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» Geopolitics of Perestroika and the Collapse of the USSR
GEOPOLITICS OF PERESTROIKA
AND THE COLLAPSE OF THE USSR
13.06.2016
The geopolitics of Perestroika
Right up until 1985, the attitude in the USSR towards
connecting with the West was on the whole rather
sceptical. Only in the period of Y. Andropov's rule did
the situation change somewhat, and according to his
instruction, a group of Soviet scientists and academic
institutes received the task of actively cooperating with
globalist structures (the Club of Rome, the CFR, the
Trilateral Commission, etc.). On the whole, the
principle foreign policy aims of the USSR remained
unchanged during the entire stretch from Stalin to
Chernenko.
Changes in the USSR begin with M. S. Gorbachev's
arrival to the office of General Secretary of the
Communist Party of the Soviet Union. He took office
against the backdrop of the Afghanistan War, which
more and more came to a deadlock. From his first
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more and more came to a deadlock. From his first
steps in the office of General Secretary, Gorbachev
came up against serious problems. The social,
economic, political, and ideological car began to stall.
Society was apathetic. The Marxist worldview lost its
appeal and continued to be broadcasted by inertia. A
growing percentage of the urban intelligentsia was
more and more attracted to Western culture, wishing
for "Western" standards. The national outskirts lost
their modernizational potential, and in some places the
repressive processes of archaization began; nationalist
sentiments flared up, and so on. The arms race and
the necessity of constantly competing with a rather
dynamically developing capitalist system exhausted the
economy. To an even greater extent, discontent in the
socialist countries of Eastern Europe came to a head,
where the appeal of Western capitalist standards was
felt even more keenly, while the prestige of the USSR
gradually fell. In these conditions, it was demanded of
Gorbachev to make some kind of definite decision
concerning the further strategy of the USSR and of the
entire Eastern bloc.
And he made it; it consisted of this: in a difficult
situation,
to adopt as a foundation theories of
convergence and the propositions of the globalist
groups and to begin drawing closer to the Western
world by means of the implementation of one-sided
concessions. Most likely, Gorbachev and his advisers
expected symmetrical actions from the West; the West
should have responded to each of Gorbachev's
concessions with analogous movements in favour of
the USSR. This algorithm was laid up in the
foundations of the policy of perestroika. In domestic
policy, this meant the abandonment of the strict
ideological Marxist dictatorship, the relaxation of
restrictions in relation to non-Marxist philosophical and
scientific theories, the cessation of pressure on
religious institutes (in the first place, on the Russian
[Russkii] Orthodox Church), a broadening of the
permissible interpretations of the events of Soviet
history, a policy on the creation of small enterprises
(cooperatives), and the freer association of citizens
along political and ideological interests. In this sense,
perestroika was a chain of steps directed towards
democracy, parliamentarism, the market, "
glasnost'",
and the expansion of zones of civic freedom. This was
a movement
away from the socialist model of society
towards a bourgeois-democratic and capitalist model.
But at first this movement was gradual and remained
within the framework of the social-democratic
algorithm; democratization and liberalism were
combined with the preservation of the party model of
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combined with the preservation of the party model of
the administration of the country, a strict vertical and
planned economy, and control of the party agencies
and special services behind social-political processes.
However, in other countries of the Eastern bloc and on
the periphery of the USSR, these transformations were
perceived as a manifestation of weakness and as
unilateral concessions to the West. Such a conclusion
was confirmed by Gorbachev's decision to finally
remove Soviet military contingents from Afghanistan
(1989), by oscillation over a series of democratic
revolutions unfolding throughout Eastern Europe, and
by his inconsistent policies in relation to a series of
allied republics: Estonia, Lithuania and Latvia, and also
Georgia and Armenia, which were the first involved in
the process of the establishment of independent
statehood.
Against this background, the West took up a well-
defined position: while encouraging Gorbachev and his
reforms in word only and extolling his fateful
undertaking, not one really symmetrical step was taken
in favour of the USSR; not the smallest concession was
made in a single direction to Soviet political, strategic,
and economic interests. As a result, Gorbachev's
policies led, by 1991, to the gigantic, planetary system
of Soviet influence being
brought down, while the
second pole, the USA, and NATO quickly filled the
vacuum of control that had opened up. And if in the
first stages of perestroika it was still possible to
consider it as a special manoeuvre in the "Cold War"
(not unlike the plan of the "Finlandization of Europe",
worked out by Beria; Gorbachev himself spoke of a
"European house") then by the end of the 1980’s it
became clear that we were dealing with a case of direct
and one-sided
capitulation.
Gorbachev agreed to remove Soviet troops from the
German Democratic Republic, disbanding the Warsaw
Pact, recognizing the legitimacy of the new bourgeois
governments in the countries of Eastern Europe,
moving to meet the aspirations of the Soviet republics
to receive a large degree of sovereignty and
independence, and to revise the conditions of the
agreement for the formation of the USSR on new
terms. More and more Gorbachev also rejected the
social-democratic line, opening a path for direct
bourgeois-capitalist reforms in the economy. In a
word, Gorbachev's reforms amounted to
recognition of
the defeat of the USSR in its confrontation with the
West and the USA.
From a geopolitical point of view, perestroika
From a geopolitical point of view, perestroika
represents not only a repudiation of the ideological
confrontation with the capitalist world, but also a
complete contradiction of Russia's entire historical path
as a Eurasian, great-continental formation, as the
Heartland, as the civilization of Land. This was the
undermining of Eurasia from within; the voluntary self-
destruction of one of the poles of the world system; a
pole that did not at all arise in the Soviet period, but
took shape for centuries and millennia in the riverbeds
of the natural logic of geopolitical history and in
accordance with the lines of force of objective
geopolitics. Gorbachev took the position of
Westernism, which quickly led to the collapse of the
global structure and to a new version of the Time of
Troubles. Instead of Eurasianism, Atlanticism was
adopted; in the place of the civilization of Land and its
sociological set of values were placed the normatives of
the civilization of the Sea, contrary to it in all regards. If
we compare the geopolitical significance of these
reforms with every other period in Russian [Russkii]
history, we cannot escape the feeling that we are
dealing with something unprecedented.
The Time of Troubles in Russian [Russkii] history did
not last long and was replaced by periods of new
sovereign rebirth. Even the most frightening
dissensions preserved this or that integrating centre,
which became in time a pole of a new centralization of
Russian lands. And even the Russian [Russkii]
Westernists, orientated towards Europe, adopted along
with European customs ideas, technologies and skills,
used to reinforce the might of the Russian [Rosiiskii]
state, to secure its borders, and to assert its national
interests. Thus, the Westernist Peter or the German
Catherine the Second, with all their enthusiasm for
Europe, increased the territory of Russia and achieved
for it newer and newer military victories. Even the
Bolsheviks, obsessed by the idea of world revolution
and having easily agreed to the fettering terms of the
Brest-Litovsk world, started in a short period to
strengthen the Soviet Union, returning under the
control of Moscow its outskirts in the West and the
South. The case of Gorbachev is an absolute exception
in Russian [Russkii] geopolitical history. This history did
not know such betrayal even in its very worst periods.
Not only was the socialist system destroyed; the
Heartland was blown up from within.
The geopolitical significance of the collapse of the USSR
As a result of the collapse of the USSR
Yalta World
came to its logical end. This meant that the two-polar
model ended.
One pole put an end to its existence by
model ended.
One pole put an end to its existence by
its own initiative. Now one could say with certainty
what the theory of convergence was in fact:
the
cunning plan of the civilization of the Sea. This cunning
plan conceived an action and brought victory to
thalassocracy in the "Cold War". No convergence
occurred in practice; and according to the extent of the
one-sided concessions from the side of the USSR, the
West only strengthened its capitalist and liberal
ideology, expanding its influence further and further
throughout the ideological emptiness that had formed.
NATO's zone of control also expanded together with
this. Thus, at first almost all of the countries of Eastern
Europe joined NATO (Romania, Hungary, The Czech
Republic, Slovakia, Bulgaria, Poland, Slovenia, Croatia),
and then also the former republics of the USSR
(Estonia, Lithuania, Latvia). This meant that the
structure of the world after the end of the "Cold War"
preserved one of its poles, the civilization of the Sea,
the West, Leviathan, Carthage, the bourgeois-
democratic bloc with its centre in the USA.
The end of the two-polar world meant, therefore, the
victory of one of its poles and its strengthening at the
expense of the loser. One of the poles vanished, while
the other remained and became the natural
dominating structure of the whole global geopolitical
system. This victory of the civilization of the Sea over
the civilization of Land represents the real content of
globalization, its essence. Henceforth the world
became simultaneously both global and unipolar.
From a sociological point of view, globalization
represents the planetary dissemination of a single
model
of the Western bourgeois-democratic, liberal,
market society, the society of merchants. This is
thalassocracy. And at the same time the USA is the
centre and core of this (henceforth global) bourgeois-
democratic thalassocracy reality. Democratization,
Westernization, Americanization, and globalism
essentially represent various aspects of one and the
same process
of the total attack of the civilization of the
Sea, the hegemony of the Sea. Such is the result of that
planetary duel that was the major content of
international politics in the course of the 20th century.
During Khrushchev's rule, the Soviet edition of
tellurocracy suffered a colossal catastrophe, and the
territorial zones, separating the Heartland from the
warm seas came, to a significant degree, under the
control of the sea power. Precisely, thus should we
understand both the expansion of NATO in the East at
the expense of the former socialist countries and allied
republics and the subsequent strengthening of the
influence of the West in the post-Soviet space.
influence of the West in the post-Soviet space.
The collapse of the USSR, which ceased to exist in 1991,
put an end to the Soviet period of Russia's geopolitics.
This stage ended with such a severe defeat that there is
no analogue to it in Russia's preceding history; not even
falling into complete dependence on the Mongols, and
even that was compensated for by integration into a
political-governmental model of the tellurocratic
persuasion. In the present case, we are dealing with
the impressive victory of the principle enemies of all
tellurocracy, with the crippling defeat of Rome and the
triumph of the new Carthage.
The disintegration of the USSR signified, from a
geopolitical point of view, an event of colossal
importance, affecting the entire structure of the global
geopolitical map. According to its geopolitical features,
the confrontation of the West and East, the capitalist
camp and socialist one, with its core in the USSR,
represented the peak of the deep process of the great
war of the continents, a planetary duel between the
civilization of Land and the civilization of the Sea, raised
to the highest degree of intensity and to a planetary
scale. The entire preceding history led to the tense
apogee of this battle, which received precisely in 1991
its qualitative resolution.
In this moment, together with
the death of the USSR, the collapse of the civilization of
Land was realized
AMERICAN IDEOLOGY AND US’ CLAIMS
Joint Report of
Katehon Think
Tank and RISS
Katehon think
tank offers you a
geopolitical
analysis of the
major trends in
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2015 and
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2016. The reports
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