DAVID, CITY
OF
of
them-the deeply-felt elegy on Saul and Jonathan-
was taken from the so-called Book of
.,
§
?),
and another-the short elegy
on
Abner-may have
been copied from the same book. These occur in
and
respectively.
They have an
antique air and are worthy of David. Whether
any
religious elements formerly present have been removed,
we cannot say but there is no special reason to think
so.
That the song of triumph in
S.
22
Ps. 18)
and the 'last words of David' in
(both highly
religious compositions) are Davidic, is not, on grounds
of criticism, tenable.
Nor can any of the psalms in the
Psalter be ascribed with any probability to David.
The eager search for possible Davidic psalms seems to
be
a
proof that the seekers have taken
up
the study
of
the Psalter at
end.
That David composed
religious songs is of course probable enough. When
he
his companions played before
with all
their might, and with songs and with (divers musical
instruments),' it is reasonable to conjecture that some
of
these songs had been made for the purpose by the
poet-king.
But how much resemblance would these
psalms have had to the psalms of the second temple?
and how could the David known to
us
from history
have entered into the ideas of Psalms
32
and
51,
which
are assigned by Delitzsch and
to the sad period
of David's great sin? Would not that have been one
of the greatest of miracles ?
[In the above sketch sentences have been here and
there borrowed from the late Robertson Smith's art.
David in the
especially where David's character
and his originality as a ruler are referred to. The
advance of criticism since 1877 required a fresh survey
of the subject.
On
Renan's view of David in his
see W R S
Hist.
1888,
Duncker
(Hist.
of
Ant.
is hardly less
un-
sympathetic than
and his narrative needs
adjustment to the results of critical analysis.
G
VI
1223-298,
and
Prol.,
ET,
and
56-64,
are of the highest importance.
1
is
fresh and original, but often rash.
Cheyne's Aids
part
I
,
relates to the David-narratives;
analysis in
the results of which are tabulated
in chap.
1,
is provisionally adopted.
See also
Dr.
Zeit
43-97;
Marquart's
mente ('97); and the articles
in
this Dictionary
on
Samuel and Chronicles (with the books there referred
to). Prof.
W.
R. Smiths article in
should be
taken with the corresponding portion of Ewald's
History.
Chandler's
of
ed.
1766)
gives answers
to the very real difficulties suggested by Pierre
which are now superseded.
('66) is
recommended by Robertson Smith for the
numerous parallels adduced from Oriental history. The
late
H.
A. White's art. in Hastings'
has great
merit.
For
an account of David as
a
tactician, see
DAVID, CITY OF
2
Sam. 5 7
I
K.
See J
ERUSALEM
.
DAY.
Among the ancients the day was reckoned in
a
great variety of ways. ' T h e Babylonians reckoned
from sunrise to sunrise, the Athenians from
sunset to sunset, the Umbrians from noon
to noon, the common people everywhere
from dawn to dark, the Roman priests and those by
whom the civil day has been defined, as also the
Egyptians and Hipparchus, from midnight to midnight
188).
'From
to
( a
was the ancient and ordinary meaning of
a day
among the Israelites; night, a s being the
time when no
can work (Jn.
9
4).
might, it was
considered, be left out of account altogether, or, at all
See P
SALMS
.
monograph.
T.
C.
S.
65.
We
emend with Klost., after
I
Ch. 13
a
DAY
events, as being the evident complement
of
the 'day
and involved in it, did not require explicit mention.
Thus the word day' came to have a twofold meaning
:
at one time signifying the period from sunrise to sunset
a t another including day's inseparable accompaniment,.
the night, and embracing the whole period from one
sunrise to the next.
in cases where the contrast
had to be brought out, or there was risk of ambiguity,
was
it necessary to name the night
expressly,
as, for
example, in
3139.
Apart from
and the combination of
and
the Hebrews pos-
sessed
no
expression for the civil day as including day
and night; for the designation
'evening
morning,' which makes its first appearance in the
second century
B
.
C.
814).
equivalent to the Greek
Cor.
is but a combination precisely
similar to the older
and
The Israelites regarded the morning as the beginning
of the day in the evening the day declined
or
down,' and until the new day
morning
brolce
it was necessary to tarry all night (cp Judg.
19
6-9
and
series in Nu.
11
all that day and all the night
and all the next day
').
Not till post-exilic times do we
find traces of a new mode of reckoning which makes
day begin at sunset and continue till the sunset follow-
ing.
In P, it is true, the expression
'
day and night'
Lev.
835
Nu.
is unhesitatinglyused, not night
and day,' and the evening following the fourteenth
day of the first month is regarded as the evening of that
day (Ex.
12
18)
but Lev.
23
32
certainly reckons the day
as extending from evening to evening, and the same
mode of reckoning seems to have been in the mind of the
writer
(P)
when, after describing the work of each day,
he invariably adds,
So
there was evening and there
morning,
a
first [second, third, etc.] day (Gen.
1 5 8
of reckoning is shown also in the above-mentioned
expression in Dan.
in the order of the
words evening, morning,
noon
in Ps.
55
17
and in
the
and day,' night or day,' of the late passages
Is.
Esth.
In
connection with this later
Jewish custom one has to remember the .importance
which the new moon (visible only in the evening) had
for the Israelites in the determination of their feasts,
and it must not be forgotten that other ancient peoples
who observed lunar divisions of time (Athenians, Gauls,
Germans) also began their day with evening.
the same, it is undeniably a somewhat unnatural mode
of reckoning, and as far as Israel is concerned can have
come into use only when it was desired to fix times with
legal and
precision for the nation at large.
The ancient Israelites had no precise subdivision
of the day for accurate measurement of time. They
designated the various periods of the
day by the natural changes which
marked its successive stages, or by the
successive occupations in ordinary daily
routine. Thus it was in the nature of
things that morning
midday
and evening
should be distinguished, and equally
so
that
morning should be spoken of as the rising of the morning,
the breaking of the day
or the
rising
of
the
sun
(Gen.
19
midday, the heat
of the day (Gen.
181
I
or
the height of the day
[EV the perfect day] (Prov.
418)
afternoon, the time of
the day's decline (Judg.
19
8)
and evening, the time of
the going down of the sun (Gen.
15
17)
or
of
'the wind of
the day or evening breeze (Gen.
3
8
Cant.
2
[when the
day is cool]
46).
Specially noticeable is the expression
between the two evenings,' met with only
In
Dt.
2866
14
17
the original text had 'day and night'
(see
a l a t e transcribersubstitnted 'night and day 'in accord-
ance with the mode of expression current in
his
own time.
1036
DAY
P
(Ex. 126
41
308 Lev. 23
5
Nu.
284 8),
which can mean only towards evening,'
about the
evening time,' since it is used to indicate the same period
that is called in Dt. 166 the time of the going down of
sun (cp Ex. 126
Whether the form
ought to be taken as a dual, and the two evenings'
understood as meaning the evening of the sun and
the
evening of its still visible light,' may be left an open
question ; but it is important to note that the evening
sacrifice prescribed by the law to be made
towards evening (Ex. 29
39 41
Nu.
28
4
8)-was offered
in
the first century of our era in the afternoon between
half-past two and half-past three (cp
Jos.
Ant.
xiv. 43
and Mishna,
5
I
;
also Acts3
I
103
where the
prayer associated with the evening sacrifice also
is
made
at the ninth hour), and that only the Samaritans and
Karaites maintain the old correct. interpretation.
T h e
change possibly may not have taken place till after the
Maccabean period ; for in Daniel
(9
the daily offering
is
still spoken of as
'the evening oblation,'
and no place in the O T gives any hint of
a
change (cp
on the other hand, the reminiscences
of
psalmody by
night in the temple :
I
Ch. 9
33
23
Ps.
3
134
I
cp 119
62).
By reference
to
functions of daily recurrence,
morning is called the time of incense
(Lk.
1
IO),
; the
middle of the afternoon, the time of the offering of the
Minha
( I
K. 182936) and the evening, the time that
women go out to draw water (Gen.
or the time
of
the evening oblation (Dan. 9
cp
).
Cp also
cock-crowing as denoting early morning (Mk.
72).
The
O T
affords no evidence that the Israelites divided
their day into twelve
hours
as the Babylonians did.
of Ahaz
K.
Is.
whatever it was (see D
IAL
), did not
lead to
a
more accurate measurement
of
time on the part of the people, and even at so late a date
as that
of
Daniel
(416
5
Aramaic
('hour')
does not mean any exact portion of time.
Reckoning
by
hours is met with first in the
N T ,
where the day consists
of
twelve
(Jn.
1 1 9 )
or twelfths simply designated as
first [second, etc.] of the day, reckoned as beginning a t
sunrise (cp Acts2
Mt.
3
5 6
27
45 46
etc.
The hour
was thus with the Jews
a
variable quantity, a s it was
also with the Babylonians, the twelfth part of the day
ranging from forty-nine to seventy-one minutes according
to the season of the year.
The division of the day into
twelve parts and the further development of the
gesimal system as a whole had commended itself to the
from their observation that, at the vernal
equinox, the time between the appearance of the first
direct ray of the
and that of visibility of the entire
disk above the horizon amounted to
a
of the
whole time during which the
sun
was visible in the
heavens, or the 720th part
of
a
full day reckoned from
one sunrise
to
another.
Equal divisions of the night were of older date than
equal divisions of the day. Three night-watches were
recognised: the first
Lam.
middle
Judg.
;
within which, of
midnight fell,
Ex.
and the last
Ex.
I
S.
11
From the
N T
we learn that, in the first century
of
our
era at least, the Roman division into four watches
had in common use superseded the old division into
(Mk. 13
35
and
Mt.
648 Lk. 1238, cp
From the division of the day into twelve hours the
step to a similar division of the night was easy (so,
certainly, in Acts2323 ; cp also Acts1633 Lk. 1239 and,
for the last-cited passage, see the parallel in
Mt.
which speaks of 'watch,' not 'hour').
in Hos. 2 15 5 it means 'high day' ; in
3
'
birth-day
;
Jer.
50
27
18
15 23
Ps.
37
etc.
day of doom ; in
Is.
9
3
'day of battle.'
On the
'day of Yahwi: (Joel
' D a y ' is sometimes used in a half-metaphorical sense.
DEACON AND DEACONESS
115
Ezek. 13
Is.
2
and 'day of Judgment
'
Pet.
3
7
see
E
SCHATOLOGY
,
Paul uses the expression
(I
Cor.
43)
in contrast to
(Lk.
17
I
Cor.
1 8
[see Var.
;
a
Rev. 1
see
L
ORD
'
S
D
AY
)
to
mean an ordinary 'day
compares
Reichstag).
See art. ' T a g ' in
as also in
and Riehm's
HWB;
H A
Nowack,
H A
1
2 184
and
Schiirer,
3rd ed. 2
K.
M,
DAY'S JOURNEY
N
U
.
WEIGHTS
AND
M
EASURES
.
For sabbath day's journey,' see S
ABBATH
,
4,
n.
33
EV
U
M
PI
RE
(see
Murray under
Davidson
Spenser,
8
renders by
See
L
A
W AND
J
USTICE
,
I
O
.
DAY STAR.
I
.
Is.
RV;
2.
2
Pet.
119.
See
L
UCIFER
.
DEACON and DEACONESS
I.
Word-We may consider first the
use of
I n the Gosnels the word
is
used
literallv. of a
the word and of its cognates.
servant who 'prepares or serves a meal
metaphorically
Mt.
Jn. 12
26).
It is never used hy Lk. who,
what seems a parallel
t o
sayings in
Mk,,
prefers the participle
in
one place
however, he uses
of the
of
a
The verb
is likewise used
literallv. of
preparing or supplying food (Mk. 1 1 3 Mt. 4
131
Mt. Lk.) Lk.
Jn.
Mt.
more widely);
again somewhat more
2755
Lk. 83) of the women who minisrered
to
Jesus in
his
journeyings
.
.
in Galilee
metaphorically (Lk. 22
;
Jn.
18 26).
The ordinary word for a servant in the Gospels is
a
bond-servant or slave; but a
may he called upon to
(Lk.
17 7
and in discharge of this function may
he termed
emphasises relation
to a master
.
performance of service. The latter word
is
free
the associations of slavery which belong to the
former.
I t was thus fitted for adoption as the
of
any form of Christian service rendered to Christ or to his
Church.
Accordingly in Acts we find
frequently in this sense :
Acts 1
25,
the
of apostleship ; 6
I
,
the daily
by which the needs of the poorer brethren
2.
Acts.
supplied ; and, in contrast to this, the
of the word
(64).
In
1129
and 1225
is
used of the help in the famine rendered by Antioch to the
brethren in Judma (a sense which recurs
Paul's epistles). In
20
24
Paul speaks more generally of fulfilling the
which
he has received of the Lord Jesus; and in 21
he declares
what God has wrought among the Gentiles through his
The word
does not occur at all in Acts (as it does not
in Lk.) ; but
is used in a literal sense in 6 of serving
the
; and metaphorically of Timothy and
who
'ministered
t o
Paul (19
In the first of the four chronological groups of the Pauline
epistles, the only instance of the word or
cognates is
I
Thess.
3
where Timothy is called 'the
3.
In Epistles.
arm.] of God in the gospel
of Christ.
I n the second group the words
are freely used. Paul
are
through whom
ye believed
(
I
Cor. 3 5).
Differences of
are spoken
of in
5 ;
and
the household of Stephanas the remarkable
phrase is used, they appointed (or 'set') themselves
to the saints' (16
This passage
would show
that the words were not yet limited to an official use. I n Cor.
the most noteworthy passages are 8 4 19
9
I
where the
words are applied
to
the collection in the Greek churches for
the poor saints
in Jerusalem, a service on which Paul laid the
greatest stress as being a means of cementing the union between
the Jewish and the Gentile portions of the Church. l h e Epistle
to the Romans
(15
25
31)
shows us his anxiety on this matter,
and his fixed resolve
t o
carry out his project i n person a t
risk to liberty or life. Here again, then,
and
are used of the ministration to temporal needs. In the samp
epistle
occur the notable words I glorify my
(as apostle of the Gentiles); and
wide range with which he
uses the term is seen when he speaks of the temporal ruler as
'the
of
God' (13
4).
The application of the word
t o
of
(16
I
)
will be considered presently
4).
In the third group Paul himself is twice styled a
of the gospel (Eph. 3 7 Col. 1
23)
and once a
of t h e
church' (Col. 1 2 4
is twice described as 'the
beloved brother and faithful
in the Lord' (Eph. 6
Col. 4 7 ; in the latter place the description 'fellow-servant
. 1038
DEACON AND DEACONESS
also is inserted). similarly ‘Epaphras, who
faithful
on our behalf,
Christ’ ’(Col. 17).
‘The
work of
referred to in the widest sense in Eph.
4 1 2 ;
and in Col. 417
Archippus receives the message : ‘Look to the
which
thou hast received in the Lord that thou
it.
I n
Philemon Paul says of
the runaway slave, ‘that on
behalf he may minister to me’
13).
I n
Philip-
pians the only instance is of special importance ; for the epistle
is addressed ‘ t o all the saints
.
.
.
in Philippi, together with
and
(1
I
).
The fourth group consists of the Pastoral Epistles; and here
the general sense of the words is still the most frequent. The
apostle thanks God
(I
for having appointed him unto
is to he a good
of Christ Jesus
is charged to fulfil his
Tim. 4 5).
Of
Onesiphorus the apostle recalls how he ‘ministered’ in Ephesus
(1
and of Mark he says ‘he is useful to me for
(4
On the other hand,
passage of most importance for
our purpose is the code of regulations laid down in
I
Tim. 3 8-13
for a class of persons who are definitely designated
Before considering these regulations we may return to Rom.
1 6
I
,
‘ I
commend to you Phaebe our sister, who is [also]
of the church which is in Cenchreae.
I t is
possible
t o
interpret the word here either in the
general sense in which Paul uses it so often
or in the official sense which we find in
later epistles to the Philippians and to Timothy.
It
is no
objection to the official sense that the person so designated is
a
woman ; for we shall presently see that a t Ephesus the Order
included deacons of either sex.
On
the other hand, since there is not in the two earlier groups
of
Paul’s epistles any other indication that
is a special
office in the Church, this, which occurs in the second group,
would he a solitary and somewhat puzzling exception. More-
over, as Cenchreae was the
E.
port of Corinth, this case practi-
cally belongs to the Corinthian church. In that church special
mention is made of the
of Stephanas and his household
the word
being used in its broadest sense. There
Chloe and her household were
of note. I t may he, therefore,
that Phaebe was another woman of influence who held a corre-
sponding pre-eminence of service in the neighhouring port, a
pre-eminence that earned for her a t the apostle’s hands the
honourable title of
of the church; for she had been
a
helper (perhaps we should render it
patroness
of many and of the apostle himself.
If we could
that
the diaconate was formally established in the Corinthian church
a t this time, we should certainly conclude that Phaehe was one
of the women who served it but this assumption is in sharp
contrast with the silence of Paul‘s epistles as to any kind of
definite ecclesiastical organisation a t Corinth.
Of
Phaehe, then, we may say with security that she is a
to
the important services rendered
women in the
primitive Church but in tracing the history of the diaconate
it will not he wise
t o
assume that the word
is used of
her in the strictly official sense. As a matter of historical
evidence this passage must he left out of the
as
a t
rate, uncertain testimony.
For a technical diaconate in
writings we are thus reduced to two passages, Phil.
1
I
and
I
Tim. 38-13.
11.
Origin
and
functions
the
Dimonate.-The first
recognition of any need
of
organisation in the Christian
community occurs in connection with the
daily meal in Jerusalem
(see
C
HURCH
,
The word deacon is not applied
in Acts to the seven men who were on this occasion
appointed to the service
of
the poor
we have already
noted that
does nor occur in Lk. or Acts.
Nevertheless, by the later Church tradition, they were
constantly regarded as the earliest deacons; and
so
strong was this feeling that the number of deacons in
some churches was limited to seven.
Names apart,
they truly represented the essential feature of the
diaconate, as the Church’s organ for service to her
poorer members.
In other communities, especially in
the Greek world, this service was destined to take
a
different form but the deacons of the
epistles
at Philippi and Ephesus had a similar function, though
the circumstances in which they discharged it were very
dissimilar.
The definite title is met with first in the
Greek churches, and here the order from its commence-
ment is found to include the services of men and women
alike.
The admission of women to the diaconate
could scarcely have arisen in the Jewish communities
it was probably felt to be natural in places where
women were in general accorded
a
larger liberty.
Whilst then we recognise the germ of the institution
in
the appointment of the Seven in Jerusalem, we must
Cp Hatch,
Christian
49.
DEAD, THE
look to the Greek churches for the
of
the
definite and permanent order.
As
the personal ministry
of
Paul drew to
a
close, and
as
it became evident that the
of Christ was
indefinitely postponed, it was natural that ecclesiastical
organisation should assume a new and increasing im-
portance.
It is in harmony with this that we find the
apostle in a later epistle recognising expressly ‘the
bishops and deacons’ at Philippi, very much as he
had recognised the ‘episcopate’ of the presbyters of
Ephesus, when he thought that he should see them
again no more (Acts
‘Those who ruled,’ and
those who served under them, were coming to form
definite classes, to which the natural designations of
overseers
and servants
were be-
ginning to be formally appropriated. Accordingly, in
the first epistle to Timothy the apostle
down regulations for the two
classes under
titles.
differences in the
regulations help to show
us
the nature of the functions
to be discharged in the two cases
(
I
Tim.
3
1-13).
The
rules which should govern the choice of deacons must
be cited in full :-
‘Deacons in like manner must be grave, not double-tongued,
not given to
wine, not eager for petty gains holding
the mystery of the faith in a pure conscience. And’they too
are first to he tested, and then
to
minister, if they he irreproach-
able. Women in like manner must be grave not slanderers,
faithful
in all things.
Deacons are
be husbands of
one
ruling well their children and their own houses for
they
have ministered well acquire a good standing for
themselves and much boldness in the faith which is in Christ
Jesus.
The essence of these regulations is that, deacons,
whether men or women, must he persons
of
character,
who can rule their tongues and are temperate in the
use
of wine.
Trustworthiness is demanded of the
woman, as strict honesty is of the man : this doubtless
points to the fact that Church moneys would pass
through their hands.
Deacons are to know what they
believe, and to live in accordance with i t ; but no
aptitude for teaching is demanded of them, nor any
qualifications for exercising discipline.
The service
of the deacons is the house to house service, which
deals primarily with temporal wants.
In the
AV
the women spoken of here are represented
as the wives of the deacons. This interpretation puts
a
serious strain on the original Greek, and it is now
generally abandoned.
It finds no parallel in any
demand for special qualifications in the wives of bishops,
It belongs to a period when the diaconate of women
had been wholly lost sight
of;
and it cannot be
tained in face of the fact that women were undoubtedly
admitted to this office in the early ages of the Church’s
history.
For
the later confusion between deaconesses and widows
see W
IDOW
. and for a full historical account of the female
see
Ministry
Deaconesses
hy Deaconess Cecilia
Robinson (‘98).
J. A.
R.
The preliminaries may
first he briefly considered. T o kiss the dead (Gen.
501)
and to close their eyes (Gen.
4 6 4 )
and mouth (Mishna,
immediately after death was looked
upon as
a
deed of natural piety. In N T times the
was washed (Acts
anointed with sweet-smelling
ointments
(Mk.
16
I
Lk.
24
I
Jn.
and wrapped in
linen cloth (Mt.
Mk.
Lk.
23
or
the hands
and feet were bound with grave-clothes and the head
covered with a napkin (Jn.
The age of these
customs must remain uncertain,
as
they are not alluded
to in
O T ;
the old belief that in
the dead
would be known by their dress, the king by his diadem,
the soldier by his sword, the prophet by his mantle
(
I
S.
28
14
Ezek.
leads to the inference that the dead
were buried dressed as in life.
In later times, delicate
foods, ornaments, gold and silver, and all kinds
of
valuables were placed with the body in the graves
of
DEAD, THE,
and
DEAD, THE
princes and nobles (Jos.
Ant.
xv.
34).
If what we read
Ant.
xiii. 84 xvi.
71)
as
to the plundering of David‘s
grave by Hyrcanus and Herod is to be accepted, this
custom also is very old. E
MBALMING
was not in
use.
On sacrifices to the dead, cp E
SCHATOLOGY
,
3.
The usual
of disposing of the dead was by
burial (Gen.
358 Judg.
832 etc.
In
I
S.
we read of the burning of the body
of
Saul, the text is corrupt (see Klost. ad
as
is also
the case with Am.
Burning was looked
as
something abominable, as an injury to the dead (Am.
21) it was used, by priestly law and old custom, only
in a few cases, to render the death sentence more severe
(Josh.
Lev.
L
AW AND
J
USTICE
,
The aversion to the burning of the body was con-
nected with the belief that the soul even after death was
bound to the body.
Not to be buried was a terrible
disgrace which one could hardly wish even to one’s
greatest enemy (Am. 21
I
K.
1411 164 2124
K.
8 2
164
The spirits of the unburied dead wander restlessly about,
and in
are condemned to lie in the corners (Ezek.
3223
Is.
etc.). Burial alone
so
the spirit
to the body that it had rest and could harm no one.
It
was therefore the sacred duty of every one who found
a
corpse in the open field to give it burial
( I
K.
1411
21
24
Jer.
33
2
S.
21
and especially Tob.
118
28). In
of death by stoning the pile of stones took the
place of a regular grave (Josh.
Cp the Greek idea,
as
given, for example, in the
of Sophocles.
Rapid interment was necessary on account of the hot
climate, and even without express biblical authority we
may assume that then,
as
now, in the East, it usually
took place on the day of death (cp Dt. 21
The body
was
carried to the grave on a bier
(2
S.
Lk.
Coffins were not used by the Israelites
(2
Joseph’s bones were placed in a coffin
in conformity with the custom of the
Egyptians (Gen.
The
coffin (sarcophagus)
was adopted by the Jews
(as
also
by the Phoenicians) from
the Egyptians long after the exile, but only by the wealthy.
The procession
of
friends, who would of course often be
was accompanied by hired mourners singing
lamentations
(2
S.
cp M
OURNING
C
USTOMS
).~ The
place of burial was determined by the belief that the unity
of the family and tribe continued after death. The bodies
of those who wished to be reunited with their parents and
family in
had
to
be buried in the family sepulchre
(see
T
OMBS
, E
SCHATOLOGY
).
See Benzinger,
Arch.
23;
Nowack,
H A
32;
‘Death’
can mean, not only the
or
state of death, but also the realm of the dead,
and Bender in
I. B.
DEAD SEA, THE
[
II
]
Prov. 218
9
18
21
16
Is.
26
14
inconsistently
Job 265, dead things
’).
RV sometimes has they that
are deceased‘
Job 265) in mg. always ‘the
shades Heb. Rephaim.’
W e will examine the above passages, beginning with :
(a)
Job 26 5, of which Schultens remarks
Suhita nox diem
solemque
RV,
and virtually Davidson, render thus-
They that are deceased tremble
Beneath the waters and the inhabitants thereof.
Davidson comments
‘
This
of deceased persons lies deep
down under the
of the sea and all the inhabitants of these
waters for the sea
to the upper world. Yet the power
of
felt even a t this immeasurable distance from his abode
on high.’
T o
ns this may appear natural ; hut to those who be-
lieved that the ‘shades’ were ‘forgotten by
it
wouldscarcely appear so. T h e Hebrew of 265 is also not worthy
of the context. Probably we should read
Times,
10 382
:
H e makes the sea and its billows to start (in alarm),
H e terrifies
waters and the floods
Ps. 88
I
O
the shades are represented as incapable of
‘arising and praising God.’ In ‘arise’ Kirkpatrick sees a refer-
ence
to
the resurrection, a n idea which the psalmist finds incon-
ceivable.
(c)
Prov.
2
no return from the shades.
(d)
Prov.
9
Those
frequent the house of Madam Folly
(v.
a s it were, shades already (anticipating Dante). (e) Prov. 21
Folly leads surely to the shades.
Is.
When the over-
thrown king of Babylon appears in
the shades themselves,
especially the royal shades, are in excitement. Some tidings of
his greatness have reached them and they marvel to see one
who had claimed to sit with
gods reduced to their own
miserable state. T h e poet takes some liberty with the popular
belief or else revives a n earlier form of it. I n the legend of
we read,
‘ I
will raise up the dead to eat the
Is. 26
‘The shades will not rise
.
. .
to life shall the
earth bring the shades’
T h e resurrection hope. See
E
SCHATOLOGY
,
from
Bottcher (De
derives the word
The giants are
hurled to
and then,
as
the chief
inhabitants of
give their name to
the whole population.
Duhm (on
Is. 1 4
and
holds the same view as to
the transference of the title
from the giants to
all other inhabitants of Deathland.
This theory mis-
takes the meaning of the
of Genesis, Numbers,
Deuteronomy, and gives a doubtful meaning to
It also assumes
correct
a
passage (Job
which is
certainly corrupt. It is an old view revived (see Schultens
on Job,
Most
critics, however, hold that
the
weak,’
a
natural development
of
(cp Jer. 624 etc.).
‘Art thou also become
weak
as
we?’ ask the shades
(Is.
RV). But
this is far too easy, and the Hebrews would hardly have
spoken of the spirits of the dead
as
‘the weak ones.’
I
see
a
god
coming up out of the earth,‘ says the wise
woman to Saul
(
I
S.
28
13
RV).
The word ought to
mean the terrible,’ or the wise,’ or the like. In the
later O T books the condition of those in
is
por-
trayed in very gloomy colours but these books do ndt
express the primitive popular belief.
No doubt
Re-
is
a
mutilated or modified form of some primitive
religious term.
A
sister-form is most probably
PHIM
Cp
n.
5.
I
I. B.,
2f:
T.
K.
C.
DEAD SEA,
TEE,
the usual designation of the lake
in which the course of the Jordan terminates, occurs
nowhere in O T or N T though it was not un-
common in antiquity
v.
73
4
Justin
36
O S
and is found in Vg. of Josh. 3
(mare
quod
nunc
mortuum).
In the
OT
this lake is occasionally called simply ‘the sea’
times, and in the expression ‘from sea to sea’): also
‘the Salt
nine times
mare
;
‘the sea of the plain,’
‘sea of the
five times;
desert?:
in the three places
‘Death-land.’
See
Is.
Hos.
Ps. 65 [6]
89
Prov. 218
.
Rev. 118 68
In Rev. 68 RV prihts Death,
correspond to Hades.
Both are personifications cp
the later Jewish representations of
and
as
two of God‘s chief angels
(cp D
ESTROYER
).
‘ T h e dead’ in AV corresponds
not only to
(often) but also to
(Ps.
8810
On Job 3 15, where some
find a n allusion to the
treasures in royal
see
T
OMBS
.
See, however, the ’ingenious suggestions of
Wellh. is fully conscious of the difficulty of Am.
(Die
87);
also Schwally,
Das
nach
Tode,
48.
I n Job2132
(bier, coffin) is
in
to render
or ‘sepulchral mound’; hut
or
is the better readine. See T
OMBS
.
Cp B
ED
3.
5
Cp Lk.
Whether we may compare
336
is un-
certain. Di. denies, Duhm affirms this. The whole passage is
obscure and not very coherent.
On the mourningwomen in primitive Babylonia see Maspero,
Dawn
Civ.
684.
They also washed, prepared, and arranged
the dead body.
1041
DEAD SEA, THE
where both designations are employed
‘Salt sea’ is
to
explain the expression ‘sea of
Arabah’); and, in three
places,
eastern [east, former] sea’
:
;
mare
In
Diod. Sic.
(248
and in Josephns (often;
especially
it is
;
so
also in
As-
1515).
Josephus also has
$
(Ant. v.
; cp the Sodomitish sea’ (mare
of
4
Esd. 5
This name occurs also in Edrisi (3
5 ,
transl. Jaubert,
1
who calls it the sea of Sodom and Gomorrah and the sea
of Za’rah (Zoar). Its name in Arabic (at least since the eleventh
century) is
but this does not prove
the name of Lot to have remained attached to the sea in local
tradition for four thousand years.
It
arises simply from the fact
that Lot and the overthrow of Sodom and Gomorrah are men-
tioned in the Koran.
From the biblical point of view the Dead Sea is not
very important. The references
to
it in the O T occur
generally in topographical connections, especially in
definitions of the eastern frontier of the land of Israel.
There are two notable exceptions : ( a ) where it comes
into the story of the Cities of the Plain, and
where it
is referred to in the prophetic descriptions of Ezek.
47
and Zech. 148.
From the geographical point of view it is other-
wise
:
the interest of this lake is quite extraordinary.
The N T does not refer to it at all.
The Jordan valley,
from
N. to
begins to sink below sea-level
as
far
N.
as
a little below
the Lake
of Galilee is some 680 feet lower, and thence the
or
continues to fall till the surface
of
the Dead
Sea
is reached at
a
distance below the sea of some
feet.
At
the opposite extremity of this lake ends
another valley, coming from the
formerly called the
Thus the lake constitutes the deepest
portion of what is the most strongly marked depres-
sion (unconnected with the
sea)
on
the surface of the
globe.’ It has no effluent.
Should the question be
asked, whether in former times the Jordan, after passing
through the Dead Sea, may not have flowed on
ward falling at last into the Ked Sea
Gulf or
Gulf of
it may suffice to point out how much
below sea-level the Dead Sea is, and further, that the
valley to the
S.
of the Dead Sea is really two valleys.
One runs
the other
and the intersection or water-
shed is at a height of
650
feet above the level of the
Red Sea and of the Mediterranean (according to the
PEF
survey).” Thus the two basins are hydrographic-
ally distinct, which is confirmed by a
study of the sedimentary deposits on the valley floor
(Lartet).
The geological investigation of Palestine and of the
Dead
carried on
by Fraas, Lartet, Hull,
and
has proved, con-
trary to previous ideas, that the Dead
Sea cannot possibly date from the
historical epoch, and that it must have presented, at
any rate from the beginning of the quaternary epoch,
practically the same aspect and configuration as at
present. Traces can still
however, of a past
time when the water stood
as
much
as
feet above
its present level, as well
as
of another phase in which
the difference was only 348 feet in short, the waters
have gradually
to
their present position.
The actual level is that a t which the evaporation exactly
counterbalances the daily influx of water from the Jordan and
the other affluents. Of these last, the chief, including certain
Notwithstanding the continued advocacy of the wrong view
in
PEFQ,
it is certain that
Dt. 34
(AV ‘the utmost sea’
;
RV ‘the hinder sea,’ mg. ‘the western
sea’) is not the Dead Sea but the Mediterranean ; cp Dt. 11
24.
The (not very wide) variations from this figure can for the
most part be explained by differences between one season and
another, which can cause the level of the lake to rise or fall some
or
feet. I t is at its highest in April and May.
The discovery of the great depth of the
of the Dead
Sea below sea-level
to modern times ; it was made in-
dependently and almost simultaneously
Schubert on the
hand, and Moore and Beek on the other, in
;
and afterwards
confirmed by Russegger and by Symonds.
4
The distance from the watershed to the Red Sea is about
46
m.,
and to the Dead Sea over 73 m.
1043
vinter torrents are: ( a ) on the eastern side reckoning from N.
o
S.,
the
Ghnweir, the Wadys
(Kerak)
el-
(or
@)
on
the Wadys
three traverse
plain, the Sebkhah,
stretches immediately southwards from the Dead Sea and
bordered by gigantic thickets ofreeds)
;
(c) on the western side,
going from
S.
to
N.,
the Wiidy
the Wiidy
to
the
S.
of which lies Sebbeh, the ancient fortress of Masada),
spring of
(Engedi), the Wiidy en-Nrir (Kedron),
the spring of
el-Feshkhah (cp B
ETH
-A
RABAH
), to the
S.
which is the headland known as
el-Feshkhah.
The amount of daily evaporation has been estimated
and the daily contribution of the
alone at 6,000,000
tons
(the volume
of
the
Rhone at its influx into the Lake of Geneva is
22,000,000
Another feature of it is its great density, which
wises from its salinity (the mean is
I.
166).
At a depth
feet the solid matters contained in the water
represent 27 per cent
of
the total weight.
These sub-
stances are mainly chlorides of sodium, magnesium, and
calcium, also certain derivatives of
The
chloride of magnesium gives the water ‘ a very dis-
agreeable taste
the chloride of calcium gives it its
slightly oily consistency. The eyes, and some assert
also the skin, are powerfully affected by contact with it.
Garments receive from the evaporating water a saline
deposit, with indelible spots of
a n
oily appearance.
The salt encrusts also the many trees and pieces of wood
which lie stranded on the shore so much so that they
form a characteristic feature of the landscape, and recall
the striking antithesis in Jer.
A bath in the Dead Sea at once proves its difference
in densitv from other seas or from fresh-water lakes.
Eggs
on it. The human body
being lighter than the water, swimming
becomes difficult. the head alone of the
swimmer tending to sink. The boiling point of the water
is
F.
It is remarkably limpid, and has a beautiful
colour, now blue, now green.
To
think of this lake as
sombre and sad is quite an illusion ;
i t s
intense colouring,
its varied effects of light, its scarped overhanging slopes
broken by deep gorges, produce a picture of wild and
sublime beauty.
‘ T h e scenery round the sea is very
fine,’
says
Conder
it is compared, by those who have
seen both, to that of the
of Geneva.’ The present
writer, whose home is in Geneva, agrees with this com-
parison, it being understood that it is between the
northern portion of the Dead Sea and the eastern end
of the Lake of Geneva towards the embouchure of the
Rhone. Another common error about the Dead Sea is
that its waters have no motion
on
the contrary, it is
constantly agitated by the winds, and storms sometimes
drive huge billows to the shore.
It does not owe its
name to this imagined immobility, but rather to the fact
that no sort of living creature-fish, crustacean, mollusc,
subsist in its waters, the only exceptions being
certain inferior organisms and microbes, as shown by
the investigations of Ehrenberg and of the zoologist
Lortet (not
to
be confused with the geologist Lartet).
This fact-which is conclusively proved by the death
not only of the fish carried down into it by the Jordan
(their bodies serve as food for numerous
which
frequent the neighbourhood), but also of salt -water
fishes-has given rise to various incorrect ideas. Thus
it has been said that birds attempting to
fly
over it drop
down dead this is a mere imagination-a fable which,
like a host
of
earlier witnesses, the present writer is able
to
contradict from ocular testimony-or perhaps it may
be the result of
a
confusion with some other lake (see
Reland,
It is equally false to say that the
shores of the Dead
Sea
derive their barrenness from the
pernicious action of its waters.
What hinders the
growth of plants in its vicinity is not the presence of the
lake itself, but the absence of fresh water whether from
affluents or by precipitation. Wherever there
is
fresh
The evaporation produces whitish
or bluish clouds which
float above the water. Hence ‘a smoking waste’ (Wisd.
7).
Cp
DEAD SEA, THE
running water,
as
at Engedi, where
is a thermal
Near the lake are found beds of a whitish chalky niarl,
F.
vegetation flourishes (cp Cant.
1 1 4 )
and,
as
elsewhere throughout the
exhibits a com-
bination of tropical plants with others belonging to the
Mediterranean region. Finally, the scant population
of its shores is to be accounted for more by the torrid
temperature (above
F. in the shade) than by any
infertility or positive insalubrity.
I n
fact, the lake has not always been so deserted : witness, for
example, the town of
at the SW. extremity. Even the
shores of the Sea of Galilee have gradually come
t o
wholly
abandoned except in three or four localities. T h e shores of the
Dead Sea too had once a very different aspect.
Both in
antiquity (we learn this from
Hist.
5 6
and also from the
mosaic) and so recently as the time of the Crusades
when Kerak and other fortresses had such an important position
the waters of the Dead Sea were enlivened with
vessels:
Nor were the curative qualities of the water of the Dead Sea
unknown in the Roman period. Julius Africanus speaks of
these baths as wholesome (Reland,
as also does Galen
adds that an artificial substitute could
obtained by the simple expedient of saturating ordinary sea
water with added salt. Mention is often made of the mephitic
odour exhaled by the Dead Sea (see
but it has not
been shown that the lake itself is the cause of this. I t may be
occasioned either
the marshy lagoons by which the lake is
bordered, or
the mineral springs of the neighhourhood. The
sulphurous odoiir, which reminds one of that of rotten eggs, is
particularly noticeable
near
el-Fesbkhah.
The lake, as we have seen, lies
N.
and
with a
maximum length of
a
maximum breadth of
I O
(Josephus gives
66
and
17
m.
and a superficial area of
360
sy. m. (the Lake of Geneva being
224
m.).
It is divided into two unequal portions by
a
peninsula,
m. in length and about
ft. above the level
of the lake, flat for the most part, but with a range of
hills rising 300 ft. This peninsula, formed of white
calcareous marl, with deposits of salt and gypsum,
projects from the E. shore it is separated from the
W.
shore by a channel about
3
m. in breadth.
The name
of the peninsula is
or
the last
designation, meaning the tongue,' has been brought
into connection with the mention of the
( E V
the
bay [mg. : Heb. tongue
that looketh southward
in
Josh.
5 ;
whilst the modern Arabic term is
applied to the land in the middle of the lake, the two
biblical passages refer to the water at the two ends of
the
(cp
Is. 11
15
the tongue of the Egyptian sea').
T h e
N.
promontory of the
has been named Cape
Costigan and the
S. Cape Molyneux in honour
hold
explorers who navigated the Dead Sea in 1835 and
respec-
tively. We ought also
t o
mention the expeditionsof Moore and
Beek in 1837 and of Symonds in
and especially that of
Lynch of the
U.S.
navy in 1848 and that of the
de
Lnynes
in
1864,
of which were of great
The portion of the Dead Sea to the
N.
of the
is
much the larger, and reaches a great depth (1278
ft.
The
smaller portion is quite shallow
and
in parts even fordable. Possibly this portion is of less
ancient date than the rest of the lake, and may have
arisen within historic times in
of
some sub-
sidence of the land. The shores immediately bordering
on
this section are the most saline of the whole country.
There are salt marshes in the neighhourhood, and it is
there that, running parallel with the
W.
shore, the
curious ridge of
salt, a veritable
as
Lartet (p. 87) picturesquely calls it, occurs.
It
is
called Jebel Usdum
or
Usdum or
echoing the name of Sodom,-and rises
to a height of
600
ft., with a length of
m. and a
breadth of over half a mile.
In its immediate vicinity
can be seen, occasionally at least, detached pillars of salt,
suggesting some resemblance to a rudimentary colossal
statue.
Another peculiarity is the presence of asphalt in the
Dead Sea basin (see
B
ITUMEN
).
whence the Greek name
of Asphaltitis (cp
56
Str.
42
Dioscor.
Diod. Sic.
Since 1893 rowing boats, sailing boats, and, more recently
even steam launches have occasionally been a t the service
travellers.
tnd also of bituminous marl.
It is not,
from
deposits on its shores that the water of the Dead
Sea derives its bituminous constituents, but rather,
no
from deep subaqueous beds
there
a been
sbserved a marked coincidence between the appea
considerable bituminous masses floating
on
the surface
and the occurrence of the earthquakes which at intervals
desolate the whole of that region.
When these take
place quantities of bitumen are broken loose and come
to
the surface; the natives are diligent in collecting
them, but hitherto no methodical exploitation of these
mineral resources on
a
commercial basis has been
attempted.
The existence of bituminous constituents
in small quantity in the water can always be shown.
Notwithstanding the presence of this bitumen, of
springs, and of masses of sulphur which are
met with here and there,
as
also of certain igneous
formations, the region of the Dead Sea must not be
included in the category of volcanic territories properly
called.
On the contrary, in opposition to the asser-
tions of certain travellers too richly endowed with
imagination
Russegger and van de Velde), the
very competent geologists already named agree in
doubting whether any large part in the formation
of
this region ought to be attributed to igneous
T h e cretaceous
rise in regular stages on
W. hank
from the margin of the lake.
On
the other shore the arrange-
ment is no less regular;
under the cretaceous beds there are
strata and
there are other formations still
more ancient.
At
the most it may
admitted that certain
volcanic agitations have made themselves felt in the depths of
the lake.
Blanckrnhorn
p. 59) recalls and
attaches importance
an
made by Molyneux and
quoted by Ritter
relating
t o
a whitish belt of foam
from the NW. of
lake towards the
and
followiiig on the whole the median line of
lake above which
a whitish vapour lingered in the air. From
supported by certain other indications, he concludes the existence
of a fault in the floor of the lake which is prolonged in the
channel skirting the
and terminates in the
portion of
the lake near the embouchure of the W. Muhauwat. On
March of this year
the author of this
witnessed
the same
as
that seen
Molyneux in
In
a
general way we might describe the geological
formation of the Jordan valley and Dead Sea basin by
the technical expression
The phenomenon occurred at the time of
the transition from the tertiary to the
quaternary epoch. It is not possible, therefore, to estab-
lish any relation between the formation of the Dead Sea
as a
whole and the catastrophe described in Gen.
19.
At most that narrative
possibly
of being
connected with certain events of a niore local character
and of secondary importance, which might have occurred
within historic times (see
L
OT
,
As we have not
to
deal with the historical side of the question
with the geographical only it
will suffice
t o
say ( a ) that
text of Genesis speaks of a
of fire and brimstone and a
pillar of smoke rising to heaven, hut neither of a n earthquake
nor of an igneous eruption, nor of an inundation
(6) that
is nothing
t o
show that the cities of the Pentapolis were in the
plain of Siddim
(c)
that the remark in Gen.
'the plain of
Siddim
which
is
Sea' may he a
of
the
narrator or even the gloss of a copyist
or
late reader.
that
account must be taken of the
of the
Jordan
(Geu. 13
19
25
29)
(e)
that
a distinction
be made between the actual position of the Pentapolis and the
position assigned
t o
it by later writers, inasmuch a s these
entertained perhaps divergent opinions as to this point
;
that the position of Zoar is a s problematical as that of the other
four cities finally
that scholars are
into two
-those who place the Pentapolis
in the N. of the Dead Sea,
and those
place it in the
S.
In complete contrast with its sombre narratives
regarding these doomed cities, the
OT,
in two propheti-
cal passages of Ezekiel and Zechariah already cited,
describes the transformation of the waste and barren
regions of the Dead Sea by a life-giving stream issuing
from the temple, fertilising all that it touches
so
that
fish and fruit-bearing trees abound.
The well-known geologist
has adopted this
view.
DEAL
Reland,
Seetzen,
37-16 4352-365
v. Schubert
in
384-94;
Robin!
8.
Literature.
son,
Res.
Geogr. of
the
Land,
(‘65)
Ritter,
der
von
etc.
Der Jordan
die
des
(‘50)
Jerusalem, 2
de Saulcy,
autour de la
Mer
R e y
Voyage
dans le
et
de la M e r
Fraas
Orient :
(‘67)
73-78
Das
Meer (‘67); Tuch,
des
Todten Meeres
nach
dem
A
T
(‘63)
Lynch,
the
US
Expedition to
. . .
the Dead Sea
(‘49);
Report
the
US
Expedition etc.
de
Voyage
see
iii.,
par M. Louis Lartet A. Stoppani,
Mare
E. Falcucci,
Mar
e
del
Hull,
Mount
chap. 13
.
Memoir
on the
Geology
and
Geography
etc.
(‘89)
Description de
(‘74):
Lortet,
L a
Tristram,
The
Land
G. A.
Sm
Hist.
the
Land
Blanckenhoru,
U
.
Gesch.
d. Todten Meeres,’
Z D P Y , 19
(‘96);
‘ N o c h
Sodom
U
.
Gomorrha,’
ib. 21
65-83
8); ‘ D a s Tote Meer u. der
gang von Sodom u.
Diener ‘ D i e
von Sodom u. Gomorrha
Forscbung,
in
DEAL, TENTH
Lev.
See
WEIGHTS
A N D
M
EASURES
.
DEATH,
see D
EAD
,
THE.
DEBIR
king of Eglon, defeated and slain by Joshua (Josh.
DEBIR
[BAL]).
(I)
A place in the
S.
of Judah (Josh.
etc.
)
see K
IR
JATH
-
SEPHER
.
In Josh.
15
is by AV taken as a place-name
on the
N.
boundary of Judah it has been identified by
some with the present Thoghret ed Debr near
(Adummim) on the way from Jerusalem to
Jericho.
T h e text, however, isuncertainand the word
name.
to the fourth part
of the
of
Achor.’ D i . suggests the translation
west-
meaning
‘
behind’
;
but there is
no other-instance
of its geographical
renders :
Josh. 1326
G.
A.
S.
RV
Deborah
DEBORAH
‘ a
bee,’
68
cp W R S in
I
.
A
heroine who, with the aid of Barak, de-
livered the Israelites from their Canaanite
oppressors.
The victory is celebrated in
the triumphal ode, Judg.
5.
The Israelites,
particularly the tribes which had settled about the plain
of Jezreel, had been reduced
to
great straits by the
Canaanites, who, holding the fortified cities along the
plain (Judg.
blockaded the main roads and cut
off communication, while from their strongholds they
harried the country
so
that the unwalled villages were
deserted
Incited by
the Israelites at
last took up arms against their oppressors.
Under
Barak as their leader,
Benjamin, and Manasseh
united with Issachar, Zebulun, and Naphtali, and gave
battle to Sisera and the confederate Canaanite kings
in the plain not far from Taanach and Megiddo.
The Canaanites, notwithstanding their formidable iron
chariots, were put to rout the waters of the Kishon
completed their ruin.
Sisera, seeking refuge in flight
at a nomad‘s tent, was killed by a woman, Jael.
The history of the struggle is related somewhat
differently in chap.
according to which Barak, at the
summons of Deborah, raised ten thousand men of the
tribes of Zebulun and Naphtali, occupied Mt. Tabor,
and from that position attacked Sisera as the latter was
advancing against him. A more serious difference is that
Read
‘ t o the
of
Judah. Beth-
arahah (cp
156)
was
one
of its cities
On the relation of chaps. 4 and
5 in general, see
J
U
D
G
ES,
7.
[A], the grandmother of
(Tob.
14
[BAL]).
DEBT
in chap.
4
the oppressorof Israel, fromwhomitis delivered
by Deborah, is Jabinltingof Hazor,
whilst Sisera is only
In the action, how-
ever, Jabin plays no part
;
and we can only surmise that
the story of Sisera has, by mistake, been connected
with
a
tradition of a
between some of the
northern tribes and the king of Hazor (cp also Josh.
11).
From chap.
4
we learn that Deborah was a prophetess
-an
inspired woman; that her husband‘s name was
Lappiddth and that her home was between Bethel and
whither the Israelites resorted to her for judg-
ment.
Chap. 515, however, seems to prove that she
was of the tribe of Issachar and
considerations
would incline
us
to think that she lived in or near the
plain of Jezreel. (For a conjecture
on
this subject see
D
ABERATH
.
)
That her home was in Mt. Ephraim may
have been inferred by the author of
4 5
(an editorial
addition to the narrative) from the existence of
a
tomb
of Deborah under a tree below Bethel, where, according
to the patriarchal legend (see below, no.
the nurse of
Rebekah was buried (Gen.
358).
Barak, who shares with Deborah the glory of the
victory,
from Kedesh in Naphtali
(46).
This city
is somewhat remote, and in the account of
flight seems impossible.
It has
been conjectured by Wellhausen
that the name
of the more famous Kedesh in Galilee has here sup-
planted an obscure K
EDESH
in Issachar
(
I
Ch.
672
with Daberath not far from Mt.
Tabor) a suggestion which is
more plausible that
5
if the text be sound, connects Barak also with
Issachar (cp B
EZAANANNIM
, K
ISHION
). I t is possible
that Kedesh in Naphtali, in the immediate vicinity
of
Hazor,
in some way from the story of Jabin.
The Song of Deborah bears in itself the evidence that
it is the work of one who had lived through the great
struggle which it celebrates, and is for
that reason of inestimable value as an
It is also not only
one of the oldest Hebrew poems which have come down
to
us,
but one of the greatest.
On its date cp
and P
OETICAL
L
ITERATURE
,
4
See also H
IS
-
Few odes in the world‘s literature, indeed, can be
compared with this triumphal Te Deum.
the text, especially in
8-15,
has suffered grievously
from the injuries of time.
Until very recent times, Deborah has been universally
believed to be the author.
It
is
ascribed to her in the
title and this testimony was thought to be conclusively
confirmed by
7,
Until
I,
Deborah, arose.’ The form
of
the Hebrew verbs in this verse, however, is ambiguous,
and the clause might equally well be interpreted, Until
thou
arise, Deborah (cp v.
whilst
and Vg.
render in the third person (cp
On the other
hand, the natural inference from
v.
and especially
from
v.
is that the heroine is not the poet.
On
the subjects of this article see, further, Moore,
Judges
and cp J
AEL
.
On the Song of Deborah,
cp H
ADRACH
,
K
ISHON
,
and see
A. Muller,
Das Lied
der
Deborah
(‘87)
G.
A. Cooke,
History and
Song
Deborah
additional
literature in Moore,
136.
More recent studies, chiefly
in
the text, are
:
ZDMG,
’96,
Marquart,
(‘96)
Budde,
Actes
d.
d.
2
(‘96)
Jahrb. 91 295
D .
H.
Muller,
Actes
d.
d.
4
G.
F.
M.
Rebekah’s nurse who, according to J died and was buried
below Bethel under the oak known as
35
8
[E],
She is alluded
to,
unnamed,
24
59,
where she accompanies Rebekah on her departure from
T o
connect these two traditions would make her
about
years old at the time of her death. [For a radical
emendation
text which removes this difficulty, see DINAH.]
See, further,
D
EB
O
R
A
H
(
I
).
DEBT
K.
47
Mt.
DEBTOR
historical monument.
TORICAL
L
ITERATURE
, §
2.
DECALOGUE
DECALOGUE
Ezek.
1 8 7
Lk.
See
L
AW
sc.
a term adopted from Patristic Greek and .
Latin, and meaning what we commonly call the ten com-
mandments. Ultimately, the name comes from the
LXX
which in this case adheres closely to the original Hebrew
and speaks, not of ten commandments,
but of ten words
or
The decalogue,
according to the biblical narrative, was uttered by God
from Horeb and written by him on two tables of stone
which he had prepared. Afterwards, when Moses had
broken the tables in indignation at the idolatry of the
people, he was bidden to hew other tables on which God
again wrote the ten words. They were the foundation
of a covenant
between Yahwk and his people
(Dt.
and were placed in the ark as the testimony’
or revelation of
will (Ex.
25
16)
see
The two parallel texts of the decalogue, one in Ex.
20
the other in Dt.
5,
present striking points of difference.
In Exodus the sabbath is to be kept, be-
cause Yahwk made all things in six days
and rested the seventh in Deuteronomy,
because the slave as well as his master needs rest. Here,
too, as in the command to
parents, there are
amplifications of language peculiar to the recension in
Deuteronomy. In Exodus the Israelite-is forbidden to
covet his neighbour‘s house, and then wife, slave, and
cattle are specified as possessions included within the
Hebrew idea of house or household. In Deuteronomy
the commandment is adapted to
a
later and more humane
view.
First, the Israelite is not to ‘covet’ his neigh-
wife.
Next, he is not to
‘
desire
’
his neighbour’s
house, land, slaves, etc. The separation of the wife from
mere property is very significant (see
F
AMILY
, 6).
How comes it that the parallel texts vary so seriously?
The answer now generally given is that originally the
decalogue was composed of concise precepts, which were
expanded in different ways by later editors. The deca-
logue was incorporated in his work by the Elohist
it
was repeated by the Deuteronomist and lastly by the
Priestly Writer.
No
wonder then that, in the final
redaction of the Pentateuch, each text of the decalogue
offers clear marks of the Deuteronomical style, whilst in
Ex.
the Deuteronomic motive of humanity has
been supplanted by the example of G o d s rest after the
week of creation-evidence of a super-redaction in the
“spirit of
P
31
Gen.
226).
Commandments 6-9
preserve their primitive form. We may therefore on that
analogy restore the decalogue to its original form thus
:-
D
ECALOGUE
OF
E
XODUS
Thou shalt have no other gods beside me.
Thou shalt not make unto thee any (graven) image.
3.
shalt not take the name of Yahwi: thy
for
a
vain
4.
Remember the
day to hallow it.
5.
Honour thy father and thy mother.
6.
Thou shalt do no murder.
7.
Thou shalt not commit adultery.
Thou shalt not steal.
9. Thou shalt
hear false witness against thy neighhour.
In their arrangement the commandments fall into
two pentads, or sets
of
five each, corresponding to the
The first table sets forth
the law of piety in the pure worship of
Yahwk and in reverence to parents, the
second table exhibits the law of probity or duty to fellow
Israelites, conceived, however, in an exclusively negative
form. This is the scheme known to Philo (De
12)
and Josephus
(Ant.
adopted by the Greek
and Anglican churches, as also by the Scottish and
other churches of the Calvinistic type, and approved,
among recent scholars, by Dillmann.
Perhaps
for purposes
of
sorcery.
AND
J
U
STICE,
16,
and
T
RADE AND
COMMERCE.
Ex.
Dt.
104).
IO.
Thou shalt not covet thy neighhour’s house.
two tables.
Another arrangement (adopted by
and, in
by Kuenen) is to count the opening statement,
I
am
thy God,’
as the first word,’ and bind
the commandments against foreign gods and image wor-
ship into one. This is the Talmudic division, which
is
still in force among the Jews, and
is
also
of
greater
antiquity in the Greek church than some have supposed.
Augustine, too (and he is followed by Roman Catholics
and Lutherans), treats the prohibition of serving other
gods and worshipping images as one commandment.
He makes this the first, however, not, like the modern
Jews, the second ‘word.’ Hence he has to divide the pro-
hibition of coveting into two commandments,
: one
against coveting aneighbonr’s wife, the other against covet-
ing his goods. The objection to the Talmudic scheme
is
the awkwardness of alaw which makes
up
the number ten
from onestatement of
nine precepts.
scheme cannot be fitted to the text in Exodus and
canscarcely havebeenintendedeven
Deuteronomist.
The order given by the Vatican text of the
LXX
in Exodus is ‘Thou shalt not commit adultery, Thou
shalt not steal, Thou shalt not murder,’ and in Deutero-
nomy Thou shalt not commit adultery, Thou shalt not
murder, Thou shalt not steal.’ Probably the variation
arose from the feeling that the prohibition
of
adultery,
as the destruction of family life, should be immediately
connected with the injunction to honour parents.
The Elohist
document (perhaps
a
later edition of it) is our earliest
external witness, and that does not carry
us
back beyond the middle of the eighth century
B.
c.
Nor does internal evidence point to a much earlier
time. The character of the decalogue, which
is
not
ritual but almost purely moral the prohibition of
apparently unknown to Elijah and
the refine-
ment which forbids thoughts of covetousness (the Hebrew
cannot fairly be
otherwise); all lend support to the
view that the decalogue is grounded on the teaching of
the great prophets of whose discourses we have written
records.
It has been compared with the loftier teaching
in
and may belong to the same age,
at
earliest that of Manasseh (see, further,
M
OSES
).
The reasons against a date very much earlier are
clinched by the modern discovery that there was another
decalogue older in character.
True, we
cannot say for certain how each particular
of this older decalogue ran.
We
o
know, however, that reference
is
made
to it by the Yahwist in Ex.
3428,
and further, that the
decalogue itself is imbedded in
and there is, there-
fore, no doubt about its general character. Wellhausen’s
reconstruction is a s follows
D
ECALOGUE
OF
E
XODUS
34
W e come next to the question of date.
I
.
shalt worship no other god.
Thou shalt make thee no molten gods.
3.
The feast of unleavened bread shalt thou keep.
4.
Every firstling is mine.
5.
Thou shalt observe the feast of weeks.
6.
And the feast of ingathering a t the year’s end.
Thou shalt not offer the blood of my sacrifice
with
leaven.
8. The fat of my feast shall not he left over till the
9.
The best of the firstfruits of thy land shall thou
to the
house of
thy God.
Thou shalt not seethe a kid
its mother’s
The Yahwistic legend which encloses this decalogue
is
simpler and more natural, for here it is Moses, not
Geffken
1838)
found it to occur
first
but Nestle
has shown that it is to be met with in the Codex
and
the Ambrosianus. See Nestle,
Times,
(July
and cp
‘Codex
cp Stade,
Staerk,
According to the more original text in Ex. 23
The number ten is gained by omitting the command of the
seventh-day rest (which is out of place in the cycle of annual
‘feasts) and
command that all males should appear before
Yahwd thrice in the year (which is merely arecapitulation of the
three preceding laws).
‘97).
DECAPOLIS
DECAPOLIS
who hews the tables and writes the words. The
decalogue represents that ritual of outward worship
which was essential to the early stages of national
religion, but was subordinated to ethical monotheism
by Amos and his successors. Yet even this decalogue
must be put long after the time of Moses. The feasts
mentioned imply an agricultural life, and must have been
adopted by the Israelites after their settlement.
See Oehler
Theology,
85
and
for the
late;
criticism, Kuenen, Hex.
244;
;
Rothstein,
6.
Literature.
; Budde
in
pp.
Bantsch,
Der
('93)
;
Montefiore, 3QR
3
;
Addis,
of
the
1
Robertson Smith
art.
Decalogue') in
1876
held that
the
decalogue,
as
a system
of 'ten
words,
was
as
old
as
Moses, though
the
original fourth
commandment
must
have had
a
much simpler
form.
He
also re-
jected the hypothesis
of
asccond decalogue. How largely he had
modified
his views in later years on both
points may
he
gathered
from
See
also
ii.
4.
E
. A.
DECAPOLIS
[Ti.
WH]) is the name
in the
4
Mk.
5
to a
in
- -
-
I
,
Greek
cities
&Gilead
or affected,
by the power of
a
league of ten or more
Greek cities (called in Mk.
Josephus calls the league itself
both
97)
and ai
(Vita,
65
74).
Other early instances of the
name are Ptolemy v.
1522,
and
CZG,
no.
of
the time of
Eusebius describes the
of the Gospels as
a
region (see below,
The first Greek cities in Syria were founded by the
veterans of Alexander, and from his time their numbers
were rapidly increased by the immigration of Greeks
under the patronage of the Seleucids and Ptolemies.
On
the west the Greeks settled in ultimately Hellenised
Phcenician and Philistine towns
but beyond Jordan
many of their settlements were upon fresh sites. Among
the oldest were Pella, Dion: Philadelphia (on the
site of Rabbath-Ammon), Gadara, and Abila-all strong
fortresses by
218
(Polyb.
5
71
;
16
39
; Jos.
Ant.
;
Stark,
381).
had become largely
Greek in the time of the Maccabees
(
I
Macc.
Gerasa and Hippus are not mentioned till the first
century
B
.C.
(Jos.
Ant.
1 5 3
4 ;
48).
As the Hellenic world came under Roman sway,
confederacies of Greek cities were formed, both
for purposes of trade, like the Hanseatic League, and
for defence against alien races (Mommsen,
of
Eng. ed.
1
Such confederation
was nowhere more necessary than in Syria, where, after
the success of the Maccabees, and especially under the
Jewish king Alexander Jannzeus
the
Greek cities must needs have combined against the
common danger of overthrow and absorption by their
Semitic neighbours.
Such combinations, however, if
they were formed, proved a failure till the Roman legions
led by Pompey reached Syria in
65.
Then the Greek
cities took a new lease of life. Several called themselves
after Pompey, and several dated their eras from the
year of his Syrian campaign,
64-63
B. C.
Among these
were Gadara, Hippos, Pella, Dion, Abila, Kanata,
Kanatha, and Philadelphia.
Pompey gave them, or
after this time they gradually received, municipal free-
dom, the rights of coinage, asylum, property in the
surrounding districts, and association with one another.
They were, however, put under the Roman Province of
Syria
(Ant.
4
4
7),
and taxed for imperial pur-
poses ; their coins bore
'
the image of
'
;
and
they were liable
service
Some
of them, certainly with the reservation
of
their rights,
were afterwards transferred from the Governor of Syria
to
the, direct authority of Herod.
From Pompey's time to
A.D.),
Rome's
grasp of Eastern Palestine was neither constant nor
effective.
It was during this time, and in this region of
unsettlement, that the League of the Decapolis arose.
The precise year we are unable to fix ; it may not have
been till after
death
4
B
.c.,
but probably
was soon after Pompey's campaign.
At first,
as
the name implies, the League
Onlv one lav
W.
comprised ten cities.
of
the ancient
the approach to the others, by Esdraelon, from
the Greek cities of the coast and the Levant, Scythopolis
remained the capital of the league. All the other nine lay
either upon the three great roads which, crossing Jordan,
traversed E. Palestine, or
on
the trunk road which these
ultimately joined : Pella, Gadara, and Hippos
on
the
E.
edge of the Jordan valley, and the Lake of Galilee
;
Dion, Gerasa (modern Jerash), and Philadelphia on or
near the
road Raphana, somewhere near the central
road; Kanatha (now Kanawiit, see
where
the central road joins the great trunk road from
N.
to
S.
at the foot of the Jebel
Damascus, at
the junction of this road with the northernmost of the
three roads.
All the sites are certain except those of
Raphana and of Dion. These form the earliest list that
we have-Pliny's in
5
16
Other cities were
added. Ptolemy gives eighteen, omitting Raphana, and
adding other nine, mostly towards Damascus,-Abila,
on
a
branch of the
m.
E.
of Gadara Kanata,
either the modern
or el-Kuneiyeh in en-Nukra
probably the modern
er-
near
Irbid and some of the Semitic towns incorporated in
the extension of the Empire in
106,
such
as
Edrei and
Bosra. Each of these cities held sway over the territory
in its neighbourhood.
Round Hippos was Hippene
31)
round Gadara the country of the Gadarenes
(Mk.
according to one reading), which, if we can
judge from the trireme
some Gadarene coins, extended
to the Lake of Galilee. In the fourth century Jerome
calls all Gilead the region of Gerasa.'
These suburban
properties or spheres of influence must have touched
one another, and the remains of the long aqueduct from
the centre of
by Edrei to Gadara is one proof
of how far they extended. The Decapolitan region
(coasts of Decapolis) was, therefore, a wide and solid,
if loosely defined, territory lying on the
E.
of the Lake
of Galilee and stretching across a large part of Gilead.
Eusebius (OS) defines the Decapolis of the Gospels
as
lying in Perzea round Hippos, Pella, and Gadara.
Pliny, however, describes it
as
interpenetrated by the
Jewish Tetrarchies
5
16)
and in particular the
territories of Herod Antipas in
and Perzea were
probably so joined across Jordan
as
to cut off, from the
E.
Decapolis, the suburban territory of Scythopolis.
Within this region of Decapolis Hellenism was pre-
dominant in the time of the ministry of Jesus, and thence
This is
proved by a trace or two in the
Gospels themselves
the presence of
a
large herd
of swine in Gadara), by the ample ruins, still extant, of
Greek architecture (the most glorious period of which,
however, was not till the time of the Antonines), and
especially by the constant communication between the
Decapolis and the Mediterranean ports and Greece,
and by the flourishing state of Greek literature in the
Ten Cities. T h e Decapolis had, in each city, temples
to purely Hellenic deities, theatres, amphitheatres, and
various athletic institutions. Yearly were the
celebrated-games in which every form of physical
strength was exhibited.
There was a vigorous
municipal life of democratic constitution. Gadara was
the birthplace or home of
the Epicurean
(a
contemporary of Cicero),
the epigrammatist,
the satirist,
the rhetorician (the
tutor of Tiberius), and others.
The Greek writers of
Damascus are still better known.
had a school
famous for its teachers. Besides, the League, being
largely a commercial union, pushed the Greek methods
of trade across
W.
Palestine the result is seen in the
1052
it flowed out upon Galilee.
DECK
many commercial and travellers’ terms and names for
objects of trade and human consumption which, in the
centuries immediately before
after Christ, passed
from Greek info Hebrew, See
T
RADE
AND
C
OMMERCE
.
Besides the ancient authorities already cited, see
Heres. 29 7 De
et
Stephanus Byzant.
De
(Basil.,
ed. Dindorf, Leps., 1825)
Literature.
especially the art.
Reland,
198,
E.
de Saulcy
de
la
Paris,
Schiir.
Hist.’
3
HG
chap.28
Palestine.
DECK
Ezek.276
EV B
ENCHES
.
See S
HIP
.
DEDAN
oftenest
of
R
AAMAH
(see G
EOGRAPHY
,
son of
Gen.
(P), or of Jokshan, son of
Gen.253
( J ) ,
I
Ch.
132.
Se.
[E],
As the name of a people it also occurs in
Is. 21
caravans of
[so
RV AV
in
connection with the land of Tema’
[BKAQ], but
in Aq. and Sym.
and in Theod. and Orig.
Jer.
(with Tema and Buz),
4 9 8
(where it
is thought of as adjoining Edom), Ezek.2513 (where
reads
cp
for
in Lev. 26
17
Pesh.
Ezek.
(with Arabia, Kedar,
and Raamah, as trading with Tyre), 3813 (with Sheba),
but not
2715
(see R
ODANIM
).
These passages (to
which add Gen.
I
Ch.
1 3 2 )
all point to Arabia, but
some to the southern, some to the northern region.
occurs in Min. and Sab. inscriptions (see especially
Glaser,
Probably Dedan was a tribe with
permanent seats in
or central Arabia (Glaser,
locates
N.
of Medina) and trading settlements in the
For
(lit.
to separate,’ more usually rendered
to consecrate,’
hallow,’ or
sanctify
see C
LEAN
AND
U
NCLEAN
,
meansprop. toinitiate’;
Various dedication
A.
NW.
B.
DEDICATE, DEDICATION.
For
see B
AN
.
see C
ATECHISE
, and cp BDB,
ceremonials are described, mostly in late documents.
There is the dedication of the temple in
I
K. 81-63 (see
63
:
Ch. 52-75 (75 :
a ‘dedication’ of
the altar being separately referred to in Ch. 7 9
that of the altar of the
is described in Nu. 7
that of the walls of Jerusalem a s rebuilt by
Nehemiah in Neh. 12
No
special
rite is
for
the dedication of a new house referred to in
Dt. 20 5
the dedication of temple and altar in
the Maccabean period, see the following article.-The dedication
or ratification of a covenant with blood, and the dedication or
inauguration of a new and vital way of access to God are
alluded to in Heb. 9
(see
C
O
V
E
NAN
T
) and Heh. 10
DEDICATION, FEAST OF THE.
. On the
of
Chislev of the year
of the Seleucid era
(
168
during the religious persecution under
Antiochus Epiphanes, a pagan altar was set up on the
altar of burnt offering at Jerusalem, and on the
of the same month sacrifice was for the first time
offered upon it
(
I
Macc.
Macc.
Jos.
Ant.
54).
Three years afterwards
B
.c.),
Judas the Maccabee had recovered Jerusalem and the
temple.
The temple was then cleansed, the altar of
burnt offering displaced by one entirely new, new
sacred vessels made, and the temple reconsecrated with
great festivities. These lasted for eight days, beginning
on
Chislev
148
of the Seleucid era
165
B
.c.),
-that is, on the very day on which, three years before,
the altar had been desecrated
(I
Macc.
4
36-39).
In commemoration of these events, the feast
of
the
dedication
4
6
Bikkurim,
1 6
Rosh
hashana,
7 b
Jn.
ai
I
Macc.
4 5 9
Macc.
lasting eight days from the
of Chislev, was celebrated with mirth and joy
annually. According to Macc.
DEGREE
106
it was observed after the manner of the feast of
Tabernacles, and in another passage it is even called
the feast
of
tabernacles of the month Chislev
Macc.
The special and
distinguishing peculiarity in its celebration was the
illumination of synagogues and houses.
At the door of each
house one light, a t least-in
case of
those who could afford the expense, a s many lights as there were
persons
in the house-had to be displayed on the second day the
number of lights must be doubled, on the third trebled, and so on.
Jewish tradition explains the eight-days’ duration of the feast,
and the custom of displaying lights by the assertion that Judas
found only one small cruse of
oil, but that it lasted
for eight days instead of only for one.
The probability is that the illumination, like the dura-
tion and other features of the feast, was taken over from
the feast of tabernacles andreferred to the relighting of the
golden candlestick
(
I
Macc.
450).
N o mention of this
of illumination is made in the
hooks of Maccabees or by Josephos ; the description of the feast
Josephus as ‘the feast of lights’
however doubtless
has reference to them (Ant.
and his
of the
name as coming from the unexpectedness of the restoration of
religious freedom to the nation
also
be safely
taken a s having the same reference. In both of the letters pre-
fixed to Macc. the observance of this feast is urgently pressed
the Jews in Egypt
Macc.
2
16);
it is natural to pre-
sume that when, in the second of these (on the text of hich see
Ball in
the story of Nehemiah’s miraculous
discovery of the sacred
is
referred to, the writer saw a parallel
to it in the relighting of the altar-tire
Judas and desired to
associate the commemoration of both events
one feast.
From the time of year and the employment of lights and green
branches in the celebration, Wellhausen
ed. 2561)
conjectures that the feast originally had reterence to the winter
solstice, and only afterwards came to he associated with the
events recorded in Maccabees.
The proper psalm for the Feast of the Dedication is
Ps.
30
hence its inscription,
Dedication-song of
the house (temple).’
also
A.
G. Wahner,
d e
Oehler, in
4
ed.
Che.
Nowack
HA (‘94)
Schiirer
1
n., with its references
literature
the
feasts. Cp also articles
Krauss and
Levi in
(‘94).
DEEP, THE
always without art. except
in
Is.
6 3 1 3
Ps.
1 0 6 9 ;
Ass.
the
sea
in Job
38
30
corruptly
[gen.]
in Prov.
8 2 7
[?]
Prov.
8
Ecclus.
4 3 2 3
in
Heb. gives
but the clause is corrupt]).
Originally
was feminine; note the phrase
Gen.
Is.
Am. 7 4
Ps.
3 6 7
and the plur. ending
See also Gen.
Dt. 3313 Ezek. 31415.
But, a t first apparently with the plur. form, the original view
came to he disregarded, and
treated as a synonym of
(plur.
Ex.
Ps. 7717
Sing. Ezek.
Jn.
Hah.
I
O
Ps. 428
1046,
but cp
Job
14.
On
Dt.
8 7
see
467).
See CANDLESTICK.
See the commentaries
on
I
Macc. 459 and Jn. 1022
I. B.
See A
BYSS
, D
RAGON
, end.
DEER, FALLOW
Dt.
I
see R
OE
,
4.
DEFILE, DEFILEMENT
Lev.
See
C
OMMON
, and cp C
LEAN
,
14.
DEGREE
occurs in
a
passage of some interest with
reference to early church offices. What
is
the ‘good
degree (AV) or rather, gdod standing (KV) which is
assured to those who have served well as deacons
phrase. According to Hort
it means the vantage-ground of influence and moral
authority won by theexcellent discharge ofdiaconal duties.
Theodoret, de Wette, etc., however, find a reference
to a divine reward at the great judgment
whilst Jerome
and other Fathers, Baur, Holtzmann, and von
think it is promotion to the episcopate that is intended.
Observe that the qualities required of an
in
2-7
are analogous to those required of a deacon.
On ‘songs of degrees’ (a purely conventional rendering) see
P
S
ALMS
the degrees of
K.
20
(=Is.
38
8),
see
DEHAVITES
DEHAVITES,
RV
Dehaites
Kt., but
[A],
[L],
but A omits Elamites'),
generally regarded
as
one of the peoples represented in
among the colonists of
(Ezra
49).
They stand apparently between the Susanchites
and the Elamites.
No plausible identification
has yet been offered (see Schr.
376, 616).
If we point,
with
G .
Hoffmann
2
and take this with the follow-
ing word
we shall get the phrase
'
that is,
already has
: which is an explanatory gloss on
the preceding word Susanchites.
So
Gram.
DEKAR
I
K.
RV B
EN
-
DEICER
,
DELAIAH
perhaps 'God hath drawn
out,'
Jos.
which is more
correctly
by
as
Son of Shemaiah, a prince of Jehoiakim's court
;
Jer. 36
43)
25
Head of one of the priestly courses
;
I
Ch. 24 18
(AV
a
descendant of Zerubhahel
I
Ch. 324.
4.
Delaiah were a
family who were un-
able to prove their pedigree; Ezra260
Neh.
7
62
D
ALAN
,
I
Esd. 5 37
Gahav [A]).
5.
Father of Shemaiah
(-hsa
Neh. 6
IO.
The reason is plain, as soon as it is mentioned.
v.
77
DELILAH
67
[BAL]
Judg.
Whether the
name has, like S
AMSON
any mythological
tion we cannot at present say. Delilah dwelt in the vale
of
and we may presume that the tradition
regarded her as
a
Philistine.
Her temporary relation
to the Philistine princes hardly warrants us in calling
her a 'political agent' (Smith's
See
S
AMSON
.
DELIVERER, THE
Rom.
Is.
see
DELUGE.
Postponing
various interesting ques-
tions,
as
well of comparative folk-lore
18-20)
as
of
biblical theology
I
O
which are connected
with the title of this article, let
us
confine ourselves at
DELUGE
and
(by
H.
The
gods, more especially Bel, wroth at the sins of men,
determine to bring upon them a judgment consisting in
a
great all-destroying flood.
One of the gods, however,
namely Ea, selects a favoured man, named
of the city of
for deliverance. This
is the Xisuthrus of
be it observed that the
name Xisuthrus is found, in all probability, by transpos-
ing the two component parts of
the
very wise,' or, still better perhaps
(so
Haupt),
very
pious '-one designation of the hero of the cuneiform
account.
is in
a
dream acquainted by
Ea
with the purpose of the gods, and commanded to build
a
ship
cp Arain.
the form of which is
prescribed, as a means of saving his life, and to take
with
into it 'seeds of life of all kinds'
25).
Accordingly, the ship is
its dimensions
3
are
given with great precision by the poet, who mentions
that it w-as coated within and without with bitumen
and that cells were made in it.
Into this vessel
brings gold and silver and seeds of life of
all kinds,' besides his family and servants, beasts of the
field,
wild beasts of
field
Shortly
before the Flood, the
of which is made known
to him by a special sign,
himself enters the
ship and bars the door, while his steersman, named
takes over the direction of the vessel
94).
Upon
this
deluge begins
:
it is thought of
as
an
unloosing of all the elemental powers, torrents of rain,
storm and tempest; together with thick darkness. T h e
waters rise higher and higher, till the whole land be-
comes a sea ; all men and animals, except those in the
ship, perish. Six days and nights the flood rages on
the seventh day a calm sets in. Then
opens
the air-hole
(Z.
136
cp
and
sees the widespread ruin.
At the same time land
emerges, and the ship grounds on the mountain of
Nisir
After seven days more
sends out successively
a
dove, a swallow, and a raven.
The dove and the swallow, finding no place of rest,
return to the ship; but the raven is seen no more.
Upon this
clears the ship and offers a
sacrifice on the summit of the mountain.
' T h e gods
smelt the savour, the gods smelt the sweet savour. The
gods gathered like flies about the sacrificer'
162). As for Bel, however, he is at first displeased at
the deliverance of
and his household but
on the representations of
who points out the rash-
ness of his act in causing
a
universal deluge, and
recommends the sending of wild animals, famine, and
pestilence, as
a
more fitting mode of punishing human
sins, Bel becomes reconciled to
escape of
and even gives him and his wife a share of the
divine nature,
causes them to dwell afar
off,
at the
mouth of the rivers'
Before attempting to explain this Deluge-story, and
comparing it with the corresponding Hebrew account,
we must consider the position which it occupies in Baby-
lonian literature.
It stands at present, as we have seen,
in close connection with other traditional stories, and
particularly with the cycle of
The
hero, GilgameS, who, after his various adventures, is
visited with
a
sore disease, sets out on the way to his
The references here given to lines
of
the Deluge-story accord
with Zimmern's numeration.
The reading of the first part of the name
is uncertain
;
('sprout, or ,offspring,
of
life'), Sit-
('the escaped
('sun
of
life'),
('day of life'), and
(see N
OAH
) have found
present to the
between the
and
Of all the parallel traditions of
a
deluge the Babylonian is undeniably the most import-
ant, because the points of contact between it and the
Hebrew story are
so
striking that the view of the de-
pendence of one of the two on the other is directly
suggested even to
most cautious of students.
The
account in the
excerpts will be referred to below
(see
1 6 ) ; but we may state here that the genuine
Babylonian character of the Berossian story has, since
been raised above all doubt by George Smiths
discovery, in the remains of the libraryof
of a copy
of
a
very ancient cuneiform Deluge-story
derived, it would seem, from the city of
in Babylonia, and by
a
more recent discovery by Scheil
(see
The former story fills the first
four columns
the eleventh tablet of the
epic of
a
cycle of legends to
which, in studying the early narratives of Genesis, we
have
so
frequently to refer (see,
C
AINITES
,
A paraphrase of its contents is all that we can give
here : translations of recent date and critical in character
will be found
(by Paul Haupt)
367
A.
Jeremias's
Muss-Arnolt's essay in
World,
3
(
9 4 ) ;
[The exploits
of
this hero are celebrated in the twelve chants
or lays of the epic. The text of the Deluge-story was published
in 4
R
ed.
ed.
and most recently
Haupt,
6).
6).
supporters.]
.
3
[See Haupt Amer.
4
On the
and mountains of Nisir.
o f
traces
of
a
between the
of
for a
DELUGE
DELUGE
ancestor
whose dwelling is remote from
that of all other
beyond the river of death (cp
C
AINITES
,
6,
E
NOCH
,
2).
From this fortunate
possessor of eternal life, GilgameS hopes to learn how to
obtain, not only the cure of his disease, hut also the same
supreme felicity.
answers by
a
detailed
description of the Deluge, in which he was himself
so
prominent a figure, and at the end of which he was
admitted to the life of the gods.
Obviously, the present
connection of the Deluge-story with the
tion is secondary in character, and it becomes all the
more reasonable
to
maintain that the Hebrew Deluge-
story too has only an artificial connection with the frame-
work in which it now stands.
Noah may originally
have had no more connection with Nimrod than
with
(see N
IMROD
, N
OAH
).
The secondary character of the present connection of
the Babylonian Deluge-story being granted, can we
to indicate a more original connec-
tion? According to
Xisuthrus
(the hero of the Deluge) was the last of
the ten primitive Babylonian kings, whose immensely
long lives
so
forcibly remind us of those ascribed to the
antediluvian patriarchs in
and, as has been
repeatedly pointed
are closely related to the theory
of an artificially-calculated cosmic year. The Berossian
cosmic year had the enormous duration of 518,400
ordinary years, and each of its twelve months consisted
of
x
ordinary years.
According to this system, ten cosmic months are equiva-
lent to
years, and this is exactly the number of
the years assigned by
to the ten antediluvian
Babylonian kings (cp C
HRONOLOGY
,
4,
end). The
theory of the Babylonians appears to have been that
these ten primitive kings reigned during the first ten
cosmic months of the great cosmic year (each
for
a cosmic month), and that the Deluge fell at the end of
the tenth month.
Now, the eleventh
was for
the Babylonians (who began the year with the vernal
equinox) the time from the middle of January to the
middle of February-in other words, the middle of the
rainy or winter season.
It is also to the winter season that the position
of
the
narrative in the
more particularly to the eleventh month
(Jan.
For, as Sir Henry
Rawlinson saw. the twelve tablets of
the adventures of
stand
relation to the
passage of the sun-god through the twelve months
of
the year, and the principal event on every tablet has its
analogue in the corresponding one of the twelve signs
of the zodiac, which, as is now certainly known, had
their origin in Babylonia. Now, it is the eleventh tablet
that contains the Deluge
-
story, and the eleventh
zodiacal sign is Aquarius. The conclusion is obvious.
Lastly, it
is
also
probable that the Assyrian name of the
eleventh month,
(probably destruction
'),
and
its ideographic designation as (month of the) curse of
rain,' both have reference to the Deluge. Clearly the
connection of the Deluge-story with the story of the ten
primitive kings is much more close and original than its
present connection with the
The
fixing of the great catastrophe in the eleventh month is
a fact
of
importance with reference to the question,
which will shortly
8)
to be answered
:
Has the
Deluge-story a historical kernel, or is it simply and
entirely a nature-myth?
The elaborate account
in
the
is not
the only cuneiform record of the Babylonian Deluge-
Peiser has published
a mythological text, with a map,
giving
a
primitive picture of
lonia at the time of the Deluge under
For
the Berossian story see below
See especially
v.
Gesch.
34
The text is very fragmentary
but
as far as it can, with the help of the map, be under-
stood, this is the notion of the Flood which it suggests.
-The
Gulf was conceived of as encompassing
Babylonia, and
about this ocean lay seven islands.
The mountain of the Deluge was due north of Babylon,
but still within the tract enclosed by the ocean. It
is
noteworthy that the time of the Deluge is apparently
designated in this text-'the year of the great serpent.'
[Further, among the tablets in the Constantinople
museum Scheil has recently discovered a mutilated
ment
of
a
new Deluge-story, containing
part of columns
In the twelfth line
occurs the word
( '
effaced
which,
according to Scheil, suggests that our
but
a
copy of a much older original which had been injured.
The date of the tablet itself, however, is sufficiently
ancient : 'month of
day 28, the year in which
built the fortress of
at the
mouth of the Euphrates'-not much later than 2140
B
.C.
By whom the story is told, is not evident. The
complaints of mankind are spoken
of
first : the god
appears to be
with them.
Thereupon
a god pronounces sentence upon mankind
reference
is made to a destroying rain-storm.
In the seventh
column the god Ea speaks.
He
expostulates with the
other god for wishing to destroy men.
Some men at
least, Ea will save; 'let them
into [the vessel
. .
.],
. .
the oar
(?)
. .
.
let him
. . .
let him bring
.
.
.
let him
. . .
That the great Deluge is re-
ferred to is now clear: the occurrence of the word
must dispel all doubt.
In the eighth column
only two lines are complete but these contain a refer-
ence to Atra-basis (Xisuthrus), who is introduced
speaking to his lord'-Le., to the god who has proved
himself a friend to the human race. The name of the
scribe suggests to Scheil that this version of the Deluge-
story is that which was current in the city of Sippar
(see
W e have also a list of royal names which bears the in-
scription,
'
These are the postdiluvian kings of Babylon,'
thus implicitly confirming the Berossian
between kings before and
kings after the Deluge (cp
C O T
161).
The word here used for Deluge is
(cp below,
which elsewhere is of
the Deluge
being referred to as an event of hoary
when it is said of old inscriptions that they go back to
the time before the Deluge
See
T
EL
-
ABIB
.
W e have
now
to take up the question, What was
probably the true origin
of
this Babylonian Deluge-
distinction
*.
story, looking at it by itself, without
comparing the Hebrew records
The
first thing that strikes
is the harmony
between the narrative and-the local conditions of Baby-
lonia, which justifies
us
in regarding that country as the
native place of the story.
It is more difficult to deter-
mine whether any real historical event lies at the founda-
tion of the narrative, or whether we have to do with a
mere myth.
In itself it would, of course, not be incon-
ceivable that in days of yore an unusually extensive
flood from the Persian Gulf, combined with continuous
rain, hurst upon the Babylonian lowlands, and destroyed
countless human lives that a dim tradition of this event
was preserved and that the Babylonian Deluge-story
was a last deposit produced by this genuine occurrence.
Judging, however, from what is known of the growth of
myths and legends, especially among the Babylonians,
The reason is that one element in the name of the scribe
is
Aya (Aa).
Now it was chiefly at Sippar that
goddess Aya
honoured in conjunction with
(the sun-god): her name
was borne by the inhabitants.' Scheil, 'Notes
part
d u
de
etc.,
Storm,' is also used
as
a title for the god
Marduk's
weapon in the Creation-story, Tab. iv.
49,
and
calls himself
'tempest of battles,'
3a
1058
DELUGE
DELUGE
we think that this is far from probable.
The entire
character
of
the narrative, and the connection with other
myths indicated above, are much more favourable to
the view that we have to do, not with a legend based
upon facts, but with
a
myth which has assumed the form
of
a
history (cp below, col.
1063,
note
3).
The colouring
may have been partly supplied by the cyclones which,
in an alluvial country like Babylonia, frequently make
their appearance from the s e a ; but the origin of this
myth will have to be sought in quite another direction.
W e noticed above that the great catastrophe is placed
by the Babylonians in the middle of the winter season,
in the eleventh
Jan.-Feb.), which was
regarded as specially the time of storms, and had for its
patron the rain-god and storm-god
To
the
present writer it seems most probable that the Deluge-
story
was
originally a nature-myth, representing the
phenomena of winter, which in Babylonia especially is
a
time of rain.
The hero rescued in the ship must
originally have been the
Thus, the Deluge
and the deliverance of
are ultimately but
a
variant to the Babylonian Creation-myth (see C
REATION
,
Now we can understand the very peculiar
designation of the Deluge-period mentioned already.
T h e great serpent is no other than the personified
ocean, which on the old Babylonian map (see above,
5)
encircles Babylonia, just
as '
leviathan the wreathed
serpent' (Is.
27
I
)
is the world-encircling ocean personified
as
a
serpent : it is the same
that is a central
figure in the Creation-story.
The question
as
to the relation of the Babylonian to
the Hebrew Deluge-story
now be satisfactorily
answered.
If, as we believe, the
former had its origin in Babylonia,
,is fundamentally
a
myth of winter
and the sun-god, the Hebrew story must have been
borrowed from the Babylonian. In this case, Dillmann's
theory of
a
common Semitic 'tradition, which developed
the Hebrews in one way, and among the
Babylonians in another,
is
once more put out of court
The Israelitish story
of
the submergence of the earth
of the
known to the narrators) bv a Deluge is
(see C
REATION
,
4).
H. Z.
. -
I
found in the Book of Genesis
( 6
in two forms, belonging respectively
to
and to
which have been welded
together (see
8).
'There are also allusions
to the story (all late) in
14
14
Is. 549
Ps.
29
IO
Is.
It remains to be seen, how-
ever, whether the two forms of the tradition in Genesis are
really independent it
be that, as in the case of the
Creation-story (see C
REATION
,
P
has only given
a
somewhat different setting to data which he has derived
from
It is no objection to this view that P s account is
longer and
some respects less fragmentary than that of
The editor (or editors)
preferred the former,
because
P s
work was systematically adopted
as
the
framework of the combined historical narrative.
The
three principal points in which
P
is fuller than
are
(
I
)
the announcement of the coming deluge to Noah,
and the command to build an ark (or chest), the
measurements of which are prescribed
the notice
of
the place where the
grounded; and ( 3 ) the
appointment of the rainbow
as
the sign of the covenant
between God and man.
On
all these points, we may
The fragments of
mention
(May-June)
as
the month of the Deluge.
This notice is suspicious on
several grounds. The writer who excerpted
probably
identified the eighth Babylonian month
with the eighth Syro-Macedonian month Daisius.
The biblical recension alsomakes the Deluge
in
On this view, both
and the O T laced the beginning
of the Deluge early in the winter,
in the middle of
that season-an easily intelligible variant.
[The
same view is given in
art.
'Deluge,'
See below.]
46.
See
B
EHEMOTH
and
L
EVIATHAN
,
3
3
safely presume, information was given in the original
To
suppose that the latter began with the words,
'
And
said to
Noah,
Go
with all thy house
into the ark,' would be absurd, and
seems to be
right in supposing that the measurements of the ark
in Gen.
come from
who on his side may have
derived them from some form of the Babylonian myth
(cp G
OPHER
-
WOOD
).
Budde has also made it probable
that
gave
a
statement as to the resting-place of the
ark, which he placed among the mountains
E.
of
Kasdim.
P
knew that there were higher mountains
than these in the
N.,
and transferred the locality to
A
RARAT
3)
though it
is
probable that he had
the support
of
the later Babylonian tradition (cp
Nor
need
we
doubt that the episode of the rainbow
also
told by
to whose delicate iinagination it
.
- -
I
would be in a high degree congenial. It
is
true, there is nothing like it in the
Deluge-story given in the
but we do not
all the-variants of
myth.
Most probably, however,
may claim the
honour of having invented this exquisite sign of the
covenant.
The covenant
is
distinctly Israelitish, and
the sign should be Israelitish too.
A probable point of
contact for the rainbow episode is suggested by these
words of the Babylonia
Jensen) :
A
dark cloud came up from the foundation of heaven
(the storm-god) thundered therein.
. .
.
The
noise of
penetrated to heaven
it turned all
brightness into obscurity.'
The flashes of lightning are
the storm-god's arrows (Ps.
[4]
Hab.
and when the storm ceases, the god lays aside his bow
(this is said,
of the god Indra, after his battle with
the demons). If the Hebrew story in its original form
referred to the thundering of
we can well
believe that when
appended the account of the
covenant he said to himself that the bow which
had laid aside could be no other than the rainbow.
There is, at any rate, no exact mythic parallel elsewhere
to the use made of the rainbow in Gen.
9
12-17.
There are also other points of difference between
and
P.
( a )
The latter
is
without the vivid details of
the sending out of the birds
J,)
such a prosaic writer would probably
think these
A more
important point is
non-recognition of the distinction
between clean and unclean animals (Gen.
8
and
his not mentioning the sacrifice which, according to
(Gen.
Noah
offered after leaving the ark. The
cause of these deviations of P is obvious.
His historical
theory of the origin of the cultus imposed
on
the
necessity of
the tradition with it.
Not less
is the difference between
and P
as
to the duration of the Deluge.
According to
seven days elapsed after the command to Noah to
enter the ark then the rain-storm came, and it lasted
forty days and forty nights
then in three times seven
days the waters disappeared.
The computation of
P
gives more occasion to debate.
I t
is
stated in M T
(7
that the deluge began on the seven-
teenth of the second month, and that on the twenty-seventh of
the second month
in the following year the earth was dry (8 14).
If this
is
the flood lasted
I
year
11
days;
if the
lunar year forms the
basis of the computation,,
which make a solar year. This looks very much like an
correction the flood really lasted a lunar year.
however,
reads
'
twenty-seventh'
instead of
I n this case the solar year would be meant,, and the duration of
the deluge (365 days) would be the same as that of the life of
Enoch (365 years). We also learn that
waters prevailed
on the earth
davs'
2 4
8
This
to be
to
.
.
.
. . .
.
Cp Ps.
P
ascribes the deluge partly to rain,,
partly to the breaking
of the 'fountains of the great deep
of the waters under the earth, cp Gen.4925).
This
approaches more nearly to the Babylonian account which
speaks of the sea as being driven on the land by a
Possiblv
To.
in its
form. made some reference to
the
sea
or to
waters.
.
On
P's
year
cp
Y
EAR
.
1060
DELUGE
months
84). But
days
more than five lunar
months. it is clear that solar months must be meant (see
Di.
Gen.
and his dissertation on the
der
pp.
;
Bacon, Chron-
ology of the Account of the Flood in
8
Nowack,
H A 2
220).
W e are thus enabled to some extent to reconstruct
the Deluge-story of
No doubt some archaic incidents
have been lost, but
P
has preserved three
of the most important details which were
found in the earlier narrative, though he
has
moved the Mountain of the
northwards.
H e
has also retained
term
for
the
Deluge : outside of
and
P
in the Deluge-story, the
term occurs only in Ps.
(post-exilic), and in Geu.
6
17 6
an editor has glossed it by the word
waters’
also
chest
Vg.
used elsewhere
only
of
Moses’ ark of Nile-reeds (Ex.
[BAF]
[L]), and we
presume that the words
(see G
OPHER
-
WOOD
) and
‘bitumen,’ both
occurring in
6
and nowhere else, were retained from
the lost narrative of
But what of
Did his
of
the origin of
man contain any Deluge-story? No-at any rate, if
DELUGE
like the
certainly never had any,
hough the legendary
(see col.
1064,
n.
I);
n the Alexander-legend conducts the hero to the waters
life, and in the
according to the commentators
is found by Moses ‘ a t the confluence
of
wo seas (rivers
may be
a
reflection of
or
(from
a
shortened form of which
may be derived).
Outside of Babylonia, therefore, the only extant
tradition is that of
and P.
This is obviously
on the Babylonian myth, for the substitution of
a
chest for a ‘ship is due either to reflection
or
to
a
between two Babylonian words,
in any
not to independent tradition.
account is the
ypical one
P s
statements as to the length of Enoch’s
ife and the duration of the Deluge seem to rest on
Aggada.
The typical Babylonian myth is that in the GilgameS-
(see above), which appears to be the local tradition
the theory ably propounded by Budde
be accepted.
narrative contained
Gen.
246-3
4
(but on
27
see
11
:
it
story.
In this record Noah appears
as
the first agri-
culturist, and the inventor of wine. A corruption of
the text, and perhaps editorial convenience, led to
identification with the hero of the Deluge, who (it is
held) had originally the name of Enoch, but had now to
take that of Noah
in
exchange (see N
OAH
). W e need
not, however, suppose that the Deluge-myth was
known to the Israelites before
wrote. It is in reality
a
pendant to the Creation-story
:
we should naturally
have expected both stories to reach the Israelites at the
same time.
W e have, indeed, no direct evidence of
this but the expression
has a very archaic appear-
ance. At one time
must have had
a
meaning in
Hebrew,
that time must have been long anterior
to
But the Deluge-myth, like the companion-story
which underlies
1,
did not, it seems, take
a
firm
hold on the Israelitish people
:
when
or (more prob-
ably) the earlier writer from whom he draws, shaped
his story, the Deluge-myth had passed out of mind, and
to be revived by the help of some one acquainted
with cuneiform documents (cp
C
REATION
,
).
( a )
Of the earliest Israelitish Deluge-myth
and of its Canaanitish original we know
nothing.
(6)
Lucian (160
A.D.),
laugh-
ing
m
his sleeve, gives the Syrian
story of his day ; but it has been partly Hellenised, and
probably Judaised (a ‘great box or chest,’
is
spoken
of),
and we can lay no stress
upon
it.
Its origin
was no doubt Babylonian.
Most people,’ says Lucian,
relate that the founder of the temple (of Hierapolis)
was
( c )
The
version of
the myth, if there ever was one, has
( d )
The
‘destruction’
:
hence ‘deluge’ from
‘to
destroy’ cp
a softened form of
Gen.64
Nu.
The word was chosen probably as a synonym for
(deluge) on account of the assonance when the
Bab.
Deluge-myth first
naturalised in
On the
etym. cp
Del.
Par.
Haupt,
in
66;
Cheyne
3
Jensen,
Times, 9
284 (derives from
‘to
(against which see Del.
172,
and cp
2
On the form of the
Syriac loan-word
cp
1495.
Such a notable
mythological word as
was
to
be naturalised
in
Canaan
some form (cp
B
ELI
A
L
).
may
be of Egyptian, but can scarcely be of Bah.
origin, as Jensen
4
represents. The word
in the phrase
inn
is
most naturally connectec
with
Cp
in the parallel passage in the
De Dea
chap.
cp Jos. Ant. 3
6.
Gruppe’s opposite
is
factory.
of the
of
(see Frd. Del.
Par. 224;
Jensen,
387);
but
the variant discovered
Peiser
the much fuller one transmitted
are valuable.
The Babylonian
Xisuthrus,
is
the
of the Berossian Deluge-story in this way
the name of
transposing the two
parts of the name or
Xisuthrus, he says, was
accompanied on board the ship
(
by
wife, children, friends, and steersman, and took with
him quadrupeds and birds.
He
was
ordered to turn
the course of his vessel towards the gods.’ How long
the flood lasted we are not told.
When it went down,
he sent out birds three’ times the third time the birds
did not return.
Then he discovered that the ship
had grounded ‘ o n
a
certain mountain.’ With wife,
daughter, and steersman, he disembarked, erected an
altar, sacrificed, and
passed out of sight with his
companions. Those who remained heard a voice which
announced that Xisuthrus had been taken to be with
the gods as a reward for his piety also that the land
in which they were was Armenia (cp Gen. 84
They
were, further, commanded to dig up the sacred books
which Xisuthrus, before embarking, had buried at
para to transmit them to mankind.
This form of the
story was, therefore, the local tradition of the ancient city
of Sippar, on the left bank of the Euphrates (the
of to-day). W e may plausibly
that the
fragment discovered by Scheil (see 6)
also
belonged to
the story current a t Sippar.
Here, however, we find,
only
as the name of the hero of the
Deluge. This name, however, is perhaps to be regarded
rather
as a
title than
as
a
personal name.
The epic narrative fills np the lacuna in the Berossian
story.
It presupposes a division of the period of the
Deluge into an (at present) uncertain
number of weeks. The same
tion for the number seven is visible in
account (see Gen.
8
Similarly the epic agrees more definitely than
with
in its notice respecting the birds.
Seven days
after the calming of the waters,
sends out
first a dove, then a swallow, then a raven.
less
naturally puts the
before the dove : probably he
did not draw directly from a Babylonian source (see
above,
e n d ;
end). The other details of
the Deluge have been simplified by
(or his
I t is hardly allowable
to quote the myth of the Destruction of Man (see Maspero,
Dawn
as a ‘dry deluge-myth,’ for the story has
a
ritual purpose.
Cp Jeremias,
See
2
(Eus.
ed.
1
and
c
Eus.
9
(Abydenus)
where the hero’s name is
Lucian (see above,
(A))
had heard the name Sisythes.
Probably, according to Haupt, the adverbial accusative
was affixed in the later period of the language
Amer.
Or.
March
1894).
1062
and
There is no Egyptian Flood-myth.
DELUGE
DELUGE
The rather grotesque polytheistic setting has
disappeared
:
P , who retained the plural form
Let us
make man
in Gen.
1 2 6 ,
found nothing corresponding
to this in the old Deluge-story.
I n
Gen.
('And
smelled the sweet savour we find a reminiscence
of the mythic description in the epic (see above,
but the most startling part of the description has
vanished. The cause assigned to the Deluge is nobler
in
( P ) than in the epic.
In
the latter
Ea
reproaches
with having punished the innocent
with the guilty
:
the offence consisted, it appears, in the
neglect of the accustomed sacrifices to the
In
(P), on
the other hand, no special stress is laid on
sacrifices, and
no
limitation is made to the sweeping de-
claration that
<
the earth is filled with violence' (Gen.
whilst the injunction laid upon the survivors after the
Deluge is not that they should be reverent' in
a
ritual
sense, but that they should not deface the image of God
by shedding man's blood
96). The close of the epic
narrative, however, redeems the character of the poet,
and irresistibly suggests the theory, supported elsewhere,
that Noah should rather be Enoch.'
It was for the
children of the Hebrew Xisuthrus to re-found a human
race of finer quality than that which had perished.
Xisuthrus himself was too great and good a man to
encounter once more the ordinary trials of humanity.
was transported to the earthly Paradise, afar
off at the mouth of the rivers (the Euphrates and the
Tigris).' The Hebrew Xisuthrus, like his model in the
Berossian account, 'was not (=disappeared), for God
had taken him (Gen.
5
24).
Both
and the priestly writer represent a period
later than
epic. The earthly Paradise
was no doubt the original home of the
translated Xisuthrus, though we cannot
suppose that it was always placed a t
the mouth of the
: mythic
is notori-
ously fluctuating. The earliest location of Paradise was
the slopes of the mysterious mythic mountain which
reached upward to the sky (cp C
HERUB
,
7).
When
the ides of an earthly Paradise had worn out, men
thought of Xisuthrus as in heaven, and this is really
more in accord with the earliest form of the myth.
For, though the theory offered above by
8)
probably does embody the interpretation of the most
cultured Babylonian priests, we can hardly regard it
as a complete explanation.
I t is more like the after-
thought of a semi-philosophic age than like the sponta-
neous imagination of primitive men. There would be
more plausibility in the notion that
definite his-
torical catastrophe lies at the root of the story, if we
could only believe. that tradition could preserve so
remote an occurrence. The truth is that
a
definite
occurrence does lie at the root of the story : only, it
is
an imaginary, not a historical occurrence.
The Deluge-myth in Babylonia and elsewhere seems
to have grown out of
an
archaic ether-myth, akin to
that prevalent in Egypt.
Originally the sun was im-
agined as a man voyaging on a boat in the heavenly
ocean. When this story had been told and retold a
long time, rationalism suggested that the sea was not
in heaven
on earth, and observation of the damage
wrought in winter by incessant rains and the inundations
of great rivers suggested the introduction of correspond-
ing details into the new earthly Deluge-myth. This
theory is supported by the Polynesian Deluge-myths
collected by
the origin of which is still plainly
visible.
In
these, the
sun
and the
were imagined
sometimes as peaks emerging out of
a
flood, sometimes
Throughout the epic-story the sacrificial interest
pro-
minent.
too,
relates that a voice from heaven bade
the friends whom Xisuthrus left behind be reverent towards the
gods
punctual
sacrifices.
Probably a n island in the Persian Gulf
is
meant (Jensen,
213).
3
der
6
See also
der
p.
1063
as canoes, sometimes
a man
and his wife the stars,
sometimes
as
ships, sometimes as human beings-the
children of the sun and moon
the clouds too were
described
as
ships-the 'ships of Tangaloa' (the
heaven- and air-god).
The flood itself was called
sometimes 'flood of the
(so
at Hawaii), some-
times
'
flood
of
day's
the sun
(so
at Tahiti).
This accounts for the strongly mythological characters of
in Babylonia and of Maui in New
who are, in fact, solar personages. Enoch too must be
classed in this category his perfect righteousness and
superhuman
now first becomeintelligible. More-
over, we now comprehend how the goddess Sabitu (the
guardian of the entrance to the sea) can say to GilgameS
(himself a solar personage)
the mighty
( L e . ,
the sun-god) crossed the s e a ; besides
(?)
who
can cross it?
For, though the
'
sea'
in
the epic is
no doubt the earth-circling ocean, it was hardly this
in the myth from which the words were taken.
The transference of the Deluge from heaven to earth
had two effects, First, it produced a virtual duplication
of the
points
the way to a probable explanation of
the appearance of the raven, the
swallow, and the dove
Babylonian account, and
of the dove and the raven in the Hebrew account.
An
authentic and striking Polynesian parallel to the descrip-
tion in Gen.
. . .
brooding over the face of the
waters
has been given already (see CREATION,
N.
American tribes, too, frequentlyconncct the emergence
of the earth from the primordial ocean with the descent
of a raven, and their flood-myths, according to Brinton,
connect the rebuilding of the earth with the agency of
In the Algonkin account, however, the musk-
rat succeeds, when the raven fails, in finding a portion
of the submerged earth.
the primitive Babylonian
myths of Creation and Deluge
a
bird (whether raven or
dove), or birds, probably had a share in the process of
creation and re-creation.
The second effect of the transference spoken of was a
new speculative theory.
It occurred to the early men
that the idea of a second construction of the world
lightened the problem
of
the origin of things.
How the
primeval world arose might be difficult to
satis-
factorily : various mythic stories were current
but it
was not
so
hard to conceive of a world once destroyed
being reconstructed.
in course of time,
tematisers devised schemes bearing some resemblance to
the cycles of the Stoics.
It
seemed to them as if the
Creator were constantly being baffled in his experiments
by physical or moral perversity in the materials.
Thus
the priests of the Aztecs spoke of four antecedent ages,
separated by universal cataclysms, the present being the
fifth and
and a similar belief, in rudimentary forms,
Enoch like
wise.
is an
attribute of the
The same
title appears
to
be given to the young eagle in the myth of Etana
(see
supernatural
444).
Notice, too, that the old eagle in the Etana-myth and
are both mentioned
in connection with magical plants.
T h e legendary el-Hidr of the Moslems, whom Guyard and
Lenormant
2
identify with
was
also
the wisest of beings.
On this
parallel cp
7
8
263
and Dyroff,
also
32
See also
5.
See
Dawn
584 Jeremias,
it
has been remarked, has some
affinity to
Circe.
3
Was the
at
Babylon a commemoration of the
Deluge?
It
is referred to in the epic narrative,
2.
From
inscription of Nebuchadrezzar we learn that it was 'in
Zakmuk' (Jensen
Now Zakmuk, the New Year's
festival,
Creation.
Brinton,
of
the New
2 0 4 ;
Macdonell,
Cp above,
See
n.
p.
gives the
form' on the
authority of Father Le
It appears that the
Algonkins supposed all mankind to have perished in the Deluge.
This
is against deriving this
from a previous
myth. T h e Algonkin view, however. is not largely represented.
of
Mexico
and
Peru,
1064
DELUGE
is still prevalent throughout the American-Indian tribes.
The Zoroastrians believed in six ages of the world, with
a
final catastrophe issuing in
a
renovation. The six
ages are of late origin (see C
REATION
,
9 ) ; but the
renovation,
Darmesteter admits, goes back to the
period.
Not
without stimulus from
the Jews in later times advanced to the same
belief.‘ They were assured that the present world
would be destroyed and that a new heaven and earth
would take its place
6517 6622
Mt.
2
Pet.
Enoch
Apoc. Bar.
326)
in harmony with Gen.
9
fire was to be the destroying
agency
Pet.
These beliefs were naturally
fostered by the moral
of the best men,
as
we
see, not only from the biblical writings
Gen.
6
2
Pet.
and from the Babylonian
story, but also from an American (Quiche) story, which
says, They did not think or speak of the Creator who
had created
and who had caused their
The intense moral fervour of the ancient Zoroastrian
hope of world-renovation is well known (see P
ERSIA
).
If it were possible to believe
in
a
primitive tradition
earlv human historv. and to acceut all
DELUS
mythic narratives
as
independent tradi-
tions, we should have
a
weary waste
of
Deluge-stories still to plod through.
There are, however, only three more such accounts
which have any special interest from our present point
of view.
(a)
The Indian Deluge-story is the
This can hardly be a genuine Aryan myth, for there is
no clear reference to it in the Rig Veda.
The
Brahmana,
where
it
first occurs, was written
(Weber) not long before the Christian era. Another version, in
which the
of the earlier one are filled up, is given in the
but
this poem though it existed in part before
the
era did not
its present form till long
afterwards.
A
version, still more decidedly Indian
in
character, hut with some suspicious resemblances to the Semitic
accounts, is given in the
but the earliest
possible date of this work
is the twelfth century
which
deprives its account of the deluge of all claim to
.
The principal characteristic of the older Flood-story is
the part
to the fish which warns Manu of the
Deluge, and ultimately saves him by drawing his ship to
a
northern mountain.
This
is
surely out of character
with
mythology.
The horned fish, in which
Brahma appears, reminds
us
strongly of the Babylonian
fish-god Ea.
It was Ea who gave notice of the
Deluge to
Zimmer
Jensen
497) and Oldenberg
des
276) consider the Babylonian origin
of the Indian Flood-story to be certain
but
on
the
other hand cp Usener,
(6)
The second account is a Zoroastrian myth in the
Avesta
(
In its present form (even
after the prosaic additions have been removed; see
Geldner, in Usener,
3
it seems to have been
influenced by the Hebrew Deluge-story.
The Var, a square enclosure constructed by
Vedic god of the dead), had a door and perhaps a
like Noah’s Ark, and it was designed to preserve men,
and animals.
Apart from this, it reminds ns of the
Eden, and the calamity which was to be averted was, not a
flood, but a terrible winter’s frost, connected, however, with
the end of the
The myth seems to he a recast of
elements from more than one source.
Possibly there
was a primitive native Deluge-story but, if so, it was
vitalised from a Jewish source, some time during the
third or the second century,
B
.c.,
when (as Ramsay has
Che.
Is. 51
16
is a late mosaic of phrases, and irrelevant (see Du.
ad
Brinton,
cif.
This is of course a later addition,
as
in one of the forms of the Tahitian myth
6
271).
See Muir,
1
Burnouf,
2
Weber
1
5
renhered ‘window,’
is
said to he a s
obscure a s the Hebrew
Gen.
see
L
ATTICE
).
Cp. Kohnt,
(c)
The third is a Phrygian myth.
pointed out) many thousands
of
Jews from Babylonia
were settled as colonists in the cities which the Seleucid,
kings had built.
This was the period of the inter-
mingling of religions, when Judaism too made conquests,
especially in
Asia
Minor. Even those who were not
otherwise
were influenced by Jewish legends
AND
G
OMORRAH
).
Important cities ex-
hibited
on
their coins biblical symbols, and harmonised
their old traditions with biblical narratives.”
Thus Apamea (formerly Kelainai) adopted the Noah-legend
;
Iconium that of Enoch whose name was connected with the
Phrygiah name of
or
This king (for such
tradition made him) was said to have lived more than 300 years
t o
have announced the coming Deluge, and to have prayed
his people. T h e mountain bard
Apamea was said t o he
that on which Noah’s ark grounded
;
the city therefore assumed
the title
(Ark).
The references already given are almost sufficient
(they may be supplemented from
Genesis)
but at least a brief mention is due to
Lenormant’s study in
The conclusion
de
1
382
arrived at is that of Franz Delitzsch and Dillmann,
that the Deluge is no ‘myth,’ but a historical fact.
Lenormant, at any rate, holds that the three great
civilised races of the ancient world preserved a dim
recollection of it.
This implies
a
self-propagating
power
in
tradition which the researches of experts in
popular traditions do not justify.
died,
a
martyr of patriotism, in 1884. Would he have changed
his mind had he lived? At any rate, he would have
respected the honesty of those who regard the Deluge-
story as
a
precious record of the myth-forming imagina-
tion which has been made subservient to
a
high moral
idealism.
ADAM
A N D
E
V
E
.
Lastly, the writer would call attention to
two articles
on
Scheil‘s Deluge-story
6 )
in the
New
York
and 17th Feb.
1898 (cp his
and Ass.
502
It is here maintained that
a
local
tradition of
a
rain-storm which submerged
506).
a
single city has been combined in the
with a myth of the destruction of mankind based upon
the annual phenomenon of the overflow of the Euphrates.
or
(as
Haupt in
and
Jastrow prefer to read the name) is the hero
of
the
local tradition, while
(
Gen.
69,
according to Jastrow) is the hero
of
the larger nature-
myth. The present writer admits that the version in
the epic is of composite origin, and that the names
and
perhaps come from
different sources
he holds that all the Babylonian
deluge-stories, whether simple or composite, have
a
mythic basis. Moreover, he does not recognise that the
simplicity of the oldest Hebrew version of the
story heightens the probability that the Hebrews carried
that story with them when they left their Euphratean
settlements. The account given above of the origin
and development of the Hebrew story has surely not
lost any of its probability in consequence
of
Scheil‘s
discovery.
[See,
addition
to
works already cited, Noldeke,
‘Der
von der
pp.
R. Andree, Die
(‘91)
H.
Usener,
pt.
3
(‘99). especially 7, ‘Ergebnisse’
M. Jastrow,
and
1899,
pp.
On the chief questions arising out of
the Babylonian Deluge-story, cp Jastrow,
and
Ass.
which, as also Usener’s
work, appeared after this article had been written.]
7-9
T. K.
C.
6,
DELUS,
RV
[AKV],
the
See Bahelon, ‘ L a Trad. phryg. du Deluge,’
Rev.
de
des
pp.
;
and,
on
A pamea- Kelainai, Ramsay,
and
Bishoprics
chaps.
11, 12.
DEMAS
DEMETRIUS
smallest of the Cyclades, regarded by the ancients
as the centre of the group-a confusion of the geo-
graphical and religious points
of
view (cp Str. 485).
Delos was both a shrine
a commercial centre, and
‘her whole destiny is explained by her religious traditions
and her geographical situation.’ Though nominally
free, the island was really subject to the dominant
power for the time being in the Aegean.
It was a free
port as early as 168
and attracted a great part of
the Rhodian trade (Polyb.
3 1 7 ) .
After 146
it
entered upon the heritage of Corinth
486).
The
acquisition
of
the province of Asia by the Romans in
B.
c.
added greatly to the wealth and importance of
Delos.
Now began the most brilliant epoch of its
history : the inscriptions show that its commercial
relations were with the Levant, chiefly Syria and Egypt.
So
Pausanias calls the island
(viii. 332). For long it was the chief emporium
of merchandise from the
E.
to the
so
that the fine
bronze or copper wares of Greece were called indiffer-
ently Corinthian, or
from the place of export
Cic.
283).
The island
became especially a great slave mart, where the Asiatic
slave dealers disposed of their human cargoes to Italian
speculators as many as
thousand were landed and
sold in a day (Str. 668). Naturally such a spot attracted
large numbers of Jews (Jos.
Ant.
1 0 8
Philo,
ad
Cui.
36
cp
I
Macc.
According to
a
Greek
inscription, a company of Tyrian merchants was settled
there as early as the second century
B.C.
(CZG 2271).
At the altar of Delos Antiochus Epiphanes set up statues
(Polyb.
and an inscription to Herod Antipas has
been discovered in the island (cp
88
B.C.
men, mostly Italians, were massacred in
the island by Archelaos, admiral of the Pontic fleet of
Mithridates, a blow from which it partially recovered,
only to be finally ruined about twenty years later by the
systematic and wholesale destruction wrought by the
pirate Athenodorus.
The resurrection of the island
was rendered impossible by the rapid growth of
and the revival of Corinth (for its decay, cp Paus. viii.
ix.
346).
See the articles
M.
Homolle in the Bull.
A
good
in
in
ET,
DEMAS
[Ti: WH]) is enumerated by the
apostle Paul as among his fellow-workers
at
the time
of
his (first)
captivity (Philem. 24
see also
Col.
414).
In a Tim.
he is thus alluded to :
Demas forsook me, having loved this present world,
and went to Thessalonica.’
Nothing is known of him
beyond what may be inferred or conjectured from these
J
.
allusions.
H e is enumerated in the ‘list of the seventy disciples of
Lord’ compiled
the Pseudo-Dorotheus of Tyre
Bonn ed 2
and is stated to have become a priest of idols
Along with Hermogenes, he figures prominently
in the apocryphal Acts
and
as a hypocritical
companion of the former, and to Hermogenes and
is
assigned the particular heresy about the resurrection which in
Tim. 2
is attributed to
and Philetus.
DEMETRIUS
of,
or
belonging to, Demeter, a proper name of very common
occurrence among the Greeks).
I
.
Demetrius
I.,
surnamed
king of Syria,
son
of
Seleucus
IV.
Philopator,
sent in his
early youth to
Rome as a
hostage, the throne mean-
while being occupied by his uncle Antiochus Epi-
phanes (see A
NTIOCHUS
,
After some time he
effected his escape to Tripolis (chiefly through the aid
of the historian Polybius), and thence proceeded to
Antioch where he proclaimed himself king, securing
his position by putting to death his cousin Antiochns
Eupator
(A
NTIOCHUS
, 3),
and
(
I
Macc.
7
162
B.C.).
He lost no time
pleasing the Hellenizing
party by sending Bacchides
to
instal Alcimus as high-
H e received this honorary designation on account of
his
delivering the Babylonians from
the
satrap Heraclides.
priest (see B
ACCHIDES
,
The disturbances
caused by the latter need not here be described the
Syrian general N
ICANOR
was defeated at
Capharsalama
and at Adasa ( 7 3 9 8 ) .
A
warning was sent from Rome to Demetrius not to
interfere with the Jews; but it was too late.
Less
than two months after the fall of Nicanor a fresh
invasion under Bacchicles took place
the
power was seriously crippled (chap. 9, 160
B
.C.
see
further
Seven years later Demetrius,
disputing the sovereignty with Alexander
,
Balas,
endeavoured, though in vain,
to
secure the
of
the Maccabean party (chap.
and after some
hostilities died fighting his
150
B
.c.).
See M
ACCABEES
,
a.
II.,
son
of the above, who
had been living in exile in Crete, came over
to
Cilicia
to
avenge his father’s ill success in
and secured a powerful follower in the person of
A
POLLONIUS
An engagement took place at
Ashdod, and Apollonius was decisively beaten
( I
Macc.
Shortly afterwards, however, his hands were
unexpectedly strengthened by the secession of Ptolemy
VI.
(see P
TOLEMY
,
I
) ,
who transferred to
him his daughter Cleopatra, the wife
of
Alexander
Balas (see A
LEXANDER
,
Alexander was put to
flight and Demetrius became king in
B.C.
A
treaty by which Jonathan obtained favourable
concessions was concluded (M
ACCABEES
,
and
Demetrius, believing his position secure, took the
un-
wise step of discharging
regular troops, who at
once went over to Tryphon, the guardian of the young
son of Alexander Balas
see
T
RYPHON
).
Profiting by the approach of
a
disturbance, Jonathan
obtained fresh concessions from Demetrius
on
the
that Tryphon’s rebellion in Antioch
should be put down.
This was successfully accom-
plished but when Jonathan saw that Demetrius showed
no
signs of carrying out his promises he was easily
persuaded to transfer his allegiance to Tryphon.
Demetrius’ princes entered
and after a temporary
success were routed in the neighbourhood of Hazor
( 1 1 6 3 8 ) .
Another invasion was meditated in
B
.C.
but was successfully warded off by Jonathan’s
skilful generalship
The scene suddenly
changed when Tryphon usurped the throne of Syria,
and endeavoured, with some success, to reduce Judaea.
Jonathan was dead and Simon
himself in
strengthening the defences.
An embassy was sent to
Demetrius II., who, to obtain Simon’s support, readily
granted all the Jewish demands including even a
complete immunity from taxation
2
Trusting
Simon to continue the struggle against Tryphon,
Demetrius marched to Persia, partly for conquest,
partly to acquire
but he was captured
by Mithridates I. (see P
ERSIA
) and imprisoned,
his
place in Syria being taken by his younger brother
Antiochus
(
I
Macc.
see A
NTIOCHUS
,
From non-biblical sources we know that, at the expira-
tion of ten years, he resumed the throne
(128
B
.c.),
quarrelled with Ptolemy Physkon and his
Alexander Zabinas, and was finally conquered at
Damascus, after fleeing from which place he was
murdered at Tyre
125
B
.C.
(cp
Jos.
Ant.
3.
A silversmith of Ephesus, who was the chief instigator of
the tumult in the interests of his craft which brought Paul’s
mission
in
that city to
a
close (Acts
See
D
I
ANA
,
The conjecture that he figures again in 3
as
a convert to Christianity, precarious at best becomes
singularly so when the commonness of the name is
4.
A
Christian mentioned with commendation in Jn. (v.
That he was the hearer of the epistle is sometimes inferred; hut
If we follow
R V
(after AN, etc.) and read ‘the army of
Alexander fled,’ it would seem that v. 49 and
must belong
to two different accounts.
See more fully Jos.
Ant.
2 4
and
cp
Bible. ad
This independence gained
the Jews was marked
the
introduction of a new e r a ; cp
I.
DEMONS
the inference has no more stringency than that mentioned in
no. 3.
S. A. C.
Demons are a survival from an earlier
faith continued belief in them is due to the conserva-
tive instincts of the ordinary religious
mind, and
is
thus particularly character-
istic of the popular religion. For this
reason references to demons scarcely occur in the earlier
literature, which is so largely prophetic. Such refer-
ences increase in frequency, however, in the later Jewish
writings, and are numerous in N T ; this is due partly to
the foreign influences (Babylonian, Persian, and Greek)
under which the Jews
exilic and post-exilic times,
and partly to the fact that the earlier beliefs, after being
transformed, lent themselves
as
explanations of some of
the religious problems that were arising.
For the
(Hellenistic) term
or
(see below,
6),
whence the English term 'demon'
is derived, Hebrew possesses
no
clear
equivalent.
occurs in the
L
XX
only in Dt.
Ps. 906 955
Is.
[BA] and
in
Tobit
yet it re-
presents no fewer than five Hebrew words,
gad,
(Dt.
Ps.
cp
916,
where
reads
for
Of these the first is
a
general term
for
false gods details
as
to the second
and the third will be found in the articles
F
ORTUNE
and
S
ATYR
, and
as
to
the fourth
in
W
ILD
B
EASTS
only the
last is translated demon in
RV.
Similar objects of popular superstition are
L
ILIT
H
,
A
ZAZEL
,
(in Tobit), and probably the
horse-leech of Prov.
(see H
ORSE
-
LEECH
).
details of these also reference must be made to the
separate articles. Closely connected with the present
subject is the practice of consulting the
to which
we have reference in the earliest narrative literature
(
I
S .
2 8 ) .
Jewish demonology, then, is the result of the survival
of primitive Hebrew (Semitic) beliefs, which, having
DEMONS.
See D
IVINATION
,
4.
DEMONS
been neither suppressed by, nor wholly
assimilated to, the prophetic religion,
were quickened by contact with Baby-
lonia, Persia, and Greece (cp
of
above,
The chief primitive survivals
in
the Jewish
belief are the quasi-divine character of these beings
as
shown by the sacrifices offered to them
(Dt.
32
cp Bar.
4 7
I
Cor.
Ps. 10637
Lev.
in
Is.
and the sacrifice to
described
in
Lev.
their undefined yet local character shown by
their association with waste places
34
14,
cp Rev.
Bar.
435,
[Vg.] Tob.
and their connection
with animals, indicated by their sharing the waste places
with wild beasts (foregoing references, and Mk.
and the meaning of such a term
as
(hairy ones,
goats) on the similar character of the
see Robertson Smith's
T h e term that is most generic in character is certainly
Unfortunately the etymology of the word
doubtful, for the view that it signifier
lord
and Volck's
cannot be said to be well supported.
The cognate
word in Assyrian
denotes the gods or geni
who, in the form of huge winged bulls,
the
entrances
of
the temples
( C O T
140).
In
both passage:
(exilic or post-exilic) where
occurs in O T
it
is
quite generally of illegitimate objects of worship (Dt.
Ps.
and in the Pesh.
is the equivalen
of
the later Jewish writings the
are frequently referred to
as
noxious spirits
(see
Buxtorf
Lex.,
)
this they have not definitely become
in
however the wicked dead were disregarded, and the spirits of
good
honoured a s
(
I
S.
13
cp. Is.
@),
I
therefore to treat necromancy
see
1069
IT
(on
the
see
further Dr. and Di. on Dt.
3217
Now. on
Hos.
1212
(read
for
Che.
258;
3 3 4 ;
G. Hoffmann,
55,
n.
I
) .
See S
HADDAI
,
nd cp S
IDDIM
, V
ALE OF.
When angels came to be differentiated as helpful and
armful, and, later,
as
good and bad
the harmful or bad angels closely re-
sembled demons ; the difference between
the two became, in consequence, less and
Speculations on the difference may be found in
the same uncertainty prevails in Mohammedan
heology, where,
it is disputed whether Iblis was an
The classical inferiority of
(and
to
finds its lowest depth
in
the Old and the New
most plainly so in the New.
Even a s early a s Homer the general equivalence of the two
2 1
was varied
the frequent distinction
between Beds a s the
and
6.
usage.
a s the more abstract, less nameable
and by the sense of
in the adjective
18
406) as
well a s by
uch epithets for
a s
and
In post-
Greek the inferiority grew in distinctness and degree,
gathered round itself more and more a sense of evil and
vhile
never altogether ceased in profane
o be a
the tendency
to
degradation overwhelmingly
Thus
word that stood to Hesiod
for
he benignant souls of heroes of the golden age, served
223)
for a n evil apparition, and the tragedians
569,
Soph.
U T
and the Attic orators
2
for gloomy
of misfortune, often attached to families or to individuals
finally Plutarch (probably under the influence of Eastern
Alexandrian dualism) included in its category the
to
whom he attributed all that was barbarous and cruel
orac. 14).
The sense of evil
spirit
for
is
in
the N T
unmistakable.
does not occur in the
LXX,
except once in
and,
to
the best authorities, appears hut twice in the NT,
in Mt. and
accounts of the Gerasene demoniac (Mt.
Mk.
5
not in Ti. W H
in the second passage). Perhaps
of adj.
(cp
as representing even more fitly the abstract and
Cp
Plat.
and
Acts
17
The word
(used
in
the N T about sixty
times), best reproduced as daemon,' is almost entirely
confined to
in the worst form, evil spirits possess-
ing
beings, though it
is
used occasionally of evil
spirits in general
and
(as
above, Acts
of heathen gods of
an
inferior order,
as
well
as
three times
in
one passage
( I
Cor.
)
of evil spirits
working in the background of idolatry.
(See The
Thinker,
May
The identity of
and
is obvious from
passages as
Lk.
8
and
I
Tim. 4
I
,
and from the comparison of
such passages
as
Mk. 1
26
and
Lk.
4
35,
Mk.
3
30
and Jn. 10
Rev. 16
13
and 14.
The accounts of evil spirits
as
possessing
are confined
to the
and Acts, though the idea crops up
also in
Jn.,
only however in
52,
and
and
said of
Jesus
himself),
and never
as
actually posited by the writer.
The period immediately embracing the Christian era
saw
a
vast development of the idea of, daemons or, genii,
which may be traced to the survival of
early animistic conceptions in a higher
stage of culture (see Tylor,
Prim.
Cult.,
chap.
For
our present purpose
it
is
most important to refer to the Persian, the
Jewish, and the Talmudic beliefs.
We shall, however,
here limit ourselves to the second of these classes
of
evidence, which appeals most to ordinary educated
readers (see also below,
On the philosophic basis of the Platonic
or Forms, and
the
Stoic
or Reasons, combined with the Hebrew con-
ception of angels, Philo had bridged over his dualistic
between God and the world, with intermediate beings, some
'blessed'
others 'profane
the incorporeal
being pure
or a demon.
G .
B.
G.
and
P
ERSI
A).
An
by the present writer on
Paul's view
of
the
Greek Gods.
DEMONS
DEMONS
and hovering in the air, which was full of them, some of them,
however descending into bodies and
50
becoming impure.
These
identified by
with the ‘angels’ of Moses
and the ‘daemons’ of ‘other philosophers‘
Ling. 35
de
2-4).
A
kindred belief in daemons as good and evil
of divine action pervaded the cosmology of the
and Neo-Platonists towards the close of the first
century
A.D.
(Hatch,
Die
Phil.
;
and Epictetus, about the same date, held
that ‘all things were full of gods and dzemons’
745).
Josephus also (seeking, like Philo; to conciliate
and heathen views) testifies to the prevalence of a similar
among
his countrymen, but in his
tion makes the
exclusively
viii. 5
G 3).
On
the Talmudic evidence for the contemporary
Jewish acceptance (doubtless developed under
of a countless number of spirits, good and bad and legions of
dzemons lying in wait for men, see
Ap. xiii., and cp Weber,
The number, prominence, and activity, therefore, of
evil spirits
in
the N T is in general harmony with the
views of the times.
Germinal ideas of possession are to be found even in
Homer (Od.
where a
causes
a
wasting sickness). The verb
representsinsanity
in
(
Euripides
Aristophanes
and Plutarch
(
whilst Herodotus
Euripides
and other writers attri-
bute to divine possession the frenzy of the Bacchantes
and Corybantes. T o
a
sense of the same mysterious
power
be traced Herodotus’s name
for epilepsy (Hippocrates, 400
attriboted the
disease to natural causes), and the phrase of the
physician
(1st century,
A.
D.
That the nations- with whom
the Jews in later times were brought into contact held
similar views in systematised forms has often been
shown (see below,
1
1
),
and we cannot doubt that,
though not originating
in
any one of these forms, the
popular belief of the Jews was largely influenced by the
beliefs of their neighbours. That belief, as reflected
in
the
NT,
regards the daemons (which are spirits entirely
evil) as a definite class
of
beings, injuriously affecting,
mostly internally and by possession, the human, and
(in
the case of the Gerasene swine) the animal person-
ality, the subjects being usually described as
daemonised (all the Gospels, though only
once each in
and Jn. )-the less classical form of
and the equivalent of Josephus’s
by which phrase is justified
the rendering
possessed.’ The
moral
connexion of
daemons in the N T is subordinate.
Without doubt
they are regarded as diametrically (though by no means
with dualistic equality) opposed to the work of Christ,
and their
is
upon (especially by
Llc.) as his primary healing function and as the sign
above all others that the kingdom of God had come
13
32
11
Their moral and spiritual influence
is recognised in Jesus’ parable of the unclean spirit
(Mt.
11
24)
;
in what Paul says of the table of
daemons
( I
Cor.
10
)
in the doctrines of daemons
of
I
Tim.
and
in
Rev.
where the worshipping
of
daemons (cp Dt.
3 2 1 7
is
another expression for
idolatry. This moral and spiritual evil in the daemonic
world
is
also
certainly
in view whenever the N T
writers
of the opposition of God and the devil
(Ja.
4 7 )
of
the subjugation thenceforth by Christ of
the kingdom of evil (Lk.
I
3 8
Rom.
and of the final destruction (Mk.
Mt.
of the
devil and his angels
in
the lake of fire (Rev.
after
a
period of relative independence which finds its counter-
part in the moral
spiritual freedom of man.
The effects
possession which are constantly
[On this second theory relative to the demons
that they
are the spirits of the (wicked) dead see
Tode
where on thb ground of
residence
in the tombs
of
from Josephns referred to above
it
is maintained that the two demoniacs in Mt.
8
were (though;
themselves) possessed
spirits of the dead.]
prominent in the Synoptists, however,
ally
in
and in Acts
( 8 7
are physical and psychical, and must be
distinguished from Satanic influence such
as
that upon David
in
I
Ch.
21
I
,
or upon Judas
in
13
27.
It
is
not a
influence it is a besetting internal
malady.
This form of possession, which presupposes
a large development of the belief in daemons, is dis-
tinctive of late Jewish times, as we see not only from the
Gospels, but also from the references of
(especi-
ally
Ant.
viii.
and from the quasi-professional
of
(as previously of Egyptian and Persian)
exorcists
13
Mk.
Mt.
Justin,
2 6
311
as well
as from the many methods of expulsion recorded in the
Talmudic writings (Edersheim,
xvi.
cp Jos.
Ant.
viii.
2 5
6 3
Solomon’s ring and the
root
One point to be carefully noted is that, whilst at times
disease is attributed to daemons, possession is
a
comprehensive word for disease in general. The practice
of the Synoptists in this respect is not quite uniform.
They all, in their
records of
agree in
distinguishing the dzemonised from the sick
108
Mk. 1 3 2
Lk. 6
while
Mt.
(424)
expressly distinguishes them
also
from the lunatic
They all likewise, in the
mention of
cases, agree in speaking of maladies
without making any reference to possession (Mt.
9 27-31 Lk.
17
Mk. 7 32-37).
Out of twelve individual cases which
Mk. records, eight are so presented; and, in the six of these
recorded by Mt. and Lk.,
as
well as in cases peculiar to them
reference to possession is
absent. Mk.,
in the
ing cases, confines possession to psychical maladies, such as
insanity and epilepsy; Mt. and
add cases in which posses-
sion takes the form of purely
disease-dumbness, Lk.
11
Mt. 9
; dumbness and blindness, Mt. 12
curvature
of the spine, Lk. 13
T h e comparison of these agreements
and differences suggests that the tendency to account for purely
bodily disease by possession was a tendency, not of Mt. and Lk.
themselves, hut of a source or sources used
them but unknown
to Mk. (see Schiir.
vol.
1892).
The drift of the evidence seems to carry us to the
conclusion that the idea of possession was associated, in
the main, with psychical disease (cp also
Lk.
7 3 3
Jn.
and this
is
confirmed by the hints thrown
out here and there that this affliction was of all afflictions
the direst and most impracticable.
The peculiar em-
phasis laid by Jesus upon the power given to the
missionary disciples to expel demons (Mt.
10
and
parallels) the special exultation of the Seventy upon
their return, Even the daemons are subject unto
us
(Lk.
the intense amazement at the ease with
which Jesus cast out the spirits
Lk.
dispens-
ing with the more elaborate incantations and manipula-
tions of the professional exorcist
the helplessness of
will in the possessed
their identification of themselves
with the
their aversion to deliverance (Lk.
and the wrench with which the deliverance was some-
times effected
(Mk.
124)
;
the fact that Jesus never in
these cases called for faith, but seems to have felt that
only some external force, acting
in
spite of the subjects
of the disease, could free them from it all these con-
siderations point to psychical, nervous disorder, which
could, of course, manifest itself
in
various forms.
There
is
no sign on the part of Jesus any more than
the part
of
the evangelists, of mere accommodation
.
to the current belief.
It is true that
Satan is used metaphorically
in
the
rebuke of Peter
and that
unclean spirit
is figurative in
Mt.
Accommodation is just admissible
in
the
Gebhardt and Harnack
viii., last part, 107.
T h e plant which gave
to the
of
was prob-
ably a strange-looking crucifer described by Tristram,
Land
Moab, who found it near
3
In
one instance, that of the Gerasene demoniac, Jesus
appears to have found it advisable to follow the precedent
of
Jewish exorcists
A n t . viii. 2
5 )
and give the demoniac a
proof of his deliverance though in a way not suggested
by
them.
It may be observed, ’in passing, that the word
exor-
cism
is never applied to
method of expulsion, though the
Jews in Acts 19 13 are called
1072
DEMONS
DEPOSIT
commission to
(Mt.
in Jesus’ exulta-
tion at their success
and his reproof of
their failure (Mt.
or the phraseology may
pos-
sibly have been coloured by the belief of the writers (as
also in Mlc.
134,
where the knowledge of the daemons is
described
as
superhuman). Acceptance of the
belief is clearly at the basis of Jesus’ argument with the
Pharisees-in Lk.
11
however, and this is quoted by
as irrefragable evidence.
On
the other hand, the
indefinite multiplication of spirits, and the grotesque
functions ascribed to them in contemporary and later
Jewish literature, and the wholesale belief in possession
in the second century
A.
no favour’with Jesus or
his biographers or in
literature generally. While
the existence of Satan’s ministers is recognised, the
tendency is rather to concentrate the influences for evil
in Satan himself.
Finally, that Jesus believed
the
power of others besides himself and his disciples to
expel demons in some sense, at any rate, seems clear
in the presence
of
such passages
as
Mt.
Llc.
11
where he attributes the power to the disciples of the
Pharisees he recognises also the fact that similar suc-
cess was attained by some who used his name without
actually following him (Mk.
or without being more
The chief foreign influence-
on
Jewish demonology
It was, partly direct, partly
indirect.
For though Iranian superstition
had an internal principle of development,
For
instance, the seven devas or arch-demons of Zoroastrian-
ism are a reflection of the seven evil or destructive
spirits who play such a part in Babylonian mythology
(see Maspero,
of
634,
and who in a
famous incantation are called the Seven (see Zimmern’s
translation of the text.
and the supposed capacity of the formula of the
to drive away the devas is but a
limated form of the Babylonian belief in the recitation
of the hymns to the gods.
Hence, even when a Jewish
belief, such as the grouping of seven demons, char-
acteristic of Jewish
popular
superstition (Mt.
1 2 4 5
Mk.
Lli.
appears to be shaped by Persian
influences (for names of demons of Persian origin
besides
see Hamburger,
1
it is very possible that Babylonia gave the first
impulse to Persia. The doctrine of
‘
disease-possession
among the Jews may very well have been taught in
exilic times
but it is probable that it was when the
Jews were conscious of the displeasure of their God, and
when they became more and more exposed to foreign
influences, that this doctrine attained its full dimensions,
as we see it
the
NT.
I t
is
not
so
much from Persia
as
from Egypt and Babylon that the stimulus for its
development was derived. The Egyptian view described
in Orig. c.
(Schurer), that the human body
was divided into thirty-six members, and that with each
of these was connected a separate demon, by rebuking
whom
a
member could be cured of disease,
is
but
a
more specialised form of the doctrine of the
Book
of
the
The doctrine of disease among the ancient
Babylonians was that the swarming demons could enter
a
man’s body and cause sickness.
On
a fragment of
a
tablet Budge
has
found six evil spirits mentioned by
name.
The first attacked the head; the second, the
lips the third, the forehead the fourth, the breast
the fifth, the viscera
;
the sixth, the
It was the
duty of the exorcist to expel these demons by incanta-
tions, and the Zoroastrians believed that Zarathustra,
[The sacrifices to the
K.
288
emended
by
G .
Hoffmann,
Lev.
17
have been in
part designed to avert diseases (cp the Arabian belief in
described
We.
ed.
;
W R S
120).
For the ancient Egyptian belief, cp Maspero,
Dawn
422
cp Maspero, Dawn
683, 780.
than professed disciples (Mt.
J.
M.
was no doubt Babylonian.
it was early fertilised from Babylonia.
also the rite of
by reciting the formula called the Ahuna-vairya, caused
all the devas to vanish
in
the ground who aforetime
flew about the earth
in
human shape.’
The Zoroastrian
religion, therefore, gave its adherents some rest from this
baleful belief.
Fidelity to its law could avert the danger
which arose from the existence of the devas created by
That was also a part of the mission
of the Law as. consolidated by Ezra, and above all of
a
greater than either Moses or Ezra.
The ‘authority
and power with which Jesus Christ commanded the
unclean spirits
436)
astonished his contemporaries,
and contrasts even with the comparative facility ascribed
to Zarathustra. I t is hardly necessary to add that
similar phenomena to those described in the Gospels
are still to be
with, not only in savage districts, but
also in countries of an ancient
such as India
and China.
On this subject see
J.
L.
Nevins,
Demon Possession and
Themes;
an inductive
of
Phenomena of
(Chicago, New York, and Toronto,
1895).
O f
Babylonian demonology we still lack an adequate presentation.
Among the older books Lenormant’s
La
ed.,
1874)
bears most directly on the subject. For evidence
of the long-continued influence of Babylonian on Jewish super.
see Stiibe,
On Zoroastrian beliefs, see the translation of the Zendavesta in
SBB.
The reduction of the heathen gods to mere
which we find accomplished in the later biblical writings finds
its parallel in the conversion of the ‘bright’ beings of
old
Aryan mythology into the evil demons of, the Persian (see
P
ER
S
I
A
) ’
see further the articles
Geister
‘
berei,’
in Hamburger’s
R E ,
’also
F.
C.
the N T ’
Newdold,
‘
Possession and Allied Themes,’
New
G. B. G.
M.
T.
K.
C.
PP.
11.
DEMOPHON
one of the com-
mandants
of a district
Palestine
in
the
time of Judas the Maccabee
Macc.
The
OT
law of deposit is laid down
in
E
(Ex.
cp the paraphrase in
Ant.
8
38).
Two
kinds of deposit are specified : ( a )
money
or goods
ass,
ox,
sheep, or any beast. (6) T o
the second group of cases first
:
if the
be stolen
the depositary must
restitution
Should
it be torn by wild
the production of
a
piece
is
sufficient witness, and
a
man
cannot be called
upon
to
make good that which was torn
(13
cp
C
ATT
LE
,
$9).
Where culpability cannot be made out the depositary
swears that he
is
innocent and the depositor is bound
to accept his word
I n cases of the
first description, should the deposit be stolen, the thief,
if found, must restore twofold
7
cp
4
the
culprit be not found the depositary must come before
the
and swear that he has not put his hand to his
neighbour’s property
( 8
The result must have
been as above in
w. 116
that the depositor was bound to
accept his word. Verse
alone remains and
is
not
easily reconciled with the foregoing it may be
a
later
law added to cover general cases (both
a
and 6) involv-
ing alleged gross carelessness, false accusations, and
libel.
The later law of
applies the law of the
‘guilt offering’ to sin and trespass
‘ a matter of deposit’ (so
;
T h e only case here con-
templated, however, is that in which voluntary confession
is
made. the penitent depositary is to make restitution in full, add
the
part more thereto, and offer a ram to
Cp L
AW
A
N
D
J
USTICE
,
The use of the words
and
in
(Lev.
4 Tob.
10 13
commit
daughter unto thee in special trust
Macc. 3 75
Jer. 40
41
sufficiently explains the expressions in
I
Tim.
Tim.
deposit
all three cases). At Jerusalem
(as
a t Rome, Olympia, Delphi, and elsewhere)
a
large amount
of
DEPOSIT.
With the exception
of
v.
the law is clear.
in Mills’ translation
3
in
vv.
8
81, as in Ex. 21
6
I
S.
2
means the
divinity as represented by the priestly exponents
of the law a t
the sanctuary.
DEPUTY
wealth (‘which did not pertain to the account of the sacrifices,’
but was in fact private property) was consigned to the safe
custody of the temple (see the story of Heliodorus in Macc. 3,
where in
reference is made to the law concerning
deposits’). See
E
ARNEST
, P
LEDGE
.
Cp D
IANA
, 3
DEPUTY.
I.
Ass.
lit. ‘one
appointed,’, ‘set over’
etc.), the
official title ( a ) of a certain officer of high grade under
the Babylonian empire (Jer.
5 1 2 3
57
Ezek.
2 3 6
23
see also Is.
41
;
AV usually ruler or [Dan.
3
etc.
governor,’ RV or
deputy’
frequently mentioned in conjunction with
governors
(6)
Of certain administrative
officers in
the time of Ezra and Nehemiah
Neh.
19
5 7
17
mentioned sometimes in conjunction with
princes
See G
OVERNMENT
,
26.
(Esth.
93
3.
I
[A]
4.
etc.
C p
See
G
OVERNOR
,
7.
4.
DERBE
[Ti.
[Hier.
Paul visited. Derbe at least twice (Acts
and probahly once again, in his third
journey (Acts
‘went over all the country of
Galatia and Phrygia in order
From the fact that
the name does not occnr in the list of places in which
he had suffered persecution
3
it may perhaps
be
that the work of evangelisntion encountered
no
obstacle there.
That
attended the apostles
at Derbe we learn from Acts
one of
Paul‘s companions from Corinth to Asia, was a native
of the town (Acts
204).
From Steph. Byz. we learn that the town was called
also
‘which
in
the Lycaonian tongue signi-
The site was approxi-
mately discorered by Sterrett, who put it
between Bossola and Zosta (or Losta), villages two
miles apart
(
23).
Ramsay, however,
says that the ruins at Bossola are merely those of a
khan, whilst those at Zosta have all been trans-
ported thither from some other site. The great site of
the district is the mound of Gudelissin
in
the plain
about 3 m. NW. of Zosta, and
4 5
m.
of Konia,
(Iconium) at the foot of the
Dagh.
The
mound is of the class called by Strabo (537) mounds
of
which are largely artificial, and of
Oriental origin.
I t contains numerous traces of
Roman occupation.
The earliest city of Derbe must be
in the mountains to the south.
This situation agrees with the notices in Strabo.
After
describing the
of Cappadocia, he adds that in the
first century
there was an eleventh Strategia consisting
of part of Lycaonia,
and Cappadocia
H e refers to the same district (537) as the
Strategia. Derbe is further described as lying
the frontier of
(Str. 569,
; the words which immediately follow
refer to the
fact that it was also on the frontier of the eleventh Strategia,
an external addition to Cappadocia as above described. I t is
clear that Strabo’s eleventh Strategia is identical with Ptolemy’s
Strategia Antiochiane,
in which he enumerates Derbe
Derbe was the stronghold
of
the brigand chief
Antipater
(Cic.
1 3 7 3 ;
Str.
5 3 5 , 5 6 9 ,
When, however,
Amyntas
slew Antipater, he added the town to his
o w n
Lycaonian and
dominions
c.
On the death of Amyntas himself in
larger part of
his kingdom was made by the Romans into the province Galatia
hut apparently Derbe along with Cilicia Tracheia
the
eleventh Strategia),
given to Archelaos king of
(circa
B.C.).
When Archelaos
in 17
A
.
D
.
the
part
kingdom was taken over by the Romans;
but the Lycaonian part was left to his son Archelaos
II.,
who
On its relation to
fies
a juniper-bush.’
Whence Gr.
(Ges.
see
T
REASURER
,
DESERT
still reigning in 36
A
.D.
(cp
Ann. 2 42 6 41). Two
ater the region described by Strabo as the eleventh
by Ptolemy as the Strategia Antiochiane, was assigned by
to
Antiochus IV. and Iotape
Soon
Antiochus lost favour, and was deprived of his
A
.
D
.
Claudius restored the territory t o
Antiochus and
who ruled until 72
A
.
D
.
I t appears,
that on this restoration the Lycaonian section of the
realm
was detached and permanently assigned
to
Derbe therefore became part of that province. T h e
transference was due
to
the importance of the town as a frontier
post in the SE. of the Roman province. Claudius
its constitution and honoured the place with the title
Derhe (see Rams.
Hist.
336,
and
in
Thus we can understand how at the time of Paul’s
visit (46 or
4 8 A.
D.
)
Derbe could be correctly described
as a city of Lycaonia
for
so
was from the
point of view of geography or ethnography.
Politically,
however, Derbe belonged to the province of Galatia,
and it is argued by Ramsay that
in
the language
of
polite address its inhabitants must have been
(Gal.
3 1 ) .
not
which latter
signified the population of the non-Roman part of
DESERT.
The English
desert
ordinarily
means a sterile sandy plain without vegetation and water
-
a
‘
sea of sand,’ such as,
parts of
the Sahara. This
is
not the meaning
of
the Hebrew words.
No
desert of this
kind was known to Israel either before or after the oc-
of Canaan.
The districts to which the term
‘desert’ is applied in EV are, at the present day.
frequently covered with vegetation, and were probably
even more prosperous
in
the past (see more fully the
articles on the place-names enumerated in
3).
‘Wilderness,’ by which the Hebrew terms are some-
times translated, is a somewhat better rendering ; but
it
is
not always adequate.
It will be convenient here
to record the Hebrew words, and to indicate other terms
of analogous meaning.
(from
‘ t o
lay
also
Ezek. 35
22 ;
Ps. 102
6
desert R V waste places
.
so
EV waste
2.
Hebrew
Lev.
Is.
;
or
Jer.
;
Ezek.
AV
only), used of cities and regions
formerly inhabited but now lying waste or in
ruins from war or neglect cp Jer.
442
‘the cities are a desola-
tion and no man dwelleth therein’ ;
in threats
Lev.
or
in promises (with
with reference to
the wilderness of wanderings
(Is. 48
desolate’; for cognates see
below,
used of a district riverless and un-
inhabited (Is. 43
E V
‘desert,’
of the wilderness of
wanderings
32
IO
,
E V ‘wilderness’;
‘desert,’
; otherwise, a geographical designation; cp 3,
3,
and
see
J
ESHIMON
.
etc.; once [Is. 41
AV desert RV ‘wilderness
’
.
but in Gen. 14
6
etc E V wilder-
ness’;
Ps.
756
E d ‘south’
of
the
idea of ‘desert’
IS
totally foreign to
this word (on its derivation see C
ATTLE
,
a
district possessing pastures (Joel
Ps.
12
and cities
(Is. 42
but occupied by nomads, not by settled
of the
soil (cp esp. Nu. 1433). I t is commonly employed to denote
the wilderness of wanderings, which itself is a mountainous
region, not without pasture grounds, and so devoid of sand
that the one tract which forms an exception has the character-
istic name
‘
plain of sand’
;
see below, 3,
I
.
(4)
Josh. 11 16, etc.]),
in poetical literature often occurs in parallelism with
(Is.
35
I
40 3 41 19
EV
’).
I n
50
approximates more closely
the modern idea of desert (cp
Is. 35
I
Jer. 51 4 3
but in historical writings (early and
late)
it is
a geographical term (see 3, n, below).
(‘dry land’ [so
Ps.
63
I
Job 303,
AV
‘wilderness,’ RV ‘dry ground’: cp
dry place,’
Is.
25
32
used of the wilderness of wanderings,
17
(AV ‘wilderness,’
RV
‘desert,’
‘dry land ’). For
dwellers of the ‘desert’ (Is. 13
34
E V also 23 13, AV
;
referring
to
wild beasts) or ‘wilderness’ (Ps. 72
7414,
E V ;
to human beings), see C
AT
, W
ILD
B
EASTS
.
Lycaonia (see, however,
w.
J.
w.
The passage is
Ba.,
Del.), and, according to Che.,
1076
deeply corrupt.
DESIRE
A
still more forcible term
( 6 )
(Ps.
107 40
Job 12 24 ; E V
‘
wilderness ’), used
of the wilderness of
32
(with
‘howl-
ing waste ’). The word (cp
suggests the idea of waste-
ness and confusion
4
23
Job 26 7 Is. 24
cp Ecclus. 41
IO
such as existed before the
(Gen.
see
C
REATION
,
7).
For the sake of completeness mention may
be
made also of :-
(7)
?!e,
(Is.
9
Jer. 42
I
S),
(Is. 1 7 6
”e??
35
7),
all of which involve the idea of a devastation, not
a natural state
cp no.
(8)
Is. 357
R V ‘glowing sand,’
M
IRAGE
AV ‘parched ground’ is preferable
c p
Aram.
‘to
be
or dried up,’ and see Che.
Is.
269.
M t .
‘wilder-
ness
R V
‘
desert place’)
Mt.
E V
The
terms to be mentioned
:-
Heb. 11 38 E V ‘desert
The chief districts and regions to which the above
I.
The most prominent is that which was the scene of
It is commonly called
terms are applied may be here enumerated.
the wanderings of Israel.
DESTRUCTION, MOUNT
O F
is meant (Ew.
Hist.
but the Greek text
is here’not free from corruption.
DESTINY
65
F
ORTUNE
AND
D
ESTINY
.
DESTROYER,
THE
;
0
In his account of the last plague, J implies that the
death of the first-born was the work of the Destroyer.
In the light of
2
S.
where the angel of
is
described as
the
that destroyed the people’
and of
2
3736,
where the de-
struction of the Assyrian army is attributed to the
‘
angel
we shonldbe ready to infer that
of the firstborn is not a being distinct from
but rather the angel of
himself;
the term
denotes a self- manifestation of
in destructive
activity (cp T
HEOPHANY
,
4).
This conclusion is
confirmed by the fact that the narrative
of T h e
Destroyer’ or
indifferently, just as other
narratives use the terms angel of
and
interchangeably.
Cp also Ex.
1 2 2 7
(Rd). T h e ‘de-
stroyer
’
is clearly identified with Yahwt!
the author
of the Wisdom of Solomon, who attribntes the death
of the firstborn to the word of God (Wisd.
The meaning attributed to the term by the author of
the epistle to the Hebrews
(11
28)
is less clear.
The death of the Israelites in the plague recorded in
is attributed directly to God.
In
Wisd. 1825 it is said that these people perished by the
‘Destroyer’
here, again, the Destroyer seems to
be identified by the writer with God (cp Grimm
the
passage,
and the same identification is
possibly intended by Paul
(
I
Cor.
On
the other
hand, in 4 Macc.
executor of death appears
as
a
distinct angel and
in later Jewish literature
the angel of death
(
has a well-marked and
distinct individuality (cp Weber,
and is identified with Satan or the Devil (cp
N T Heb.
I
Pet.
58). All
this is quite foreign
to the belief underlying Ex.
It is quite in accordance with the general character
of the Priestly Code, which avoids reference to angels
or to the theophanic ‘angel of
(cp A
NGEL
,
6),
that
which is used in the personal sense
of ‘destroyer’ by J (Ex.
is used as an abstract
term-destruction-by
(12
13
a destroyer
cp
Ezek.
516
A
plurality of beings
who accomplish the death of men is referred to in
Job
3322
by the term
(‘slayers’), which is
rendered in RV ‘destroyers.’ According to some
commentators, such angelic ministers of death form
the unnamed subject of the plural verb in Lk.
G.
B.
G.
DESTRUCTION
Rev.
RV
DON
DESTRUCTION,
CITY
OF
I
S
.
1 9
18
see H
ERES
, C
ITY O
F.
TOY
T. 0. T.
T.
[L],
23
a
so
read by
the later Jews on account of the idolatrous high places
spoken of.
Tradition identified the mountain with the
Mount of Olives (so Tg., followed
and the
name has been supposed to have a double meaning--
‘
of oil
’
(cp Aram.
and
‘
mount of destruc-
tion (so Rashi, Buxtorf).
A
much better explanation
DESTRUCTION,
MOUNT OF
(Dt.
1
I
,
etc.
)
other
graphical
Sinai, etc. see
G
EOGRAPHY
, 7) are added to indicate
more particularly the region intended.
On
the char-
acter of this tract, which stretches from the
S.
border
of Palestine to Elsth and forms the W. boundary of
Edom, see S
INAI
. The only part which can fairly be
described
as
a desert is the bare and parched district
of et-Tih, and it is here that
and (more elaborately)
P place the forty years’ wanderings (see W
ANDERINGS
,
and with this agrees the circumstance that
it is only in the later writings that the horror and lone-
someness of the
‘
wilderness
’
is referred to
Dt.
2.
The great crack or depression which includes the
Jordan valley, and extends
N.
to Antioch and
S.
to
the
of
is the second great ‘desert.’
To
the
N.
lay the midhar
(Ezek.
midhar
Damascus
(
I
195) cp perhaps the
of Mt.
15
The well-known geographical term
(see above,
2 ,
4)
is confined chiefly to the lower half (cp midbar
2 8
Nu. 21
midhar
Dt.
midbar
see
T o the NE.
of the Dead Sea is applied also the term
(see J
ESHIMON
). Allusions to the
on
the
W.
side
of the Jordan are found in
2
152328
17
and in it we
should perhaps include the midbar Beth-Aven (Josh.
midbar
but see
Jericho
(Jos.
and the references in Jndg.
I
S.
1318.
Here, too, was probably the
of the narrative of the Temptation (Mt.
4
I
).
See further
D
EAD
S
EA
,
2.
3.
The third tract is the midbar
(Josh.
Judg.
the
E.
part of which, along the Dead Sea,
is called
(
I
23
19
24
26
I
3)
special limita-
tions
are
the midbar
in the
I
2 3
midbar
Ziph
and
(
I
S.
[
I
]). T o
the N. it approached the
Here are found the
Ch.
cp
and probably the midhar of
I
K. 234 (Bethlehem? cp
S.
and
see
BETH-
J
OAB).
T o the
S.
lay Tamar
‘ i n
(I
9
18,
is a gloss), probably forming part of
the great
midhar
in
no.
I
above.
On the ‘desert’
of Acts
see G
AZA
.
See,
further, D
EAD
SEA,
J
UDAH
, PALESTINE,
4.
For the desert-like tracts to the E.
of
Jordan
(stretching to the Euphrates,
I
Ch.
59)
see
DESIRE
RV
8.5).
P
ALESTINE
,
S. A. C.
C
APER
-B
ERRY
).
RV
[A]), a village (in Judaea) where
appears
to
have fought with Judas
Macc. 1416).
Possibly
O n Am. 6
14
see
B
ROOK
OF.
can be given.
Hoffmann
( Z A
2
and
prefer
t o read
‘mount of oil,’ with some
MSS;
then he a deliberate alteration of the text. Considering, how-
ever, that we have no evidence for a Heb. word
‘
oil,’
it
is
I n Targ. Jon. to Hab. 8 5, however, where
is parallel
to
the distinction
is
not
so
manifest
1078
DEUEL
better to suppose that the ‘mount which is on the east of, Jeru-
salem’
(
I
IC.
11 was
anciently called not only the ascent of
the olives’
S.
and in a late
‘the mount of
olives’ (Zech.
hut
(‘mount of those who
worship’),
of
which
would be a purely accidental
corruption. Cp
S.
15 32,
‘And when David had come to the
men are
to
worship the deity’
which comes near proving that this view is correct.
Observe,
too,
that the
Mt. of Olives appears to be once referred
to
a s the ‘hill of God
(Is.
10 32
emended text).
(1283
A.
D.
)
gives the name
(cp
to the most southern eminence of the
Mt. of Olives, because Solomon set
up
there the image
of
Moloch on the northern summit, afterwards called
Mons
he placed the idol of
however
(circa
A . D . ) ,
calls the southern ridge
Mons
et
Gratz, after a full dis-
cussion, pronounces in favour of the northern summit,
the
‘73,
p.
so
also Stanley
188, n.
No
doubt this view is
correct
Solomon would certainly prefer an eminence
already consecratecl by tradition.
The phrase ‘mount of destruction’ is found also in Jer. 51
as
a symbolic term for
(EV
‘destroying mountain’).
T.
c.
See
N
OB
.
DEUEL
see
DEUTERONOMY.
The name conies ultimately
from the Greek translation of Dt.
1 7 1 8 ,
in which the
DEUTERONOMY
words
‘the
duplicate
(i.
e . , a copy)
of
this law, are
rendered
As
a
title of the book,
(without the article)
occurs first in
Philo
the word to mean
second or supplementary legislation,’ and
than
once cites the
Others,
explain the name, ‘repetition, recapitulation of the law.’
Criticism has shown that Deuteronomy
is
neither a
supplement to the legislation in Exodus, Leviticus, and
Numbers, nor a
of it
but to modern critics
also it is the Second Legislation, an expansion
revision of older collections of laws such as are preserved
in Ex.
2 1 - 2 3
34.
Deuteronomy contains the last injunctions and
admonitions of Moses, delivered to Israel in the land
of Moab, as they were about to cross the Jordan to the
conquest of Canaan and, with the exception of chaps.
27
31
3 4 ,
and a few verses elsewhere, is all in the form of
address.
It is not, however, one continuous discourse,
but consists of at
three distinct speeches
5-26,
28, 29
together with two poems recited by
Moses in the hearing of the
people
(32
The
narrative chapters record doings and sayings of Moses
in
the last days of his life, and are more or less closely
connected with the speeches. Besides this unity of situa-
tion and subject there is
a
certain unity of texture the
sources from which the other boolcs of the Hexateuch
are chiefly compiled (JE, P ) are
in
Deuteronomy
nisable only in the narrative chapters, and in
a
few
scattered fragments in the speeches;
a
strong
an?
distinctive individuality of thought, diction, and
pervades the entire book
It was observed by more than one of the fathers tha
Deuteronomy is the
the finding of which in
temple gave the impulse to the reform!
of the eighteenth year of Josiah
In conformity with
prescriptions of the newly discovered
the
not only extirpated the various foreign religions
had been introduced in ancient or recent times,
with the rites and symbols of a heathenish worship
o
Cp also Josh.
8
32.
3, $5 61 ;
Quod
IO.
See Ryle
Philo and Holy
T h e corresponding Hebrev
title,
is found occasionally in the Talmud
as
well a s in the
heres, 33.
4
H
EXATEUCH
, L
A
W
L
ITERATURE
,
I
SRAEL
,
Athanas., Chrysost., Jerome.
See Ryle, a s above.
but also destroyed the high places of
esecrating every altar in the land except that in the
in Jerusalem
).
In
Deuteronomy, and
here
all the laws thus enforced are found the
is inevitable that Deuteronomy furnished the
eformers with their new model. This is confirmed by
he references to the book found in the temple as the
cp
and ‘the covenant
T h e former of these names is found in the Pentateuch only in
he secondary parts of
Dt.
(28
29
30
IO
31 24
and, like
he phrase ‘this law’ (48 2 7 3 8
signifies Ut. or the
leuteronomic legislation exclusively ; covenant book is an
designation for a book in which the cotenant, of
with Israel (see C
OVENANT
,
6)
is an often recurring
heme
17
29
I
4
23
29
25,
That the book read by Shaphan before Josiah was
has been’ inferred also from the king’s con-
#),
which seems to show that the
was accompanied by such denunciations of the con-
disobedience
found
28.
The opinion, once very generally entertained, that the
found by Hilkiah was the whole Pentateuch, is no
onger tenable. In addition to arguments of more or less
neight drawn from the narrative in Kings,-that the
Pentateuch would hardly be described as a
; that a book as long as the Pentateuch could not
read through twice in a single day
K.
2 2 8
I O )
:hat, with the entire legislation before him, the king
not have based his reforms on deuteronomic,
exclusively,-recent investigation has proved that
priestly legislation in the Pentateuch
was
not-united
Deuteronomy till
long
after the time of
Modern critics are, therefore, almost unanimous in the
that the law-book, the discovery and the
of which are related in
(see next
I
S
to be sought in Deuteronomy and they are very
illy agreed, further, that the
book
was written either in
the earlier years of Josiah, or at least under one of his
next predecessors, Manasseh or Hezekiah (see
16).
The soundness
of
these conclusions has recently been im-
pugned by several French and German scholars (Seinecke, Havet,
Vernes,
on the ground,
3.
Account
partly of sweeping
concerning the
trustworthiness of
partly of peculiar
theories of the composition of
These
theories cannot be discussed here; but the great importance
K.
22
in the modern construction of the history of
literature and religion, makes it necessary t o examine
briefly the historical character of those chapters.
It is
agreed that the account of Josiah‘s reforms a s it lies before us,
is the work of
author of the deuteronomic school who wrote
after
destruction of Jerusalem.
If this
drawn
upon oral tradition, he might well have derived his informa-
tion from eye-witnesses of the events of
;
but it seems to be
demonstrable that in 22
24
he made use of an older written
source, a contemporary account of Josiah‘s reign, which was
probably included in the pre-exilic history of the kings. This
narrative was
over and enlarged by the exilic writer
particular, the
response of Hnldah, which was not con-
firmed by the event, was superseded, after the destruction
of Jerusalem in 586
B
.c.,
a
wholly different one, in which
the judgment is represented as inevitable (22 15-20; cp 23
23 15-20
also, is generally recognised a s a legendary
hut,
these changes, the outlines of the
account can be reconstructed with reasonable confidence, and
appears to
all respects deserving of credence.4 See
The historical evidence proves only that the law-hook
which was put into force by Josiah contained certain
deuteronomic laws concerning religion,
not that it comprised the whole of the
A
super-
ficial examination of the book shows that
latter
not have been the case.
Besides the
two
poems, 32
and 33, they contain the links which connect not only Dt.
Chaps. 31-34 are composite.
Ex. 21-23 often called by modern scholars ‘The Covenant
Book’ (see
cannot be meant for, so far from putting the
high places
the
these laws assume the existence and
legitimacy of many local sanctuaries (see 216 2314
cp
20 24).
See C
ANON
,
and the articles on the several books of
the Pentateuch ; also
H
EXATEUCH
,
L
AW
L
ITERATURE
.
3
For the titles see below
33
See
;
1
cp
DEUTERONOMY
DEUTERONOMY
also the narratives of
J E
and
P
in Nu. with Josh. Chap. 27
also in narrative form,
on external and on
grounds, with equal confidence he set
What remains
28-30)
is all in the form of address; but even this is not
a
as is shown
the fresh superscriptions in 5
I
12
I
29
and the formal closes in
and 29
I
[28
;
in particular,
and
are completely parallel introductions which
strictly exclude each other. Chaps. 5-26 contain no
to
a former discourse such as
nor do the latter chapters form
a
natural introduction to 5-26 or 12-26. Chaps.
are dis-
tinguished also by slight but not insignificant, peculiarities of
style, and more decisive differences of historical representation.
The short prophetic discourse,
hears all the marks of a
later addition
to
the hook ; 29
I
a formal
;
the following chapters have their own
superscription the
tone of
is noticeably different from that of the exhortations
and warnings in the body of the hook.
Most recent critics conclude that the original Deuter-
onomy contained only the one long speech of Moses,
5-26
28,
to which
445-49
is the introduction and
291
the conclusion.
Others, urging that the book put into the hands of
Josiah is uniformly described as a law-book, infer that
it is to be sought in Dt.
12-26
alone
;
5-11,
as well as
1-4,
is an intro-
duction subsequently prefixed to the
original Deuteronomy by another
conclusion
is confirmed by the way in which the author of
5-11
dilates on the motives for keeping the laws, as though
the laws themselves were already known to his
Against this view, which would limit the primitive
Dt. to
12-26.
it is argued that the law-book itself pre-
supposes some such introduction as is found in
5-1
1.
I n
there is nothing to show when or by whom the law
was promulgated ; 5
I
supplies precisely the information which
12
I
; 5
recites the covenant at Horeb, with the
Decalogue, its fundamental law ; 5
ex
the relation of
the laws now about to he delivered to
former law and
covenant.
to 28 alone
to
the whole law-hook : 'These are
words of the
which
commanded Moses to make
with the Israelites in the land of Moab, besides the covenant
which he made with them a t Horeb.
The situation supposed in
12-26
is throughout the
same as that described in
5-11.
The language and
style of the two portions present just that degree of
resemblance and of difference which, remembering the
difference of subject matter, we should expect to find in
the writing of one author nothing indicates diversity
of origin.3
Well-
finds in
2858
61-where, as in
30
IO,
the law is
already a book-evidence that
28,
as well as
29
is
secondary these three chapters formed the conclusion
of an enlarged edition of the law-book, to which
5-11
was
the
On independent grounds, however,
to be recognised as a later addition to the
chapter, and with these verses the only reason for con-
necting
28
with the two following chapters disappears.
Not only are they separated by
29
I
and
29
I
],
but
also the whole attitude and outlook
of
are different
from those of
On
the other hand, it would be
natural for the author of
12-26
to conclude his book by
urging as strongly as he could the motives to obedience,
and solemnly warning his readers of the consequences of
disobedience. Similar exhortations and warnings are
found at the end of the so-called Covenant Book (Ex.
and at the end of the Law of Holiness (Lev.
the latter passage being strikingly parallel to Dt.
28;
and such a peroration was the more appropriate in
because its laws are all in the form of address.
The
profound impression made upon the king by the reading
of
the book is most naturally explained if it expressly
and emphatically denounced the wrath
of
God against
the nation which had
so
long ignored his law.
T h e Deuteronomy of 621
has not come into our
To this answers 29
which is the subscription
In regard to chap.
28
also, critics are divided.
See below
;
Valeton,
G
;
Hex.
7, n.
Comm.
Dr.
Chaps.
and 27 were the introduction and
conclusion, respectively,
of
another edition.
1081
hands unchanged.
Not only have the exhortations and
.
warnings been amplified and heightened,
but also,
in
all probability, many ad-
ditions have been made to the laws.
At the very beginning of the code in
12,
and in con-
nection with the most distinctive of the Deuteronomic
ordinances-the restriction of sacrifice to Jerusalem-
there are unmistakable doublets
;
cp
with
and especially
15-19
In
the following
chapters a good many laws are suspected, because of their
contents, or the unsuitable place in which they stand.
Thus the detailed prescriptions of
are foreign to the
of Dt. (cp
appear to be closely related
to Lev. 11 ; the law of the kingdom
17
14-20, represents the law
as
written (thus anticipating 31
is in conflict with the legiti-
mate prerogatives of the
and is clearly dependent on
I
S.
8
10 25 ; the rules for the conduct of war in 20 are not
reconcilable with the necessities of national
and can
hardly have been dreamed of before the 'exile. To others, how-
ever, the utopian
of these laws seems not a sufficient
reason for excluding them from the primitive
While many of the instances alleged by critics are in
themselves susceptible of a different explanation, there
seems to be sufficient evidence that the Deuteronomic
code received many additions before the book reached its
present form.
Certain supplementary provisions may
have been introduced
soon
after the law was subjected
the test of practice others in the Exile while still
others probably date from the period of the restoration ;
L
IT
.
In
also, it is evident that the original contents
of
the chapters have been amplified, and
their order and connection disturbed by
later hands.
The story of the sin at Horeh in
is a long and confused
digression. Chap.
7
25
repeats
;
is separated from
12-15
which has no obvious appositeness in this place;
in the same way between
and
Similar
phenomena may he observed in the following chapters.$ Nor
has 28 come down to us unaltered. Verses
mark
what was,
one stage of its history, the end of
chapter of
comminations. The two pieces which follow, 47-57 and 58-68,
are shown
internal evidence to he additions, presupposing the
destruction of Jerusalem and the dispersion of the miserable
remnant of the people the consequence of neglecting 'the words
of this law which
written in this book' (58 ; cp also
Verses
which threaten the deportation of the king and
people
phrases derived from
(with 35, which repeats
are probably
In
the Hebrew legislation three strata are to be re-
cognised : the collections of laws incorporated in
JE
(Ex.
21-23,
often called the
Book
of the
Covenant Ex.
34)
the Law of Holiness,
contained (in a priestly recension) in Lev.
17-26
and cognate passages
( H )
and
the rest of the laws in Exodus, Leviticus, and Numbers,
predominantly liturgical, ceremonial,
sacerdotal,
which, though not all of the same age or origin, may
here be treated as forming a single body of priestly
law (P). The result of modern criticism has been to
establish. more and more conclusively that
P,
as a whole,
is later than
On
the other hand, it is
For a
list
of passages in
which have been challenged
by critics, see Holz.
263
cp also Horst,
de
des
Analyses of the legislation have
recently been attempted by Staerk,
Das Deut., 1894, and
Stenernagel,
d.
1896. For a sketch
of
these theories see
Hexateuch, 2
The substantial
of
the laws is maintained
Kue.
Hex. 14 nn.
Against Horst see especially Piepenbring,
Rev.
des
29
Valeton
(Stud.
and Horst
( R w . de
des
16
39
18
cp 27 174) have gone farthest in
the attempt to eliminate the secondary elements in
See
Kue.
Hex.
7
n.
Piepenbring
Rev. de
des
29
A
has
been attempted b y
Staerk (see the last note). and
Der Rahmen des
Deut.,
For
attempts to restore the primitive brief form of the bless-
ings and curses see Valeton Stud.
(cp
$
7,
n. 21
R w . de
des
18
cp
; Staerk,
Steuernagel,
See also
Steinthal,
Zeit.
11
The substantial
of the chapter i s
by Kue. and
Dr.
4
Cp.
H
EXATEUCH
.
It
is not
denied that many
of
the institutions and customs embodied
in
P
are of great
1082
DEUTERONOMY
DEUTERONOMY
agreed by all that the little collections of laws 'in J E are
older than Deuteronomy. The most convincing proof
of this is given, of course, by
Deuteronomic laws
restricting the worship of Yahwb to the one temple at
Jerusalem.
It may confidently be inferred also from the
given throughout Deuterohomy to motives
of humanity, and the way in which
religious
like the triennial tithe, are transformed into sacred
charities, as well as from
constant appeal to the
memory of
G o d s
goodness as a motive for goodness to
fellow-men.
Where the provisions
of
Deuteronomy
differ from those of the
of the Covenant, they
sometimes appear to be adapted to a more advanced
stage of society; as when the old agricultural
year is replaced by an experiment in the septennial
remission of debts.
The many laws dealing with con-
tracts of one kind or another also are to be noted.
Most
recent critics are of the opinion, further, that
the author of the
law--book was not only
acquainted with Ex.
21-23,
also
made this code
basis of his own
work Deuteronomy, it is said, is a revised and enlarged
Covenant Book, adapted to some extent to new con-
ditions, but with only one change of far-reaching effect,
the centralisation of
in Jerusalem.
It may he
questioned, however, whether the evidence mill sustain
so
strong a statement of the dependence of Deuteronomy
on the Book of the Covenant.
identical clauses are very few and in some instances
at least, have probably arisen from
conformation:
There is no trace of the influence of the Covenant Book either
in the general arrangement of Dt. 12-26 or in the sequence
particular laws. T o fully one half of the Covenant
(after
the subtraction of the
precepts),
the
Assaults
and Injuries, Ex. 21
there is no parallel in Dt.
the subject of Authorities in Dt. 1 6
has no counterpart in
Ex. 21-23; of thirty-five laws in Dt. 21
only seven
have parallels in the older code. Finally, in the corresponding
laws the coincidences are hardly
frequent
or
more nearly
exact than
we
should expect in two collections originating at no
great distance in place or time, and based upon the same religious
customs and consuetudinary law the evidence of literary de-
pendence is much less abundant and convincing than it must be
if Dt. were merely a revised and enlarged Book of the
Certain laws in Deuteronomy have parallels also in
H
but, whilst the provisions of these laws are often
closely similar, the formulation and phrase-
In
some points
H
seems to be a stage beyond Dt.
but
the differences are not of a kind to imply a considerable
interval of time so much as a diversity of dominant
interest, such as distinguishes
from Jeremiah.
Dt. 14 3-21, compared with Lev. 11, has been thought to prove
that Dt. is dependent upon
H
but the truth seems rather
to
he
that both are based on a common original a piece of priestly
Torah, which each reproduces and modifies'in its own
References to the history of Israel are
fewer in
Dt.
12-26
than in
1-3
4
they are of a more incidental
a usive character, and the author
some freedom in the use of
his
material
but, as far as they can
be certainly traced, they appear to be all derived from
JE, or from the cycle of tradition represented by that
work. That the author did not have before him J E
united with
P
is proved by his reference to the fate of
Dathan and Abiram
( 1 1 6 )
if
he had read
Nu.
16
in its
present form, in which the story of Datlian and Abiram
(JE) is almost inextricably entangled with that of Korah
he could hardly
failed to name the latter, who
is the central figure of the composite narrative (cp
Nu.
Jude
and see
and D
ATHAN
A N
D
ology are throughout entirely
antiquity ; nor that in particular instances they may be more
primitive than the corresponding titles of Dt. ; nor that some of
them may have
a comparatively fixed form, oral or
written, before
'exile.
They may be conveniently compared in the
table
in Dr. Deut. p.
or in Staerk, Deut.
where they are
printed side by side.
See also Steuernaqel
3
Dr. Deut.
i o
See also
L
E
V
ITI
C
U
S
.
n. 5 ;
14
.
But even if he had possessed P separately,
it would be almost inexplicable that lie so uniformly
follows the representation of J E where it differs from
P or conflicts with it.
The instances which have been
adduced to prove that he was acquainted with
P
are too
few and uncertain to sustain the conclusion moreover,
they are all found in the long digression,
99-10
which
probably was no part of the primitive
The traditional opinion among Jews and Christians,
that Deuteronomv was written bv Moses shortlv before
his death, though resting on the testi-
mony of the book itself
is contradicted bv both the internal and
the external evidence the contents of the book and the
entire religions history of Israel prove that Deuteronomy
is the product of a much later time. The legislation of
J E (in the main, doubtless, merely the booking of an
ancient consuetudinary law) is without exception the
law of a settled people, engaged in husbandry.
Deuter-
onomy reflects a still
advanced stage of culture,
and must be ascribed to
time when Israel had long
been established in Palestine. The fundamental law
for the Hebrew monarchy, Dt.
14-20,
presumes not
only the existence of the kingdom, but also considerable
experience of its evils. Solomon appears to have sat
for the portrait of the Icing as he ought not to
In
the prohibition of the multiplication of horses and
treasure we may recognise the influence of the prophets,
to whom the political and military ambition of the
seemed apostasy (see,
Is.
2
The constitution of
court in
is
thought
to
he
modelled after the tribunal which Jehoshaphat
(middle of
century
established
( 2
Ch.
More convincing than the arguments derived from
these special laws are the ruling ideas and motives of
the whole book. The thing upon which
Deuteronomy insists with urgent and
unwearied iteration is that
shall
be worshipped only at one place, which he himself will
choose, where alone sacrifices may be offered and the
annual festivals celebrated. Although no place is
there can be no doubt, as there was none in the minds
of Josiah and his counsellors, that Jerusalem is meant.
I t
owed
religious importance to the fact that in it was the royal
temple of the
kings;
this was far from putting it
on an equality with the venerable sanctuaries of Bethel and
and Beersheba. The actual pre-eminence of
Jerusalem, without which the attempt to assert for it an ex-
clusive sanctity is inconceivable, was the result of the historical
events of the eighth century.
The fall of the kingdom of Israel
)
left Judah
the only people of YahwB.
The holy places of Israel
were profaned by the conquerors-proof that
repudiated the worship offered to him there,
as
the
prophets had declared.
A
quarter of a century later
Sennacherib invaded Judah, ravaged the land, destroyed
its cities, and carried off their inhabitants the capital
itself was at the last extremity (see
I
I
SRAEL
,
The deliverance of the city from this
peril seemed to be a direct interposition of Yahwb, and
Jerusalem and its temple must have gained greatly in
prestige through this token of
Gods
signal favour.
This of itself, however, would not give rise to the idea
that
was to be worshipped in Jerusalem alone.
The genesis of this idea must be sought in the mono-
theism of the prophets. At a time when monotheism had
not yet become conscious of its own universalism, men
could hardly fail to reason that if there was
one true
he was to be worshipped in but one place. And
that place, in
light of history and prophecy, could only
be Jerusalem.
The way in which Dt. attempts to carry
See Dt. 103
6
and, on these passages Kne.
9
; Dr. Deut.
xvi. On
also below,
18
(small type).
Cp Dt. 1 7
with K. 4 10
11
9
10
A
critical examination of the history of the reign of
phat in
does not, however, inspire ns with much
confidence in the account of his judicial reforms.
was not one of the ancient holy places
Israel.
DEUTERONOMY
out this principle, by simply transferring to Jerusalem
the cultus of the local
with their priesthoods,
was only practicable
narrow territorial limits, such
as
those of the kingdom of Judah in the seventh century.
We have the explicit testimony of the Books of Kings
that there was no attempt to suppress the old local sanctu-
aries in Judah until the reign
of
Hezekiah; the most
godly kings left the high-places unmolested
(
I
K.
15
14
2
35).
The
author
of Kings, to whom
temple in Jerusalem was, from
the moment when Yahwi: took up his abode in it
(
I
the only legitimate place of sacrifice, condemns
this remissness as a great sin but there is no evidence
that the religious leaders of Israel down to the end of
the eighth century
so
regarded it.
is in despair
over the sacrilege which threw
the altars of
when he goes to meet God face to face, it is not to
Jerusalem, but to Horeb, the old holy monntain in the
distant
S.,
that he turns his steps. Amos and Hosea
inveigh against the worship at the holy places of the
Northern Kingdom because it is morally corrupt and
religiously false, not because its seats are illegitimate
nor is their repudiation of the worship on the high-places
more unqualified than Isaiah's rejection of the cultus in
Jerusalem (Is.
The older law-books, far from
forbidding sacrifice at altars other than that in Jerusalem,
formally sanction the erection of such altars, and promise
that at every recognised place of worship
will
visit his worshippers and bless them
According to
K.
4
21
3
removed the high-
places, demolished the
hewed down the sacred
The false tenses prove, however that
has been
in-
terpolated
a
very late hand
;
the
text said only that
Hezekiah removed the bronze serpent which was worshipped
in
the temple (see
nor can much greater reliance
be
the reference in the speech of the
I t may well
Hezekiah after the retreat of
took vigorous measures to
the idolatry against
Isaiah thundered in both his earlier and his later prophecies
(2
8 18
30
31
perhaps including the sacred trees and
other survivals of
natural religion (Is. 1
In any case,
the reaction of the
reign swept away
all
traces of his
work. Cp
I
SAIAH
,
Another very distinct indication of the age in which
Dt. was written is found in the foreign religions which
DEUTERONOMY
the prophets of the eighth century ; neither the impressive
ideas nor the haunting phrases of Dt. have left their
The inference that Dt. was unknown to
the religious leaders of Israel before the seventh century
is hardly to be avoided.
On the other hand, in all its ruling ideas, Dt. is
dependent upon the prophecy of the eighth century.
have already seen that the deliverance of Jerusalem
from Sennacherib prepared the way for the belief that
the temple on Mt. Zion was the only sanctuary at which
Yahwi: should be worshipped, and that the monotheism
of the prophets was the theological basis of the same
belief. T h e lofty theism of
which exalts
not
in might and majesty, but also
righteousness,
goodness, and truth-the moral transformation of the
old conception of
holiness (see
1)-is of
the
origin, whilst the central idea of the book,
that the essence and end of true religion is the
love of God and his people, is derived from Hosea.
In
general, the theology of Dt. is an advance upon
that of the prophets of the eighth century, whose
teaching it fuses
assimilates, and approximates to
that of Jeremiah and Isaiah
To
the same result we are led by the literary character
of Dt.
Its style is more, copious and flowing than that
of earlier writers
;
but it lacks their terse vigour, and is
not free from the faults of looseness, prolixity, and
repetition, into which a facile pen
so
easily glides. In
these respects it exhibits the tendencies which mark the
literature of the seventh century
the Exile. The
diction, also, is distinctly that of the same period,
closely resembling that of Jeremiah.
Evidence of every kind thus concurs to prove that the
primitive Dt. was a
of the seventh century.
it combats.
The worship of
the whole
host of heaven' (Dt.
1 7 3
cp
an
Assyrian cult frequently condemned by
the prophets of the seventh century (Jer.
but not mentioned by any earlier writer,
was probably introduced by Manasseh, during whose
reign Assyrian influence was at its height in Judah.
T h e sacrifice of children, 'sending them through the
fire' to the King-God (Dt.
also belongs to
the seventh century (see
neither Isaiah nor
any of the other prophets of the eighth century alludes
to
these rites.
A relatively late date has been inferred also from the
laws against the erection of steles and sacred poles
and
by thealtars of
(Dt.
The older laws only enjoin the destruction of the Canaanite
holy-places with all their appurtenances (Ex. 34
23
24 ; cp
Dt. 12 3).
The prophets of the eighth century, especially Hosea
and Isaiah, assail the idols of
but not the more primitive
standing stones and posts
;
the
against the latter begins
with Jeremiah.
The age of Dt. may be
also by its relation
to other works of known date.
From the time of
Jeremiah, the influence of Dt. is un-
mistakably to be recognised in the
whole prophetic and historical literature,
whilst we look in vain for
trace of this influence in
Cp the much more extended account of these reforms in
Ch. 29-31.
If
it were established that Hezekiah
down the high-
places, it would not follow that Dt.
is
older than Hezekiah ;
more probable hypothesis,
view
of all the testimony of the
prophets and the historical books, would he that the
nomic law was in the line of the measures adopted
the king.
Cp also the worship of the Queen of Heaven, Jer.
44
See Q
UEEN O
F
H
EAVEN
.
1085
The fact that it combats foreign
which were introduced by Manasseh
militates
the opinion entertained
some scholars, that it-had its origin in the last
years of
perhaps in connection with the
reforms of that king.
A
hypothesis which commends
itself to many critics is that Dt. was composed in the
reign of Manassch as aprotest against the evils of the
time and as a programme of reform. Its authors died
without being able to accomplish their object, and the
book was lost, until, many years after, it was accident-
ally discovered
the temple by
T o others it
seems more probable that Dt. was written under Josiah,
shortly before it was brought to light, by
who
thought the time ripe for an attempt to introduce the
reforms
which alone, they believed, Judah could be
saved, and had intelligently planned the way in which
this should be
Everything points to Jerusalem as the place where
Dt. was written
:
a work whose aim was to exalt the
temple to the position of
sole sanctuary
of Yahwi: can hardly have originated any-
where else.
The Torah of the priests is thronghont so
intimately united with the religious teachings of the
prophets that we are constrained to believe that both
priests and prophets were associated in its production,
or at least that it's priestly authors were thoroughly
imbued with the spirit of the prophets.
Who these
authors were cannot be more definitely
That the authors of the primitive Dt. freely used
older collections of laws has been eenerallv
Beside Ex.21-23 (on which see above,
remains of another collection are
found in Dt. 22-25. Staerk and
have recently undertaken to show by minute
This is equally true of the older historians but their works
have been preserved only in deuteronomistic recensions.
On the diction of
see the commentaries of Kn. and
Kleinert,
Deut.
Hex.
7
n.
4 '
Holz.
Dr.
Dt.
On the
Holz.
; Dr. p.
3
Wette Reuss Graf
We.
Che. andothers.
The
the
Dt.
(von
Bohlen,
is for various reasons untenable.
DEUTERONOMY
analysis that both the hortatory and the legislative
parts of Dt. are in
a
stricter sense composite.
According to Steuernagel the hook discovered in the temple
in the eighteenth year of
5
26
was the work of
a
redactor, who combined with considerable skill -but
ally, and without substantial
older
works of
like character, each consisting of a hortatory introduction and a
body of laws.
of them
is marked by the direct
address to Israel in the second person singular ; the other (PI.)
uses the plural. The older of these works
is assigned to
the early years of Manasseh’s reign (shortly after
the
other (PI.) was composed
670.
The union of the
by
the redactor
falls in the middle of the century, twenty-five
DEUTERONOMY
also
32)
28
seems
to
be directly dependent upon
Jeremiah
(16
13
cp
Chap.
4
appears to be
a
secondary addition to Dt., composed in the Exile, and
closely
to
29,
if not by the same hand.”
Chap.
the designation by Moses of three
asylum cities east of the Jordan, has
connection
years or more before the discovery of the book
the temple.
Sg. and
made use of older .collections of laws and
sources can still in part be recognised.
One of the’chief
sources of Sg. (the Grundsammlung was put out in support
of Hezekiah‘s reforms, probably not long after
7 2 2
Chaps.
1-3,
in the form of an address
of
Moses
to
Israel, contain a review of the principal events of the
migration, from the departure of the
Israelites from
to the moment at
This
retrospect throughout follows thehistory
of J E , from which its material is drawn and many
which he is speaking to
phrases and whole clauses are
Upon
examination it appears that the chief
of the
chapters is
E,
which the author had before
separately whether he made use of J is doubtful of
dependence on P there is no trace.
The retrospect begins abruptly with the command to
from Horeh
and it has been conjectured that 9
(or a t least 9 25-10
which recites the transgression a t
and brings the
to
the precise point where it is taken
up
in 1, once stood before 1 7 .
More probably however
9 9-10
11
is not a misplaced fragment of the
but
product of successive editorial ampliiications.3 The
ends
as ahruptly as it begins; the words, ‘And we abode in the
valley in front of Beth-peor (3
must originally have been
followed
an account of the sin a t Baal-peor (Nu.
cp
Dt.
The chapters
are not by the author of
5-26.
The resemblance in language and style is unquestionably
very close, though there are some noticeable differences
but the diversity of historical representation is decisive
cp
2 2 9
with
with
The opinion of some critics, that
was prefixed to
the primitive Dt. to connect it with the history in Ex.
and Nu., is improbable for such a purpose a recapitu-
lation of the history was more than
Others,
with better reason, suppose that the historical
was intended as the introduction to
a
separate edition
of Dt.
The way in which it begins and ends (see above,
small type) suggests that it was not composed for the
purpose, but was extracted and adapted by the editor
from some older source.
Conclusive marks of the age
of the chapters, further than their dependence upon
E
and the general affinity to the deuteronomistic school,
are hardly to be discovered.
Chap.
has generally been taken with
1-3,
as a
close to the historical introduction.
There is, however, neither a formal nor
a
material connection between them.
The historical allusions in the exhortation are to events
related, not in
in
32-35
differ from the
retrospect
etc.) and agree with
in
making the speaker’s audience witnesses of the scenes a t Horeh ;
the greater part of 4
is onlya homiletical enlargement on 5
In other points
4
goes beyond
5-11
its monotheism
takes a loftier tone, like that of Is.
40-55
(see
4 3 5 3 9
15-19).
I n
deportation and dispersion are inevit-
able the prediction that in the far country Israel will
retnrn to
and find forgiveness takes the central
place which it has in the exilic prophets.
The language resembles
5-11
more closely than
1 - 3 ,
but has peculiarities of its own :
are
of words
and phrases which remind
of Ezekiel,
H,
and
P
(cp
Chap.
which now forms the
to the speech
is not homogeneous, and glosses have been pointed out in
discourse itself.
See particularly Dr.
on these chapters, where the rela-
tion is well exhibited.
3
Cp above,
IT.
1087
either with what precedes or with what
follows. I n phraseology the verses agree
closely with Dt.
19
I
after which they
are probably modelled.
They
originally have
stood after
3 1 7
or
or perhaps after
29.
Chap.
444-49,
the title and superscription to
like
the corresponding superscription
appears to be
the product of successive additions and redactions by
scribes or editors the oldest form of the title may have
been simply, This is the law which Moses laid before
the Israelites on the other
of Jordan, in the land
of Moab’ (cp
1 5 ) .
Chap.
2 7 ,
in narrative form,
entirely dis-
connected in the midst of the speeches of Moses,
separating
28
from
2 6 .
Graf, accordingly,
regarded it as an interpolation, introduced
when
Dt.
was united with the older
historical
( J E ) , whilst Wellhausen
in it the
conclusion of
a
separate edition of the Deuteronomic
12-26
27).
The chapter
(27)
consists of four distinct parts :
14-26.
9
may, as many critics think, have originally
connected
26
with
2 8 .
In
where there is much
repetition, 5-7n has long been recognised as a fragment
of the ancient
to which Ex.
2 0 2 4 - 2 6
belongs.
seem to be the sequel of
11
the whole being a liturgical embodiment of
1126-28,
and plainly secondary.
cannot be by
the
author of
the things on which Dt. lays the
greatest stress are lacking in this decalogue, which
is
a
cento gathered from all strata of the legislation, especially
from Lev.
Chap.
contain
a
new address of exhortation and
warning, introduced, like
5
by the words, ‘And
Moses convoked all Israel.’ The stand-
point of the writer is similar to that of
4
1-40,
and differs in the same way from that of
5-26
28
1-46
cp in particular
with
The anthor
had before him the denteronomic law, with its blessings
and curses, in a book
cp also
29
28
58
6r).
The diction differs considerably from that of
5-26,
and approximates more closely to that of Jeremiah,
upon whom the author is evidently dependent.
Chaps.
29
are, therefore, like
4 ,
an exilic addition to Dt. T h e
movement of thought in these chapters is far from being
orderly or coherent :
29
16-28
does not naturally
follow
and the latter verses have no obvious
connection with
30
cannot originally have
stood between
29
and
The position of
these chapters
is
difficult to explain.
Chap.
28
1-46
is
the proper conclusion of the long speech of Moses,
5-26 291
is a formal subscription,
the
end of the book.
The only natural place for fresh
admonitions to observe the law would be after the law
had been committed to writing
cp
24-27)
and it
has been conjectured, not without probability, that this
was the original position of the parting
Chap.
3 1 ,
which takes up the narrative again,
is
composite, and presents
to
criticism most difficult
problems.
Verses
are not the sequel of
or of
they take
up
the story at the point which the historical introduction reaches
;
they are deuteronomistic in colour,
23.
Chap.
31.
and Dillmann surmises that once they followed
3
28
immediately.
A
parallel to
is found in
in which
himself gives the charge to Joshua a t the
sacred tent ; these verses are probably derived from
E.
T h e
intervening verses
16-22
are an introduction to the ‘Song of
Moses,’
1-43,
to’which
is the corresponding close. This
On this point see further below,
23.
See next section
on 31
DEUTERONOMY
DEUTERONOMY
introduction is
not
deuteronomic, as the language proves
;
it is
equally clear that it is not
the author
T h e
question of the source of the verses will recur
connection
the age of the poem itself (next
second par.).
Vu.
relating how the law was committed to writing and preserved,
form an appropriate conclusion to the account of the giving of
the law and are
many critics connected with 5-26
T h e
of the law is the subject of 24-27, which the
repetition and the'different motive prove to
another hand;
seems to he a preparation for the
of
the
'
and is as much
of place after
as 24-27 after
the whole passage
is therefore ascribed to a redactor.
Dillmann
that
(in
originally consti-
tuted the introduction, not to the Song of Moses,
to a
speech
the close of which is to he found in
This speech,
containing the
exhortations and
of Moses, was
removed from
place after
to make room for the Song,
is
though worked over and extensively inter-
polated, in
4
For reasons which have already heen indicated,
we should not, however, with Dillmann, attribute this speech to
the author of 5-26 28, hut to a later deuteronomistic
Chap.
32
1-43
The
theme of
the Ode is the goodness of
the sin of Israel in
rejecting
and the ruin which this
apostasy entails. The poem contains no
definite allusions to historical events by
which its age
be exactly determined. The conquest
of Canaan evidently lies for the writer in a remote past
he has had ample experience of the pro-
pensity of Israel to adopt foreign religions,
of the
national calamities in which the prophets saw the
judgments of
upon this defection. The language
has been thought to indicate that the author was
a
native of the North; and many scholars believe that
the situation reflected in the poem is that of the kingdom
of Israel in the reign of Jehoash (797-783 B
.c.)
or the
early years of Jeroboam
when, after the
long and disastrous Syrian wars, Israel was beginning
to recover its former power and
Others,
understanding by the ' n o people'
the 'foolish
nation'
the Assyrians, to whom such
would he applied more naturally than they could he to
(cp Is.
ascribethe poem to the
latter half of the eighth century.
The words may, how-
ever, with
greater probability, be interpreted of the
Babylonians (cp Jer.
especially Hab.
Dt.
In the vocabulary of the Song there are
several
which are not found in writers of the eighth
century, but are common in the literature of the seventh
and sixth; the Aramaisnis in word and form which
have been looked upon as evidence of Ephraimite origin
eqnally well be marks of a later age. The poem
contains many reminiscences of the older prophets,
especially of Hosea and Isaiah hut in its whole spirit
as well as in particular expressions, it is much
more closely akin to Jeremiah, Ezekiel, and Is.
It has a'strong resemblance, also, to the exilic additions
to Dt.
( 4
its theology is that of these chapters
and
of
Is.
Its affinities to the Psalms and the
products of Jewish Wisdom are
to
be
It is,
in fact, a didactic poem, embodying in lofty verse the
interpretation of Israel's history from beginning
to end.
and others ascribe the Song to the
end of the seventh century (say
c. )
but the
considerations last adduced, and others which might he
mentioned, point rather to an exilic or post-exilic date.
It has commonly been assumed that the introduction
to the Song
(31
16-22)
is pre-deuteronomic (J or E)
not so mnch, however, upon internal evidence as in
consequence of general theories about the age of the
poem and the composition of the last chapters of Dt.
It
is intrinsically at least equally .probable that the
On the
Song of Moses see Ew.
8 47-65
Kamph.
1862;
Klo. Das Lied Mose's u.
das Deut.
44
249
45 230
reprinted in
Der
Peat.
Z A T W 5
For the older literature see Di.
395;
Reuss,
GA
See
K.
3
This verse is, however, probably not from the Assyrian
period.
See
6
etc.
Kue. attributes it to Rje.
35
1089
is post-deuteronomic and this hypothesis
strongly commended by the fact that the Song itself
apparently been put in the place of the
discourse
Moses
which is itself a product of the 'exile.'
Chap.
is the closing note to the
to
3 1 3 0
at its beginning.
Verses
45-47
ire the close of the speech, answering
to
contain no allusion
to
the Song; their literary
are to
31
not to 31
16-22
or
C h a p .
belongs to the priestly stratum
the
is given
more briefly in
Nu.
12-14
(P).
Chap.
33
:
The Blessing wherewith Moses the man
God blessed the Israelites before he died.
Beyond
this superscription. no attempt is made to
connect the poem with the history of
last days from which it
be inferred that it
vas not introduced by a deuteronomistic editor. The
verses
which are very obscure, in part
corruption of the text, describe the coming of
from Sinai, the giving of the
the acquisition
the territory of Jacob
and the rise of the kingdom
n Israel.
Thereupon come, without any transition,
Blessings on eleven tribes, following a geographical
from south to north, and differing greatly in
ength and in character.
The Blessing of Moses is a composition
of
the same
as the so-called Blessing of Jacob (Gen.
49
though not a mere imitation of it. The
historical situation reflected in the Blessings
the several tribes in
that of a time considerably
ater than that in Gen.
cp particularly Levi (Gen.
Dt.
and Judah (Gen.
Dt.
3 3 7 ) .
On
.he other hand, the situation is entirely different from that
in the Song of Moses, Dt.
3 2 .
While in
the latter, apostasy has drawn upon Israel the consuming
of
and the very existence of the people is
the Blessing breathes from
to
end a
national spirit exalted by power and prosperity and
unbroken by disaster.
The author was a member of
of the northern tribes, or a
at one of the
northern sanctuaries.
The blessing of Joseph
was written at a time when the kingdom of Israel, in
the pride of its power, and perhaps flushed with victory,
was thinking of foreign conqiiests
Recent critics
have generally followed Graf in ascribing the poem to
the time of Jeroboain
when for a
brief space Israel seemed to have regained all its ancient
power and glory;
is then referred to the recovery
of the territories of which Gad had been stripped by
the Syrians of Damascus in the disastrous period which
preceded.
T h e prayer
in
Hear,
0
the voice of Judah, and
bring him to his people,' has heen understood as the wish of the
Ephraimite poet that Judah might be reunited to Israel,
is
thought
many to point to a time soon after the division of the
kingdom, when the desire for the restoration of the national unity
was
still
This obscure verse. however. cannot he allowed
to
outweigh
clearer testimony of other
of the chapter.
T h e Blessing of
Levi
describes the privileges
offices
of the priesthood and the fidelity of Levi to its sacred trust.
There is nothing
indicate that the author was a priest of the
temple in
priests of other temples also were
any cogent reason for thinking that
11
are
Jewish interpolations. Verse
I
T
,
however, is hardly a blessing
for the priesthood, and would unquestionably he more appropri-
ate to one of the other tribes hut that it was the original sequel
of 76, as has heen conjectured, is not evident.
On the whole. the age of Jeroboam
seems best to
Verses
satisfy the implications of the Blessings.
See above
23.
On the
see Hoffm. in Keil and Tzschirner's
iv.
2
continued in a series of Jena Pro-
grams,
;
1857
'
Der
1873 ;
A
van
der Flier,
38,'
1895
' T h e Blessing of Moses,'
See also
1
T h e older literature in Di.
Reuss, G A T , 216.
3
The meaning of these
is much disputed.
In
it is not certain that Jerusalem is meant (cp
B
E
N
-
JAMIN,
$
8).
1090
DEUTERONOMY
26-29, have no connection with the Blessings, and it is
not
improbable that they are fragments of another poem.
Whether the Blessing of Moses was contained in J or
E
is a question which we have no means of answering
:
neither the short introduction, nor the titles of the
several Blessings (which alone can be attributed to an
editorial hand), offer anything distinctive nor do the
reminiscences of the earlier history.
The story
of
the death of Moses is highly
composite, elements from
JE
and
P,
as well as the
hand of more than one editor, being recognisable in it.
Deuteronomy is the prophetic law-book, an attempt
to embody the ideal of the prophets in institutions and
Chap.
34.
DEUTERONOMY
Bethel or of Beersheba. But the great doctrine of
Dt. is,
thy God is one Yahwb.'
The
Thou shalt have no other gods beside me,'
s
stronglyreaffirmed
28,
etc.)
'he worship of
gods is punished by death
also
the apostasy
of
the nation by national ruin
7 4
etc.) for Yahwb is
a
God
Not only in Israel, which is
people, but also
Canaan, which is his land,
there shall be no other god or cult. Every trace of the old
religions of Palestine is to be obliterated.
The Canaan-
ites themselves
be exterminated, lest, in intercourse
with them, Israel be infected with their religion
93, cp
Alliance and intermarriage
with the heathen are stringently
etc.
)
and many special laws are directed against heathen
customs and rites
:
see,
225 23
No
less urgent
warnings are given against the
of remoter
peoples
The essence of the religions relation between
and his
is love.
He has loved Israel
laws by which the whole religious,
social, and civil life of the people should
be governed.
recognise this aim
the treatment of the
right and
custom of Israel, and more clearly in those provisions
which are peculiar to Deuteronomy, above all in the
fundamental law, chap.
It
not to regulate con-
duct by outward rule, but to form morality from
within by the power of a supreme principle.
The dominant idea of Deuteronomy is monotheism.
The first sentence of the older Decalogue,' repeated
expresses, indeed, only a rela-
tive monotheism
but the fundamental
deuteronomic law,
Yahwi: our God is
one Yahwb
declares, not only that there are not
many
as there are many Baals, but also that
there is no other who shares with him the attributes of
supreme godhead which are connoted by his name.
H e is the God of gods and the Lord of lords, the
great, mighty, and awful God'
to whom belong
the heavens and the heavens of heavens, the earth and
all that therein is'
'the [only] God in the
heavens above or in the earth beneath; there is no
other' (439, cp
The unapproachable majesty of
his constancy to his purpose,
and his faithfulness to his word are often recurring
themes
etc.).
He is a God who re-
quites his enemies to the full
(7
m)
;
yet a compassionate
and forgiving God to those who under his judgments
to him again
cp
Idolatry is strictly forbidden.
The images and
emblems of the Canaanite pods are to be totally de-
-
stroyed
The Decalogue
prohibits the making of images of
in the likeness of anv obiect in
heaven, or on the earth, or in the s e a ; and in
where this prohibition is emphatically repeated,
is reminded that at Horeb, when
to them
out of the
of the fire, they saw no form-a lesson
to them not to image him in any form.
The more
primitive standing stones and sacred poles are inclnded
in the prohibition
All kinds of
divination, sorcery, and necromancy are
as
heathenish
will and purpose are made
known, not by such signs as are interpreted by the
art,
by the mouth of his prophet
is to be worshipped, not at many sanctuaries,
at one only, in the place which he chooses to fix
his name there
I 6
etc.
).
The unity of the sanctu-
ary is
a
consequence of the unity of
God. The suppression of the
which
so
strenuouslyinsistecl on in Dt., was primarily dictated, not
by practical considerations, but by the instinctive feel-
ing that their existence was incompatible with
theism : as long as there were many altars there were as
many local
It is doubtless true that, for the
religious consciousness of the great mass of worshippers,
the
of Dan was not
the same
as
the
On the various forms
of
this code see D
ECALOGUE
.
See also 3 24
I t has been observed
that
the theology
of 41-40
approximates more nearly
to
that
of
Is.
the beginning
(10
23
5).
and if they
his commandments
he will love and bless them in all the
future
(713.
cp
They are the children of
their God
his discipline and his care are parental
131).
All good things are from him; but the
signal proofs of his love to Israel are the deliverance
from Egypt
,
8
and the law which he
has given them
The love of Yahwb to his
people demands, as it should inspire, their love : Thou
shalt love
thy God with all thine heart, and with
all thy soul, and with all thy' might
(6
5)
is the first
commandment of the law, the first principle of religion
strains to do his will; to love God and to keep his
commandments are inseparable.
His commandments
are not remote or incomprehensible
:
they are in men's
hearts and on their lips
cp
nor
are they difficult and burdensome
cp
68) :
to keep them is for maii's own good
It is
a
religion of the heart, not of outward observances or
of formal legality. Observances are not rejected;
a
religion without worship and distinctive ceremonial is
not contemplated but festivals and sacrifices are only
the expression of religious feeling-above all, of loving
and joyful gratitude for God's love and goodness.
The relation of
to Israel is not
a
natural and
indissoluble relation, such as subsists between a tribal
god and his people; it is a moral rela-
tion, which has its origin in his choice of
Israel to be his people. He chose it, not
for any good in it
( 7
9
but because he loved its
forefathers
and love and faithfulness bind him
to their descendants (78 95). The
by which
Israel alone of all the nations of
earth is made the
people of Yahwi: is
glorious distinction but it
imposes the greatest obligation. Sin, in this light, is
more heinous, judgment more necessary and more
severe but in Gods constancy to his purpose and his
promise faith finds the assurance that the severest
judgment will not be utter destruction.
The bond between
and Israel is the covenant
which he
with them at Horeb
and renewed
on
the plains
of
Moab (29
I
The deuteronomic
law sets forth the obligations imposed by
and
accepted by Israel
strict observance of the law is
the condition of the fulfilment of the promises of Yahwb,
the obligations which he voluntarily took upon himself
in the pact
Israel is to be a holy people
( 7 6
is,
one set apart to
in a11 its life.
The stringency
of the laws which are to preserve the purity of the
At the time when Dt. was written this sanguinary proscrip-
tion
of
the native population can hardly have had much practical
significance.
DEUTERONOMY
DEW
people and the land from false religion and immorality
is thus explained and justified :
Thou
shalt exterminate
the evil from the community’
(135
and puss.; see
22
13-30
21
16-21
etc.
).
Notwithstanding the sanguinary thoroughness with
which it demands the extirpation of heathenism, and the
severity of many of the special laws, the distinctive note
of the
is humanity, philanthropy,
charity.
Regard not only for the rights, but also for
the needs of the widow, the orphan, the landless Levite,
the foreign denizen, is urged at every
The in-
terests of debtors
slaves
and hired labourers
( 2 4 4
are carefully
guarded. Various provisions protect the rights of the
wife or the female slave
Nor are the animals forgotten
The spirit
of the legislation is
least clearly in the laws
which appear to us altogether utopian, such
as
20
(cp
In
conformity with its prophetic character, Dt. pre-
sents itself not merely as
a
law-book, but also
as
a book
of religious instruction.
Its lessons are to be diligently
remembered, and not forgotten in times of prosperity
etc.).
Its fundamental precepts are to
be
repeated daily, to be worn as amulets, to be inscribed
in public places
They are to be’taught
to children, that each succeeding generation may be
brought up in the
of
will
11
;
and every seven years the whole
is to be
publicly read in the hearing of the assembled people
Taken all in
all,
Dt. will ever stand as one of the
noblest monuments of the religion of Israel, and
as
one
of
the most noteworthy attempts in history to regulate
the whole life of a people by its highest religious
principles.
I
.
the older works Drusius
hard
and
(1696)
may
be consulted with
profit. The principal modern commentaries
33.
Literature.
are Vater Pent.
1805
;
M.
F.
W.
;
Kn.,
Schroeder
1866
(Lange’s
E T with additions by
Gosman,
;
Keil,
ed. 1870, ET
1867 ;
Espin,
Di.,
;
Montet,
L e
Deut.,
;
1893
;
Dr.,
1895 ;
Steuernagel in
Criticism-Vater,
den
Pent.
‘
Abhandlung iiber Moses
die Verfasser des Pentateuchs
;
De Wette,
Beitr.
in d.
A T 1
2
385
;
J.
F.
L.
George,
Die
5)
;
W.
Vatke,
A T
384
E.
Riehm,
Die
etc. (‘54);
(‘73)
(review of
Colenso,
Pent.
Pt.
3
cp
App.
Graf.
Die
d.
A T (‘66);
Kosters,
van
’68)
Klo
Lied Mose’s
d. Deut.
des Pent.’
re-
printed in
Der Pent. (‘93)’
Kleinert
Das Deut.
d.
(‘72) ;
Ueber das nnter dem Kanige
Josia anfgefundene
d. A T
8
Kayser,
Das
Buch der
seine
(‘74)
;
J.
‘Die
d.
pp.
We. CH,
1876,
reprinted separately, under the
same title,
1885,
and with Nachtrage,
Die
des Hex.
des
A T (‘89); GI
(‘78) and ed. called
Prol.
8.
4th ed.
ET,
t o
Hist.
J.
The
(‘77);
WRS,
Additional
t o
t o
the Amended
(‘79);
ed.
E.
Renss,
et
1
(‘79);
Die
Gesch.
d.
A T ,
Bd.
3 ) ;
Steinthal
Buch
Mose
1879, pp.
Stucke
Buche
1880,
also separately (Berlin,
Valeton,
Stud.
5
39-56,
F.
Del. Pentateuch-kritische Studien,’
Ebreo
suo
(
84) ; Cheyne,
Jeremiah,
his
chaps.
Baudissin,
Gesch.
des
A T
A. Westphal,
Les sources
Pent.
2
Staerk,
sein
seine
(‘94) ;
Der
des
(‘94) ;
;
Havet,
Le
See
18-20
27
16
14
24
26
et
ses
3
32
(‘78);
de
(‘86)
and
Deut.
Vernes,
sur
et
reprinted in
L.
Horst
Etudes
le Deut.
de
des
16
17
18
23
184-zoo
27
(‘93);
Kuenen
De jongste
der
van den Hex.
C.
Piepenbring,
Reo. de
des
24
37
‘La
et le code de
(‘94);
the
H e x . 2 (‘98).
See also Introductions
to
the OT :-Eichhorn, 4th ed.
De Wette
(‘17
ed.
’52,
8th ed.
E. Schrader,
’69);
unaltered in later edd., E T by Venables
(‘69));
S.
Davidsoii
;
Kuenen,
ed. entirely rewritten
ET
by
The
(‘86);
Reuss,
Gesch.
’des
ed.
(‘91
znded.
’92);
Driver,
6th ed.
cp ‘Deuteronomy
in Smith‘s
Konig
(‘93)
Wildeboer
De
des
;
(‘93).
On the relation of Dt.
to
Jeremiah, see Kueper,
Jeremias
et
4-45
‘
Das Deut. und der Prophet Jeremiah,’ A
T
2
Zunz,
ZDMG
(‘73)
;
Colenso,
App.
pp.
cp
In defence of the Mosaic authorship
Hengstenberg,
des Pent.
ET
Genuineness
the
2
Havernick
das
A T
1
E T
’ t o
the
;
Keil,
das A T , 1853,
3rd ed.
by G. C. M.
Douglas,
etc.
1869
The Pentateuch,
and
(‘85);
G .
Vos,
The Mosaic
the
Codes (’86);
Martin,
la
crit.
de
1
(‘87) A. Zahn,
Das
Deut.
(‘go).
G .
F.
M.
DEVIL.
For Dt.
3 2 1 7
etc.
etc.
Mt.
31
etc.
see D
EMONS
,
for
Lev.
7
etc.
see S
A
TYR
;
and for Mt.
4
I
etc.
see
(Lev.
EV,
I
2 0 4 2
RV,
etc.).
DEVOTED,
AV
sometimes,
RV
usually, for
See
B
AN
,
‘Dew’ is a theme which
kindles the enthusiasm of the O T writers
;
but what
does ‘dew’ mean in the
OT?
and are the common
explanations of the biblical references altogether correct ?
During the spring and autumn the phenomenon which
we call dew is, at least in the intervals of fine weather,
as
familiar in Palestine
as
in western
countries
:
the moisture held in suspen-
sion in the atmosphere during the day is
deposited, in cloudless nights, owing to the cooling of
the surface of the ground, in the form of dew.‘ It is
not, however, simply this phenomenon of spring and
that excites the enthusiasm of the Hebrew
writers for it is not the dew but
former and the
latter rains that are in these seasons of vital importance
to the agriculturist (see
R
AIN
).
During the summer
season, however, from the beginning of May to the
latter part of October, there is
an
almost unbroken
succession of cloudless days,
vegetation becomes
parched, and would altogether perish but for another
phenomenon which has a prior claim to the descriptive
Hebrew name
(
sprinkled moisture
uniformly re-
presented in the EV by the word
‘
dew.’ During the
but more especially (when the need is greatest)
in the latter part of August and during September
October, westerly winds bring
a
large amount of mois-
ture from the Mediterranean (see
W
INDS
).
This moisture:
becomes condensed by the cool night air
on
the land
into something not unlike a Scotch mist, which, though
specially
on the mountains, is yet abundant
enough everywhere to sustain with its moisture the
summer crops, and to keep some life in the pastures of
the
Coming only in the night, and being
so
much finer than
ordinary rain, this beneficent provision of nature received
a
special name
to
which the Arabic
‘fine rain
sponds.
Greek poetical terms
and
seem more adequate than the simple
DEW
The true meaning of
most clearly set forth by Neil,
pp.
to
whom this article
its
central idea.
DEW
and but for the shock to our associations, night mist
would
be preferable rendering to
This explanation clears up certain otherwise obscure
passages.
It also enables us’to identify with consider-
able probability the season to which any important
passage mentioning
refers. The miracle of Gideon’s
fleece,
was presumably placed by the writer in the
summer. At the same time, when perfectly general
language is used respecting
(
dew
’),
it may be open
to us to suppose that a confusion exists in the writer’s
mind between the genuine dew of winter (spring and
autumn) and the night mist of summer, which is not,
in our sense of the word, dew at all. since the vapour be-
comes condensed in the air before it reaches the ground.
I n illustration, see Lane’s
Lexicon
One
example given is
‘
The sky rained-small-rain
upon the
earth.’
defined as ‘light or weak
drizzling) rain,
or the lightest and weakest of rain ; or dew that descends from
the sky in cloudless weather.’ Cp also Koran, Sur. 2
267
‘And
if no heavy shower
falls on it, the
( a ) Where
dew’
comes
from.
-Job
38
28
is, prob-
ably enough,
a
scribe’s insertion
Duhm) but, if
so,
the scribe gives an invaluable early
of what precedes. H e states
that what is said of the rain in
25-27
refers not only to the winter rains or to the
occasional thunderstorms but also to the night mist.’
Has the rain a father?
Or who has begotten the streams2 (not ‘drops’) of
By his (God’s) knowledge the depths were opened
a t
And the sky drops down ‘dew.’
T o this question a wise man replies (Prov.
creation),
So
Dt.
Hag.
1
Zech.
812
cp also
J u d g 54
and
complete answer
is given m Enoch, where the treasuries’ of snow and
bail (Job
and also of dew and rain are described.
If
Job did not come to those treasuries Enoch did,
according to the current legend. The statements are
important : The spirit of the dew
has
its dwelling at the
ends
of
the heaven, and is connected with the chambers
of the rain, and its course is in winter and summer
and its clouds, and the clouds
of
the mist are connected,
and the one passes over into the other’
Charles).
In chap. 76 the twelve portals of the winds are described. From
eight of them dew and rain are said to proceed ; the winds are
not,
however, always beneficial. The author is
no means a
good observer, and his statement is of value only as confirming
the statement of GO
that dew’ and rain are connected.
Preciousness
land of Israel is called
‘
a
of
corn and wine yea, his heavens drop down
dew (Dt.
33
The blessing of Jacob says
:
God
give thee of the dew of heaven, and of the fatness
the land (Gen. 27
28
;
contrast
v.
39,
himself resembles dew’
I
will be as the dew
Israel (parched up, desolate Israel), Hos.
preciousness of the dew’
is
shown by its effects,
next described.
Perhaps, however
here includes rain.
Dew is ar
emblem of
‘ A
dew of lights is thy dew, and to
shall the earth bring the shades’ (Is.
From tht
world of perfect light where Yahwi: dwells a supernatural ‘dew
will descend
the dead Israelites.
‘The dew of resurrection
is a Talmudic phrase
on this prophecy.
the Koran, also
Sur. 41
rain is referred to
a
sign o
the resurrection.
Probably, too, Micah 5
also should
mentioned here. The traditional text, as it stands, is unin
T h e remnant of Jacob among the nations
be at the same time like showers of night
on the earth
like a lion. The upright line (Pasek) placed after ‘And shal
3 e ’
warns us (as so often) that there is something douhtfu
i n the text. Possibly
‘upon’ has dropped out. T h e
It had
This is the first rendering
in
BDB.
by Che.
his
Zsaiah and Book
who followed Neil,
M T reads
generally rendered ‘drops’
Keservoirs would be more defensible ; hut this does not sui
‘begotten.’ The obvious emendation is
Rain is
in Ps. 65
The scribe is thinking of the
‘
channel
Heb. text has only dropped.
DIAL
AND SUN-DIAL
reads thus,
‘
And there shall be on the remnant of Jacob
. .
as it were “ d e w ” from Yahwi:
.
.
.
which tarries not for
which independent
effort. Reluctant
s
one may he to deviate from a n unquestioned tradition, i t
necessary to do so, when even the acute Wellhausen
dmits that the point of the comparison in the present text is
to him.
( c )
Other
dew (night mist),
ike the rain, comes by the word of a prophet
( I
17
I
).
t falls suddenly
S.
and gently, like persuasive
(Dt.
it lies all night (Job
but
disappears like superficial goodness
(Hos. 64).
a
night mist is to be expected in the early summer,
ti
the settled hot weather of harvest (Is.
but, on
see V
INE
,
It bas a healing effect on
(Ecclus.
4 3 2 2 )
for
a
man to he exposed
it is a trying experience (Cant.
5
It is all-pervading
Gideon asks, as a sign of his divine mission, first,
:hat the fleece which he has put on the threshing-floor
may be wet with a night mist
when the floor itself
IS
dry, and next, that the fleece
be dry when the
floor is wet.
abundant is the moisture of the night
mist that in the morning after the first experience
Gideon is able to wring out of the fleece a whole bowlful
of water (Judg.
6
36-40).
Ps.
if the scribes have
transmitted the text, there is a condensed comparison
a
king’s youthful army to the countless drops of dew: a
highly poetic figure, adopted by Milton
speaking of the
hosts.
(‘dew’ is not
by the L X X , though the other Greek
translators all have
are probably corrupt (see Che.
The other passage
133
3) appears to state
that it is the dew of Hermon that comes down on the moun-
tains of Zion. Some (so Del.) have thought that a plentiful
dew in Jerusalem might he the result of the abundance
of
vapours on
others (so Baethg.), that ‘dew of Hermon
is a proverbial expression for a plentiful dew. Robertson Smith
suggests that the expressions may he
the gathering of pious pilgrims from all parts a t the great feasts
at Jerusalem was
if the fertilising dews,
of great Hermon
were all concentrated on the little hill of Zion
but the passage,
as
it stands, is incapable of a natural interpretation. T h e text
came into the editor’s band in a n imperfect condition. Hermon
and Zion can by no
he
into connection either
here or
the equally corrupt passage,
Ps.
426
T. K.
Strictly
to
bind round)
is no more than
a
rich fillet or head-band.
It was
worn around the Persian royal hat (see M
ITRE
,
2 ) ,
and, as distinguished from
(see C
ROWN
), the
badge of royalty; cp
I
Macc.
814
etc., Rev.
(RV, AV crown,’ and so EV in
I
Esd.
4
It is probable that fillets of a more
or
less ornate
character are referred to in the Heb.
(see
C
ROWN
) and
(see M
ITXE
).
I
.
is used by
to
render
Esth.
and
S.
1
IO
Sym. Theod.] (see CROWN,
Esth. 8
(see
M
ANTLE
), and
Is.
6 2 3
(cp
I
).
The words however, ‘thou
the dew of thy youth
DIADEM.
.
Ecclus. 47
see
Diadem in E V represents the following words :-
p i ~ ~ : ,
Bar.
E;
(EV,
in Judith
E V ‘tire,’
Ezek. 21 26
AV ; see
I
.
4.
Is. 62 EV, Zech. 3 5
Job 29
E V
‘turban ; see
T
URBAN
,
a plait
weave),
Is.
25
or
etc.
[Aq.
[Sym.]).
In Ezek.
7
7
IO
(RV
according
to
Co.,
means ‘crown’ (cp
‘crowning time’);
text perhaps faulty, see
Co.,
Bertholet.
DIAL
and
SUN-DIAL
literally ‘steps,’
;
Tg.
‘hour-stone’
in
IS.
388
IS.
388.
The term occurs in the account of Hezekiah’s illness.
I n point of fact, however, the narrator says nothing of a dial’
and of degrees but only of steps
where AV says, The sun
returned ten degrees,’ RV mnre correctly says,
ten
steps,’
though immediately afterwards it uses the Incorrect
term ‘dial’ (with a marginal note, ‘Heb. steps’). Hence both
in AV and in RV the account is more obscure than it need have
been.
It is true, the parallel accounts in
K.
20 and
I s .
38
differ,
which produces some difficulty.
,