an immediate negative response.

On August 23, 1943, a joint meeting was held of doctors from Kaunas VMU

Clinics, members of the Kaunas Medical Society, lawyers, social workers, and
other public representatives. The meeting’s agenda included discussions on the
issues raised in J.

Šli÷upas’s article. The main response, titled “On Dr. Jonas Šli÷upas’s

article ‘What Do We Need?’” was delivered by V. Vai

¢ci÷unas, Head of the Depart-

ment and Clinic for Nervous and Mental Diseases. Taking into account the condi-
tions of wartime, he stated:

It would therefore seem just, if in these turbulent times at least the science of
medicine and its representatives refrained from mass or single extermination of
human resources and stood guard for individual life and health even when the
person in question is superficially regarded as incurable. Such behavior is dic-
tated by the moral imperative - behave toward others as you hope they will be-
have toward you. . . . The radical measure we are discussing today is both im-
moral and disadvantageous. It does not boost the morale of the Lithuanian na-
tion. [19, p. 388]

The discussions that followed have been summarized in a resolution adopted

by a unanimous vote. Among other things, the resolution stated:

The meeting . . . discussed Dr. Jonas

Šli÷upas’s proposal regarding the elimination

of incurable patients and concludes that the said radical measure is incongruous
with human morals and laws; it contravenes doctors’ ethics, and is inconsistent
with the goals of medical science. It is therefore unacceptable both in terms of
medical practice and from the point of view of medical theory. [19, p. 394]

The Metropolitan Archbishop of Kaunas Juozapas Skvireckas (1873–1959)

reflected the position of the Lithuanian Catholic Church on the issue in his public
letter addressed to the Dean of the VMU Faculty of Medicine:

In this case, the respected family of Lithuania’s doctors remained faithful to its
noble mission and to the Christian commandment that uncompromisingly for-
bids taking the life of an innocent person. I am glad that doctors of Lithuania did
not forsake Christian doctrine. [20, p. 486]

Even if mental patients were able to escape a violent death, they still had to face

excruciating death from starvation. The Nazi administrator in Lithuania, A. T.
Renteln, displayed to B. Matulionis, the Director of the Chief Board of Health, a
typical Nazi attitude toward mental patients. In his August 10, 1942 letter, Matulionis

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87

wrote that A. T. Renteln had not permitted an increase in rations for inmates of
mental hospitals. He emphasized that in Germany mental, incurable, and venereal
patients were not given food at all [3].

We do not fully agree with Article 7 of the conclusions of the research entitled

“Prosecution of Lithuania’s Citizens of Non-Jewish and Non-Roma Descent; Mas-
sacre of Civilians (1941–1944)” carried out by the International Commission for the
Evaluation of Nazi and Soviet Occupation Regimes in Lithuania. These conclusions
were approved on December 17, 2003. The article stated: “The occupation regime in
Lithuania exterminated mental and incurable patients” [21, pp. 158–159]. Facts pro-
vided in this article indicate that, despite the undisguised intentions of the Nazi occu-
pation regime, only individual acts of murder of mental patients of non-Jewish and
non-Gypsy descent can be ascertained in Lithuania. None of the sources that this
publication drew from confirmed mass murder of incurable patients.

Jewish Mental Patients

Unfortunately, this assertion does not apply to the fate of mentally ill Jews during
the Nazi occupation. As mentioned previously, on September 1, 1941, a mobile
squad commanded by Lieutenant J. Hamann arrived to Kalvarija mental hospital,
assembled 109 Jewish patients, took them to the neighboring town of Marijampol

ÿe,

and executed them on the grounds of the barracks on the banks of the river

Še¢supÿe

[11]. A similar fate awaited patients of the Unit for Mental Diseases at the Jewish
Hospital in Vilnius. The Unit was reestablished at the outset of war. It was liqui-
dated right after the establishment of the ghetto. In October 1941, an SS soldier,
Schweinberger, came to the hospital, tossed bread at mental patients, and told
them they would be taken to another location where the food was better. In this
way he lured them into a truck and brought them to the site of mass murders in
Paneriai [22]. Incidentally, when the prosecution of organizers and perpetrators of
mass executions began, Schweinberger, a former police officer in Berlin and the
Chief of the Zonderkommand in Vilnius until 1942, was mentioned as among the
most vicious of war criminals [15].

One of the most prominent psychiatrists in Lithuania at the time fell victim to the

Holocaust. Medical doctor, Jewish public, and cultural figure Abraom Virshubskij
(1871–1943) perished in September 1943, during the liquidation of the Vilnius Ghetto
[22]. For many years he had headed a department at the city’s mental hospital, had
been an active member of the city’s Association of Psychiatrists, and a long-term
(1924–1937) Chief Doctor at the Jewish Hospital in Vilnius. He published more than
150 scientific works, both in the field of medicine and in the field of Jewish culture.

In Sum

1. During the Nazi occupation (June 22, 1941–July 1944) psychiatry in Lithuania

found itself under extreme conditions, unfavorable both for clinical work

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INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF MENTAL HEALTH

and for academic research. The fate of individual patients depended on local
circumstances.

2. Mass extermination of mental patients was avoided but only because of the

firm position and decisive actions of a segment of Lithuanian society. Indi-
vidual cases of murder of mental patients of non-Jewish and non-Roma de-
scent have been recorded in Lithuania.

3. There was strong opposition among Lithuanian physicians to the endorse-

ment and legalization of involuntary euthanasia for incurable patients, in-
cluding those with mental disabilities.

4. Unfortunately, the fate of Jewish mental patients was the same as elsewhere

in Europe; they were brutally annihilated.

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To order reprints, call 1-800-352-2210; outside the United States, call 717-632-3535.