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The Lutizens did not triumph over the kindred Abodrites for a long time. According to Annales Augustiani (year 1068), only a year after the martyrdom of bishop John, in winter at the tum of 1068: “Burchardt, bishop of Halberstadt, invaded, destroyed and burnt the province of the Lutizens. He captured the horse which had been worshiped as a god in Reda and came back to Saxony riding it.” The Annals provide us with a next, third form of the sanctuary’s name. The bishop’s expedition is recorded in other sources as well (Bertholdi Annales, a.1067; Bertholdi Chronicon, a.1067; Bruske, 1955, p. 84; Engel, 1969, p. 101), but only Annales Augustiani men-tion the horse. No mention suggests that any tempie was destroyed, never-theless Carl Schuchhard (1926, p. 35-36) believed that “Rethra has been dead sińce 1068, Burchardt of Halberstadt was its conqueror.” According to Schuchhard, bishop of Halberstadfs campaign was in fact identical with an expedition against the Lutizens undertaken by young king Henry IV in 1069. Contemporary historians (Engel, 1969, p. 101) do not share this opinion and interpret the latter as a campaign initiated to confirm Burhardfs suc-cess. Annales Weissenburgenses, which mention it (year 1069), supply some information about destruction of temples at last: “King Henry with his army invaded the barbarians living on the other side of the Elbę, killed many people, destroyed their towns, bumt temples with idols, and brought home much spoił.” Other sources (Annales Altahenses maiores, a. 1069; Schwartz, 1926, p. 211-212; Bruske, 1955, p. 84; Engel, 1969, p. 101) confirm this record, dating the campaign to the winter of 1068/1069 after Christmas, but do not mention any temples. Seemingly, Schuchhard’s thesis about the fali of RadogoSć tempie about 1068, although slightly modified, is rooted in the sources. Emil Schwartz (1926, p. 210), however, showed its weak points. Annales Augustiani do not say that the horse worshiped in Reda was captured there, it may have been seized by Burhardt in the battlefield. Annales Weissenburgenses inform about Henry IV’s campaign rather schematically and without details such as the location of bumt temples. Wolfgang Bruske (1955, p. 84) went as far as claiming that the 1069 expedition did not bring any concrete results except of plunder.

Schuchhard’s main argument was that allegedly RadogoSć did not ap-pear in the sources written after 1068. Schwartz, however, pointed to the fact that Adam of Bremen, who died around 1081 and wrote his chronicie about 1072-1076 (SSS, vol. I, p. 3-4) did not know anything about the fali of Rethra and described the sanctuary as functioning. Undoubtedly, the Lutizen Union survived beyond 1068, as in 1073 Henry IV asked them for help (Schwartz, 1926, p. 212; Sułowski, 1960, p. 63). It is worth mentioning that Orderic Vitalis (IV, year 1069) includes the Lutizens among the tribes that reinforced Danish king Sweyn in his expedition to England and describes them as “a very large nation, which is still confined within the errors of paganism and has not recognized the true God, but tied by ignorance, worships Odin, Thor and Freya and other false gods or evil spirits.” The fact that the cult of the gods worshiped in Uppsala is attributed to the Lutizens points to the Scandinavian origin of the record. Orderic does not add any information about the Lutizen cult, but confirms that the Union and its pagan religion survived. The last sign of Radogość is some-times traced in a mention from Ebo (III, 5), conceming Lothar of Supplin-burg’s campaign against the Lutizens in 1128, when an unnamed “town with a tempie” was ruined, but it might have been another place (Schuchhardt, 1926, p. 56; Bruske, 1955, p. 97-100; Engel, 1969, p. 101-102).

Despite that the years 1068-1069 constitute a tuming point in the history of Radogość. Although the sources contain gaps, it is difficult to agree with Schwartz’s supposition (1926, p. 210-215) that the tempie in Radogość, certainly most severely attacked, survived intact. The situation is best ex-plained by Bruske’s hypothesis (1955, p. 84) that Radogość was actually destroyed, but the invaders did not manage to control the plundered land of the Lutizens for a long time, and the tempie might have been rebuilt. Nevertheless, it never regained its status. We are not able to answer conclus-ively whether its decline was caused by bishop Burhardt or king Henry IV.

As we can see, Radogość, similarly to Arcona, has got its history, we are better informed about the culmination of its prosperity than about the circumstances of its decline. The later the origin of sources was, the less concrete information was supplied, and finally the tempie fell into such oblivion than nowadays we do not even know its location. According to Adam of Bremen, Radogość was within a distance of four-day travel from Hamburg. As a trip from Hamburg to Wolin took seven days, which was proved by Labuda (1988, p. 66), we might conclude that Radogość was situated three days from Wolin. Helmold said that the tribes controlling the sanctuary were the Redars and Tolensans, so it should lie within their territories, but the examination of local names did not bring any results. No tracę of a name similar to Radogość, Rethra or Reda has been found there, although the first and the last are attested in Slavonic toponomastics (Schlimpert, Witkowski, 1969, p. 529-544).

Attempts to discover Radogość started as early as in the late Middle Ages. In 1378 Ernst von Kirchberg tried to locate it in Dymin. Chronicon Slavicum (compiled in the 15th c.) supplemented Adam of Bremen’s relation about the martyrdom of bishop John with the information that Radogość was situated “upon Piana, that is behind Dymin.” Albert Crantz (1519) hesitated between Róbel at Muritz Lakę and Stargard, Thurius pointed to Malchin, Chytreus (1589) and Lindenberg (1596) again to Róbel, Latomus (1610) and Pistorius (1739) opted for the region of Tollense Lakę and neighbouring Lieps Lakę (Beckmann, 1959, p. 46-49; Engel, 1969, p. 103-104).

Richard Wossidlo (1909, p. 226-246) collected folk tales from Mecklem-burg, in which Radogość appears as Schóne Reda, Reda, and even Mar-gareta, Greta and Nineveh. P. Beckmann (1959, p. 56-69) examined this

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