Encyclopedia Biblica Vol 1 Gavidcity Dial; Sun Dial

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DAVID, CITY

OF

of

them-the deeply-felt elegy on Saul and Jonathan-

was taken from the so-called Book of

.,

§

?),

and another-the short elegy

on

Abner-may have

been copied from the same book. These occur in

and

respectively.

They have an

antique air and are worthy of David. Whether

any

religious elements formerly present have been removed,
we cannot say but there is no special reason to think
so.

That the song of triumph in

S.

22

Ps. 18)

and the 'last words of David' in

(both highly

religious compositions) are Davidic, is not, on grounds

of criticism, tenable.

Nor can any of the psalms in the

Psalter be ascribed with any probability to David.

The eager search for possible Davidic psalms seems to
be

a

proof that the seekers have taken

up

the study

of

the Psalter at

end.

That David composed

religious songs is of course probable enough. When
he

his companions played before

with all

their might, and with songs and with (divers musical
instruments),' it is reasonable to conjecture that some

of

these songs had been made for the purpose by the

poet-king.

But how much resemblance would these

psalms have had to the psalms of the second temple?
and how could the David known to

us

from history

have entered into the ideas of Psalms

32

and

51,

which

are assigned by Delitzsch and

to the sad period

of David's great sin? Would not that have been one
of the greatest of miracles ?

[In the above sketch sentences have been here and

there borrowed from the late Robertson Smith's art.

David in the

especially where David's character

and his originality as a ruler are referred to. The
advance of criticism since 1877 required a fresh survey
of the subject.

On

Renan's view of David in his

see W R S

Hist.

1888,

Duncker

(Hist.

of

Ant.

is hardly less

un-

sympathetic than

and his narrative needs

adjustment to the results of critical analysis.

G

VI

1223-298,

and

Prol.,

ET,

and

56-64,

are of the highest importance.

1

is

fresh and original, but often rash.

Cheyne's Aids

part

I

,

relates to the David-narratives;

analysis in

the results of which are tabulated

in chap.

1,

is provisionally adopted.

See also

Dr.

Zeit

43-97;

Marquart's

mente ('97); and the articles

in

this Dictionary

on

Samuel and Chronicles (with the books there referred
to). Prof.

W.

R. Smiths article in

should be

taken with the corresponding portion of Ewald's

History.

Chandler's

of

ed.

1766)

gives answers

to the very real difficulties suggested by Pierre
which are now superseded.

('66) is

recommended by Robertson Smith for the

numerous parallels adduced from Oriental history. The
late

H.

A. White's art. in Hastings'

has great

merit.

For

an account of David as

a

tactician, see

DAVID, CITY OF

2

Sam. 5 7

I

K.

See J

ERUSALEM

.

DAY.

Among the ancients the day was reckoned in

a

great variety of ways. ' T h e Babylonians reckoned

from sunrise to sunrise, the Athenians from
sunset to sunset, the Umbrians from noon
to noon, the common people everywhere

from dawn to dark, the Roman priests and those by
whom the civil day has been defined, as also the

Egyptians and Hipparchus, from midnight to midnight

188).

'From

to

( a

was the ancient and ordinary meaning of

a day

among the Israelites; night, a s being the

time when no

can work (Jn.

9

4).

might, it was

considered, be left out of account altogether, or, at all

See P

SALMS

.

monograph.

T.

C.

S.

65.

We

emend with Klost., after

I

Ch. 13

a

DAY

events, as being the evident complement

of

the 'day

and involved in it, did not require explicit mention.
Thus the word day' came to have a twofold meaning

:

at one time signifying the period from sunrise to sunset
a t another including day's inseparable accompaniment,.
the night, and embracing the whole period from one
sunrise to the next.

in cases where the contrast

had to be brought out, or there was risk of ambiguity,

was

it necessary to name the night

expressly,

as, for

example, in

3139.

Apart from

and the combination of

and

the Hebrews pos-

sessed

no

expression for the civil day as including day

and night; for the designation

'evening

morning,' which makes its first appearance in the
second century

B

.

C.

814).

equivalent to the Greek

Cor.

is but a combination precisely

similar to the older

and

The Israelites regarded the morning as the beginning

of the day in the evening the day declined

or

down,' and until the new day

morning

brolce

it was necessary to tarry all night (cp Judg.

19

6-9

and

series in Nu.

11

all that day and all the night

and all the next day

').

Not till post-exilic times do we

find traces of a new mode of reckoning which makes
day begin at sunset and continue till the sunset follow-
ing.

In P, it is true, the expression

'

day and night'

Lev.

835

Nu.

is unhesitatinglyused, not night

and day,' and the evening following the fourteenth
day of the first month is regarded as the evening of that
day (Ex.

12

18)

but Lev.

23

32

certainly reckons the day

as extending from evening to evening, and the same
mode of reckoning seems to have been in the mind of the
writer

(P)

when, after describing the work of each day,

he invariably adds,

So

there was evening and there

morning,

a

first [second, third, etc.] day (Gen.

1 5 8

of reckoning is shown also in the above-mentioned
expression in Dan.

in the order of the

words evening, morning,

noon

in Ps.

55

17

and in

the

and day,' night or day,' of the late passages

Is.

Esth.

In

connection with this later

Jewish custom one has to remember the .importance
which the new moon (visible only in the evening) had
for the Israelites in the determination of their feasts,
and it must not be forgotten that other ancient peoples
who observed lunar divisions of time (Athenians, Gauls,
Germans) also began their day with evening.
the same, it is undeniably a somewhat unnatural mode
of reckoning, and as far as Israel is concerned can have
come into use only when it was desired to fix times with
legal and

precision for the nation at large.

The ancient Israelites had no precise subdivision

of the day for accurate measurement of time. They

designated the various periods of the
day by the natural changes which
marked its successive stages, or by the
successive occupations in ordinary daily
routine. Thus it was in the nature of

things that morning

midday

and evening

should be distinguished, and equally

so

that

morning should be spoken of as the rising of the morning,
the breaking of the day

or the

rising

of

the

sun

(Gen.

19

midday, the heat

of the day (Gen.

181

I

or

the height of the day

[EV the perfect day] (Prov.

418)

afternoon, the time of

the day's decline (Judg.

19

8)

and evening, the time of

the going down of the sun (Gen.

15

17)

or

of

'the wind of

the day or evening breeze (Gen.

3

8

Cant.

2

[when the

day is cool]

46).

Specially noticeable is the expression

between the two evenings,' met with only

In

Dt.

2866

14

17

the original text had 'day and night'

(see

a l a t e transcribersubstitnted 'night and day 'in accord-

ance with the mode of expression current in

his

own time.

1036

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DAY

P

(Ex. 126

41

308 Lev. 23

5

Nu.

284 8),

which can mean only towards evening,'

about the

evening time,' since it is used to indicate the same period
that is called in Dt. 166 the time of the going down of

sun (cp Ex. 126

Whether the form

ought to be taken as a dual, and the two evenings'
understood as meaning the evening of the sun and

the

evening of its still visible light,' may be left an open
question ; but it is important to note that the evening
sacrifice prescribed by the law to be made
towards evening (Ex. 29

39 41

Nu.

28

4

8)-was offered

in

the first century of our era in the afternoon between
half-past two and half-past three (cp

Jos.

Ant.

xiv. 43

and Mishna,

5

I

;

also Acts3

I

103

where the

prayer associated with the evening sacrifice also

is

made

at the ninth hour), and that only the Samaritans and

Karaites maintain the old correct. interpretation.

T h e

change possibly may not have taken place till after the
Maccabean period ; for in Daniel

(9

the daily offering

is

still spoken of as

'the evening oblation,'

and no place in the O T gives any hint of

a

change (cp

on the other hand, the reminiscences

of

psalmody by

night in the temple :

I

Ch. 9

33

23

Ps.

3

134

I

cp 119

62).

By reference

to

functions of daily recurrence,

morning is called the time of incense

(Lk.

1

IO),

; the

middle of the afternoon, the time of the offering of the
Minha

( I

K. 182936) and the evening, the time that

women go out to draw water (Gen.

or the time

of

the evening oblation (Dan. 9

cp

).

Cp also

cock-crowing as denoting early morning (Mk.

72).

The

O T

affords no evidence that the Israelites divided

their day into twelve

hours

as the Babylonians did.

of Ahaz

K.

Is.

whatever it was (see D

IAL

), did not

lead to

a

more accurate measurement

of

time on the part of the people, and even at so late a date
as that

of

Daniel

(416

5

Aramaic

('hour')

does not mean any exact portion of time.

Reckoning

by

hours is met with first in the

N T ,

where the day consists

of

twelve

(Jn.

1 1 9 )

or twelfths simply designated as

first [second, etc.] of the day, reckoned as beginning a t
sunrise (cp Acts2

Mt.

3

5 6

27

45 46

etc.

The hour

was thus with the Jews

a

variable quantity, a s it was

also with the Babylonians, the twelfth part of the day
ranging from forty-nine to seventy-one minutes according
to the season of the year.

The division of the day into

twelve parts and the further development of the
gesimal system as a whole had commended itself to the

from their observation that, at the vernal

equinox, the time between the appearance of the first
direct ray of the

and that of visibility of the entire

disk above the horizon amounted to

a

of the

whole time during which the

sun

was visible in the

heavens, or the 720th part

of

a

full day reckoned from

one sunrise

to

another.

Equal divisions of the night were of older date than

equal divisions of the day. Three night-watches were

recognised: the first

Lam.

middle

Judg.

;

within which, of

midnight fell,

Ex.

and the last

Ex.

I

S.

11

From the

N T

we learn that, in the first century

of

our

era at least, the Roman division into four watches

had in common use superseded the old division into

(Mk. 13

35

and

Mt.

648 Lk. 1238, cp

From the division of the day into twelve hours the
step to a similar division of the night was easy (so,
certainly, in Acts2323 ; cp also Acts1633 Lk. 1239 and,
for the last-cited passage, see the parallel in

Mt.

which speaks of 'watch,' not 'hour').

in Hos. 2 15 5 it means 'high day' ; in

3

'

birth-day

;

Jer.

50

27

18

15 23

Ps.

37

etc.

day of doom ; in

Is.

9

3

'day of battle.'

On the

'day of Yahwi: (Joel

' D a y ' is sometimes used in a half-metaphorical sense.

DEACON AND DEACONESS

115

Ezek. 13

Is.

2

and 'day of Judgment

'

Pet.

3

7

see

E

SCHATOLOGY

,

Paul uses the expression

(I

Cor.

43)

in contrast to

(Lk.

17

I

Cor.

1 8

[see Var.

;

a

Rev. 1

see

L

ORD

'

S

D

AY

)

to

mean an ordinary 'day

compares

Reichstag).

See art. ' T a g ' in

as also in

and Riehm's

HWB;

H A

Nowack,

H A

1

2 184

and

Schiirer,

3rd ed. 2

K.

M,

DAY'S JOURNEY

N

U

.

WEIGHTS

AND

M

EASURES

.

For sabbath day's journey,' see S

ABBATH

,

4,

n.

33

EV

U

M

PI

RE

(see

Murray under

Davidson

Spenser,

8

renders by

See

L

A

W AND

J

USTICE

,

I

O

.

DAY STAR.

I

.

Is.

RV;

2.

2

Pet.

119.

See

L

UCIFER

.

DEACON and DEACONESS

I.

Word-We may consider first the

use of

I n the Gosnels the word

is

used

literallv. of a

the word and of its cognates.

servant who 'prepares or serves a meal

metaphorically

Mt.

Jn. 12

26).

It is never used hy Lk. who,

what seems a parallel

t o

sayings in

Mk,,

prefers the participle

in

one place

however, he uses

of the

of

a

The verb

is likewise used

literallv. of

preparing or supplying food (Mk. 1 1 3 Mt. 4
131

Mt. Lk.) Lk.

Jn.

Mt.

more widely);

again somewhat more

2755

Lk. 83) of the women who minisrered

to

Jesus in

his

journeyings

.

.

in Galilee

metaphorically (Lk. 22

;

Jn.

18 26).

The ordinary word for a servant in the Gospels is

a

bond-servant or slave; but a

may he called upon to

(Lk.

17 7

and in discharge of this function may

he termed

emphasises relation

to a master

.

performance of service. The latter word

is

free

the associations of slavery which belong to the

former.

I t was thus fitted for adoption as the

of

any form of Christian service rendered to Christ or to his
Church.

Accordingly in Acts we find

frequently in this sense :

Acts 1

25,

the

of apostleship ; 6

I

,

the daily

by which the needs of the poorer brethren

2.

Acts.

supplied ; and, in contrast to this, the

of the word

(64).

In

1129

and 1225

is

used of the help in the famine rendered by Antioch to the

brethren in Judma (a sense which recurs

Paul's epistles). In

20

24

Paul speaks more generally of fulfilling the

which

he has received of the Lord Jesus; and in 21

he declares

what God has wrought among the Gentiles through his
The word

does not occur at all in Acts (as it does not

in Lk.) ; but

is used in a literal sense in 6 of serving

the

; and metaphorically of Timothy and

who

'ministered

t o

Paul (19

In the first of the four chronological groups of the Pauline

epistles, the only instance of the word or

cognates is

I

Thess.

3

where Timothy is called 'the

3.

In Epistles.

arm.] of God in the gospel

of Christ.

I n the second group the words

are freely used. Paul

are

through whom

ye believed

(

I

Cor. 3 5).

Differences of

are spoken

of in

5 ;

and

the household of Stephanas the remarkable

phrase is used, they appointed (or 'set') themselves

to the saints' (16

This passage

would show

that the words were not yet limited to an official use. I n Cor.
the most noteworthy passages are 8 4 19

9

I

where the

words are applied

to

the collection in the Greek churches for

the poor saints

in Jerusalem, a service on which Paul laid the

greatest stress as being a means of cementing the union between
the Jewish and the Gentile portions of the Church. l h e Epistle
to the Romans

(15

25

31)

shows us his anxiety on this matter,

and his fixed resolve

t o

carry out his project i n person a t

risk to liberty or life. Here again, then,

and

are used of the ministration to temporal needs. In the samp
epistle

occur the notable words I glorify my

(as apostle of the Gentiles); and

wide range with which he

uses the term is seen when he speaks of the temporal ruler as

'the

of

God' (13

4).

The application of the word

t o

of

(16

I

)

will be considered presently

4).

In the third group Paul himself is twice styled a

of the gospel (Eph. 3 7 Col. 1

23)

and once a

of t h e

church' (Col. 1 2 4

is twice described as 'the

beloved brother and faithful

in the Lord' (Eph. 6

Col. 4 7 ; in the latter place the description 'fellow-servant

. 1038

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DEACON AND DEACONESS

also is inserted). similarly ‘Epaphras, who

faithful

on our behalf,

Christ’ ’(Col. 17).

‘The

work of

referred to in the widest sense in Eph.

4 1 2 ;

and in Col. 417

Archippus receives the message : ‘Look to the

which

thou hast received in the Lord that thou

it.

I n

Philemon Paul says of

the runaway slave, ‘that on

behalf he may minister to me’

13).

I n

Philip-

pians the only instance is of special importance ; for the epistle
is addressed ‘ t o all the saints

.

.

.

in Philippi, together with

and

(1

I

).

The fourth group consists of the Pastoral Epistles; and here

the general sense of the words is still the most frequent. The
apostle thanks God

(I

for having appointed him unto

is to he a good

of Christ Jesus

is charged to fulfil his

Tim. 4 5).

Of

Onesiphorus the apostle recalls how he ‘ministered’ in Ephesus
(1

and of Mark he says ‘he is useful to me for

(4

On the other hand,

passage of most importance for

our purpose is the code of regulations laid down in

I

Tim. 3 8-13

for a class of persons who are definitely designated

Before considering these regulations we may return to Rom.

1 6

I

,

‘ I

commend to you Phaebe our sister, who is [also]

of the church which is in Cenchreae.

I t is

possible

t o

interpret the word here either in the

general sense in which Paul uses it so often

or in the official sense which we find in

later epistles to the Philippians and to Timothy.

It

is no

objection to the official sense that the person so designated is
a

woman ; for we shall presently see that a t Ephesus the Order

included deacons of either sex.

On

the other hand, since there is not in the two earlier groups

of

Paul’s epistles any other indication that

is a special

office in the Church, this, which occurs in the second group,
would he a solitary and somewhat puzzling exception. More-
over, as Cenchreae was the

E.

port of Corinth, this case practi-

cally belongs to the Corinthian church. In that church special
mention is made of the

of Stephanas and his household

the word

being used in its broadest sense. There

Chloe and her household were

of note. I t may he, therefore,

that Phaebe was another woman of influence who held a corre-
sponding pre-eminence of service in the neighhouring port, a
pre-eminence that earned for her a t the apostle’s hands the
honourable title of

of the church; for she had been

a

helper (perhaps we should render it

patroness

of many and of the apostle himself.

If we could

that

the diaconate was formally established in the Corinthian church
a t this time, we should certainly conclude that Phaehe was one
of the women who served it but this assumption is in sharp
contrast with the silence of Paul‘s epistles as to any kind of
definite ecclesiastical organisation a t Corinth.

Of

Phaehe, then, we may say with security that she is a

to

the important services rendered

women in the

primitive Church but in tracing the history of the diaconate
it will not he wise

t o

assume that the word

is used of

her in the strictly official sense. As a matter of historical
evidence this passage must he left out of the

as

a t

rate, uncertain testimony.

For a technical diaconate in

writings we are thus reduced to two passages, Phil.

1

I

and

I

Tim. 38-13.

11.

Origin

and

functions

the

Dimonate.-The first

recognition of any need

of

organisation in the Christian

community occurs in connection with the
daily meal in Jerusalem

(see

C

HURCH

,

The word deacon is not applied

in Acts to the seven men who were on this occasion
appointed to the service

of

the poor

we have already

noted that

does nor occur in Lk. or Acts.

Nevertheless, by the later Church tradition, they were
constantly regarded as the earliest deacons; and

so

strong was this feeling that the number of deacons in
some churches was limited to seven.

Names apart,

they truly represented the essential feature of the
diaconate, as the Church’s organ for service to her
poorer members.

In other communities, especially in

the Greek world, this service was destined to take

a

different form but the deacons of the

epistles

at Philippi and Ephesus had a similar function, though
the circumstances in which they discharged it were very
dissimilar.

The definite title is met with first in the

Greek churches, and here the order from its commence-
ment is found to include the services of men and women
alike.

The admission of women to the diaconate

could scarcely have arisen in the Jewish communities

it was probably felt to be natural in places where

women were in general accorded

a

larger liberty.

Whilst then we recognise the germ of the institution

in

the appointment of the Seven in Jerusalem, we must

Cp Hatch,

Christian

49.

DEAD, THE

look to the Greek churches for the

of

the

definite and permanent order.

As

the personal ministry

of

Paul drew to

a

close, and

as

it became evident that the

of Christ was

indefinitely postponed, it was natural that ecclesiastical
organisation should assume a new and increasing im-
portance.

It is in harmony with this that we find the

apostle in a later epistle recognising expressly ‘the
bishops and deacons’ at Philippi, very much as he
had recognised the ‘episcopate’ of the presbyters of
Ephesus, when he thought that he should see them
again no more (Acts

‘Those who ruled,’ and

those who served under them, were coming to form

definite classes, to which the natural designations of
overseers

and servants

were be-

ginning to be formally appropriated. Accordingly, in

the first epistle to Timothy the apostle

down regulations for the two

classes under

titles.

differences in the

regulations help to show

us

the nature of the functions

to be discharged in the two cases

(

I

Tim.

3

1-13).

The

rules which should govern the choice of deacons must
be cited in full :-

‘Deacons in like manner must be grave, not double-tongued,

not given to

wine, not eager for petty gains holding

the mystery of the faith in a pure conscience. And’they too
are first to he tested, and then

to

minister, if they he irreproach-

able. Women in like manner must be grave not slanderers,

faithful

in all things.

Deacons are

be husbands of

one

ruling well their children and their own houses for

they

have ministered well acquire a good standing for

themselves and much boldness in the faith which is in Christ
Jesus.

The essence of these regulations is that, deacons,

whether men or women, must he persons

of

character,

who can rule their tongues and are temperate in the

use

of wine.

Trustworthiness is demanded of the

woman, as strict honesty is of the man : this doubtless
points to the fact that Church moneys would pass
through their hands.

Deacons are to know what they

believe, and to live in accordance with i t ; but no
aptitude for teaching is demanded of them, nor any
qualifications for exercising discipline.

The service

of the deacons is the house to house service, which
deals primarily with temporal wants.

In the

AV

the women spoken of here are represented

as the wives of the deacons. This interpretation puts

a

serious strain on the original Greek, and it is now

generally abandoned.

It finds no parallel in any

demand for special qualifications in the wives of bishops,
It belongs to a period when the diaconate of women
had been wholly lost sight

of;

and it cannot be

tained in face of the fact that women were undoubtedly
admitted to this office in the early ages of the Church’s
history.

For

the later confusion between deaconesses and widows

see W

IDOW

. and for a full historical account of the female

see

Ministry

Deaconesses

hy Deaconess Cecilia

Robinson (‘98).

J. A.

R.

The preliminaries may

first he briefly considered. T o kiss the dead (Gen.

501)

and to close their eyes (Gen.

4 6 4 )

and mouth (Mishna,

immediately after death was looked

upon as

a

deed of natural piety. In N T times the

was washed (Acts

anointed with sweet-smelling

ointments

(Mk.

16

I

Lk.

24

I

Jn.

and wrapped in

linen cloth (Mt.

Mk.

Lk.

23

or

the hands

and feet were bound with grave-clothes and the head
covered with a napkin (Jn.

The age of these

customs must remain uncertain,

as

they are not alluded

to in

O T ;

the old belief that in

the dead

would be known by their dress, the king by his diadem,
the soldier by his sword, the prophet by his mantle

(

I

S.

28

14

Ezek.

leads to the inference that the dead

were buried dressed as in life.

In later times, delicate

foods, ornaments, gold and silver, and all kinds

of

valuables were placed with the body in the graves

of

DEAD, THE,

and

background image

DEAD, THE

princes and nobles (Jos.

Ant.

xv.

34).

If what we read

Ant.

xiii. 84 xvi.

71)

as

to the plundering of David‘s

grave by Hyrcanus and Herod is to be accepted, this
custom also is very old. E

MBALMING

was not in

use.

On sacrifices to the dead, cp E

SCHATOLOGY

,

3.

The usual

of disposing of the dead was by

burial (Gen.

358 Judg.

832 etc.

In

I

S.

we read of the burning of the body

of

Saul, the text is corrupt (see Klost. ad

as

is also

the case with Am.

Burning was looked

as

something abominable, as an injury to the dead (Am.
21) it was used, by priestly law and old custom, only
in a few cases, to render the death sentence more severe
(Josh.

Lev.

L

AW AND

J

USTICE

,

The aversion to the burning of the body was con-
nected with the belief that the soul even after death was
bound to the body.

Not to be buried was a terrible

disgrace which one could hardly wish even to one’s
greatest enemy (Am. 21

I

K.

1411 164 2124

K.

8 2

164

The spirits of the unburied dead wander restlessly about,
and in

are condemned to lie in the corners (Ezek.

3223

Is.

etc.). Burial alone

so

the spirit

to the body that it had rest and could harm no one.

It

was therefore the sacred duty of every one who found

a

corpse in the open field to give it burial

( I

K.

1411

21

24

Jer.

33

2

S.

21

and especially Tob.

118

28). In

of death by stoning the pile of stones took the

place of a regular grave (Josh.

Cp the Greek idea,

as

given, for example, in the

of Sophocles.

Rapid interment was necessary on account of the hot

climate, and even without express biblical authority we
may assume that then,

as

now, in the East, it usually

took place on the day of death (cp Dt. 21

The body

was

carried to the grave on a bier

(2

S.

Lk.

Coffins were not used by the Israelites

(2

Joseph’s bones were placed in a coffin

in conformity with the custom of the

Egyptians (Gen.

The

coffin (sarcophagus)

was adopted by the Jews

(as

also

by the Phoenicians) from

the Egyptians long after the exile, but only by the wealthy.
The procession

of

friends, who would of course often be

was accompanied by hired mourners singing

lamentations

(2

S.

cp M

OURNING

C

USTOMS

).~ The

place of burial was determined by the belief that the unity
of the family and tribe continued after death. The bodies
of those who wished to be reunited with their parents and
family in

had

to

be buried in the family sepulchre

(see

T

OMBS

, E

SCHATOLOGY

).

See Benzinger,

Arch.

23;

Nowack,

H A

32;

‘Death’

can mean, not only the

or

state of death, but also the realm of the dead,

and Bender in

I. B.

DEAD SEA, THE

[

II

]

Prov. 218

9

18

21

16

Is.

26

14

inconsistently

Job 265, dead things

’).

RV sometimes has they that

are deceased‘

Job 265) in mg. always ‘the

shades Heb. Rephaim.’

W e will examine the above passages, beginning with :

(a)

Job 26 5, of which Schultens remarks

Suhita nox diem

solemque

RV,

and virtually Davidson, render thus-

They that are deceased tremble
Beneath the waters and the inhabitants thereof.

Davidson comments

This

of deceased persons lies deep

down under the

of the sea and all the inhabitants of these

waters for the sea

to the upper world. Yet the power

of

felt even a t this immeasurable distance from his abode

on high.’

T o

ns this may appear natural ; hut to those who be-

lieved that the ‘shades’ were ‘forgotten by

it

wouldscarcely appear so. T h e Hebrew of 265 is also not worthy
of the context. Probably we should read

Times,

10 382

:

H e makes the sea and its billows to start (in alarm),
H e terrifies

waters and the floods

Ps. 88

I

O

the shades are represented as incapable of

‘arising and praising God.’ In ‘arise’ Kirkpatrick sees a refer-

ence

to

the resurrection, a n idea which the psalmist finds incon-

ceivable.

(c)

Prov.

2

no return from the shades.

(d)

Prov.

9

Those

frequent the house of Madam Folly

(v.

a s it were, shades already (anticipating Dante). (e) Prov. 21

Folly leads surely to the shades.

Is.

When the over-

thrown king of Babylon appears in

the shades themselves,

especially the royal shades, are in excitement. Some tidings of
his greatness have reached them and they marvel to see one
who had claimed to sit with

gods reduced to their own

miserable state. T h e poet takes some liberty with the popular
belief or else revives a n earlier form of it. I n the legend of

we read,

‘ I

will raise up the dead to eat the

Is. 26

‘The shades will not rise

.

. .

to life shall the

earth bring the shades’

T h e resurrection hope. See

E

SCHATOLOGY

,

from

Bottcher (De

derives the word

The giants are

hurled to

and then,

as

the chief

inhabitants of

give their name to

the whole population.

Duhm (on

Is. 1 4

and

holds the same view as to

the transference of the title

from the giants to

all other inhabitants of Deathland.

This theory mis-

takes the meaning of the

of Genesis, Numbers,

Deuteronomy, and gives a doubtful meaning to
It also assumes

correct

a

passage (Job

which is

certainly corrupt. It is an old view revived (see Schultens
on Job,

Most

critics, however, hold that

the

weak,’

a

natural development

of

(cp Jer. 624 etc.).

‘Art thou also become

weak

as

we?’ ask the shades

(Is.

RV). But

this is far too easy, and the Hebrews would hardly have
spoken of the spirits of the dead

as

‘the weak ones.’

I

see

a

god

coming up out of the earth,‘ says the wise

woman to Saul

(

I

S.

28

13

RV).

The word ought to

mean the terrible,’ or the wise,’ or the like. In the
later O T books the condition of those in

is

por-

trayed in very gloomy colours but these books do ndt
express the primitive popular belief.

No doubt

Re-

is

a

mutilated or modified form of some primitive

religious term.

A

sister-form is most probably

PHIM

Cp

n.

5.

I

I. B.,

2f:

T.

K.

C.

DEAD SEA,

TEE,

the usual designation of the lake

in which the course of the Jordan terminates, occurs

nowhere in O T or N T though it was not un-
common in antiquity

v.

73

4

Justin

36

O S

and is found in Vg. of Josh. 3

(mare

quod

nunc

mortuum).

In the

OT

this lake is occasionally called simply ‘the sea’

times, and in the expression ‘from sea to sea’): also

‘the Salt

nine times

mare

;

‘the sea of the plain,’

‘sea of the

five times;

desert?:

in the three places

‘Death-land.’

See

Is.

Hos.

Ps. 65 [6]

89

Prov. 218

.

Rev. 118 68

In Rev. 68 RV prihts Death,

correspond to Hades.

Both are personifications cp

the later Jewish representations of
and

as

two of God‘s chief angels

(cp D

ESTROYER

).

‘ T h e dead’ in AV corresponds

not only to

(often) but also to

(Ps.

8810

On Job 3 15, where some

find a n allusion to the

treasures in royal

see

T

OMBS

.

See, however, the ’ingenious suggestions of

Wellh. is fully conscious of the difficulty of Am.

(Die

87);

also Schwally,

Das

nach

Tode,

48.

I n Job2132

(bier, coffin) is

in

to render

or ‘sepulchral mound’; hut

or

is the better readine. See T

OMBS

.

Cp B

ED

3.

5

Cp Lk.

Whether we may compare

336

is un-

certain. Di. denies, Duhm affirms this. The whole passage is
obscure and not very coherent.

On the mourningwomen in primitive Babylonia see Maspero,

Dawn

Civ.

684.

They also washed, prepared, and arranged

the dead body.

1041

background image

DEAD SEA, THE

where both designations are employed

‘Salt sea’ is

to

explain the expression ‘sea of

Arabah’); and, in three

places,

eastern [east, former] sea’

:

;

mare

In

Diod. Sic.

(248

and in Josephns (often;

especially

it is

;

so

also in

As-

1515).

Josephus also has

$

(Ant. v.

; cp the Sodomitish sea’ (mare

of

4

Esd. 5

This name occurs also in Edrisi (3

5 ,

transl. Jaubert,

1

who calls it the sea of Sodom and Gomorrah and the sea

of Za’rah (Zoar). Its name in Arabic (at least since the eleventh
century) is

but this does not prove

the name of Lot to have remained attached to the sea in local
tradition for four thousand years.

It

arises simply from the fact

that Lot and the overthrow of Sodom and Gomorrah are men-
tioned in the Koran.

From the biblical point of view the Dead Sea is not

very important. The references

to

it in the O T occur

generally in topographical connections, especially in
definitions of the eastern frontier of the land of Israel.
There are two notable exceptions : ( a ) where it comes
into the story of the Cities of the Plain, and

where it

is referred to in the prophetic descriptions of Ezek.

47

and Zech. 148.

From the geographical point of view it is other-

wise

:

the interest of this lake is quite extraordinary.

The N T does not refer to it at all.

The Jordan valley,

from

N. to

begins to sink below sea-level

as

far

N.

as

a little below

the Lake

of Galilee is some 680 feet lower, and thence the
or

continues to fall till the surface

of

the Dead

Sea

is reached at

a

distance below the sea of some

feet.

At

the opposite extremity of this lake ends

another valley, coming from the

formerly called the

Thus the lake constitutes the deepest

portion of what is the most strongly marked depres-
sion (unconnected with the

sea)

on

the surface of the

globe.’ It has no effluent.

Should the question be

asked, whether in former times the Jordan, after passing
through the Dead Sea, may not have flowed on
ward falling at last into the Ked Sea

Gulf or

Gulf of

it may suffice to point out how much

below sea-level the Dead Sea is, and further, that the
valley to the

S.

of the Dead Sea is really two valleys.

One runs

the other

and the intersection or water-

shed is at a height of

650

feet above the level of the

Red Sea and of the Mediterranean (according to the

PEF

survey).” Thus the two basins are hydrographic-

ally distinct, which is confirmed by a
study of the sedimentary deposits on the valley floor
(Lartet).

The geological investigation of Palestine and of the

Dead

carried on

by Fraas, Lartet, Hull,

and

has proved, con-

trary to previous ideas, that the Dead

Sea cannot possibly date from the

historical epoch, and that it must have presented, at
any rate from the beginning of the quaternary epoch,
practically the same aspect and configuration as at
present. Traces can still

however, of a past

time when the water stood

as

much

as

feet above

its present level, as well

as

of another phase in which

the difference was only 348 feet in short, the waters
have gradually

to

their present position.

The actual level is that a t which the evaporation exactly

counterbalances the daily influx of water from the Jordan and
the other affluents. Of these last, the chief, including certain

Notwithstanding the continued advocacy of the wrong view

in

PEFQ,

it is certain that

Dt. 34

(AV ‘the utmost sea’

;

RV ‘the hinder sea,’ mg. ‘the western

sea’) is not the Dead Sea but the Mediterranean ; cp Dt. 11

24.

The (not very wide) variations from this figure can for the

most part be explained by differences between one season and
another, which can cause the level of the lake to rise or fall some

or

feet. I t is at its highest in April and May.

The discovery of the great depth of the

of the Dead

Sea below sea-level

to modern times ; it was made in-

dependently and almost simultaneously

Schubert on the

hand, and Moore and Beek on the other, in

;

and afterwards

confirmed by Russegger and by Symonds.

4

The distance from the watershed to the Red Sea is about

46

m.,

and to the Dead Sea over 73 m.

1043

vinter torrents are: ( a ) on the eastern side reckoning from N.
o

S.,

the

Ghnweir, the Wadys

(Kerak)

el-

(or

@)

on

the Wadys

three traverse

plain, the Sebkhah,

stretches immediately southwards from the Dead Sea and

bordered by gigantic thickets ofreeds)

;

(c) on the western side,

going from

S.

to

N.,

the Wiidy

the Wiidy

to

the

S.

of which lies Sebbeh, the ancient fortress of Masada),

spring of

(Engedi), the Wiidy en-Nrir (Kedron),

the spring of

el-Feshkhah (cp B

ETH

-A

RABAH

), to the

S.

which is the headland known as

el-Feshkhah.

The amount of daily evaporation has been estimated

and the daily contribution of the

alone at 6,000,000

tons

(the volume

of

the

Rhone at its influx into the Lake of Geneva is

22,000,000

Another feature of it is its great density, which

wises from its salinity (the mean is

I.

166).

At a depth

feet the solid matters contained in the water

represent 27 per cent

of

the total weight.

These sub-

stances are mainly chlorides of sodium, magnesium, and
calcium, also certain derivatives of

The

chloride of magnesium gives the water ‘ a very dis-
agreeable taste

the chloride of calcium gives it its

slightly oily consistency. The eyes, and some assert
also the skin, are powerfully affected by contact with it.
Garments receive from the evaporating water a saline
deposit, with indelible spots of

a n

oily appearance.

The salt encrusts also the many trees and pieces of wood
which lie stranded on the shore so much so that they
form a characteristic feature of the landscape, and recall
the striking antithesis in Jer.

A bath in the Dead Sea at once proves its difference

in densitv from other seas or from fresh-water lakes.

Eggs

on it. The human body

being lighter than the water, swimming
becomes difficult. the head alone of the

swimmer tending to sink. The boiling point of the water
is

F.

It is remarkably limpid, and has a beautiful

colour, now blue, now green.

To

think of this lake as

sombre and sad is quite an illusion ;

i t s

intense colouring,

its varied effects of light, its scarped overhanging slopes
broken by deep gorges, produce a picture of wild and
sublime beauty.

‘ T h e scenery round the sea is very

fine,’

says

Conder

it is compared, by those who have

seen both, to that of the

of Geneva.’ The present

writer, whose home is in Geneva, agrees with this com-
parison, it being understood that it is between the
northern portion of the Dead Sea and the eastern end
of the Lake of Geneva towards the embouchure of the

Rhone. Another common error about the Dead Sea is
that its waters have no motion

on

the contrary, it is

constantly agitated by the winds, and storms sometimes
drive huge billows to the shore.

It does not owe its

name to this imagined immobility, but rather to the fact

that no sort of living creature-fish, crustacean, mollusc,

subsist in its waters, the only exceptions being

certain inferior organisms and microbes, as shown by
the investigations of Ehrenberg and of the zoologist
Lortet (not

to

be confused with the geologist Lartet).

This fact-which is conclusively proved by the death
not only of the fish carried down into it by the Jordan
(their bodies serve as food for numerous

which

frequent the neighbourhood), but also of salt -water
fishes-has given rise to various incorrect ideas. Thus

it has been said that birds attempting to

fly

over it drop

down dead this is a mere imagination-a fable which,
like a host

of

earlier witnesses, the present writer is able

to

contradict from ocular testimony-or perhaps it may

be the result of

a

confusion with some other lake (see

Reland,

It is equally false to say that the

shores of the Dead

Sea

derive their barrenness from the

pernicious action of its waters.

What hinders the

growth of plants in its vicinity is not the presence of the
lake itself, but the absence of fresh water whether from
affluents or by precipitation. Wherever there

is

fresh

The evaporation produces whitish

or bluish clouds which

float above the water. Hence ‘a smoking waste’ (Wisd.

7).

Cp

background image

DEAD SEA, THE

running water,

as

at Engedi, where

is a thermal

Near the lake are found beds of a whitish chalky niarl,

F.

vegetation flourishes (cp Cant.

1 1 4 )

and,

as

elsewhere throughout the

exhibits a com-

bination of tropical plants with others belonging to the
Mediterranean region. Finally, the scant population

of its shores is to be accounted for more by the torrid
temperature (above

F. in the shade) than by any

infertility or positive insalubrity.

I n

fact, the lake has not always been so deserted : witness, for

example, the town of

at the SW. extremity. Even the

shores of the Sea of Galilee have gradually come

t o

wholly

abandoned except in three or four localities. T h e shores of the
Dead Sea too had once a very different aspect.

Both in

antiquity (we learn this from

Hist.

5 6

and also from the

mosaic) and so recently as the time of the Crusades

when Kerak and other fortresses had such an important position
the waters of the Dead Sea were enlivened with

vessels:

Nor were the curative qualities of the water of the Dead Sea
unknown in the Roman period. Julius Africanus speaks of
these baths as wholesome (Reland,

as also does Galen

adds that an artificial substitute could

obtained by the simple expedient of saturating ordinary sea

water with added salt. Mention is often made of the mephitic
odour exhaled by the Dead Sea (see

but it has not

been shown that the lake itself is the cause of this. I t may be
occasioned either

the marshy lagoons by which the lake is

bordered, or

the mineral springs of the neighhourhood. The

sulphurous odoiir, which reminds one of that of rotten eggs, is
particularly noticeable

near

el-Fesbkhah.

The lake, as we have seen, lies

N.

and

with a

maximum length of

a

maximum breadth of

I O

(Josephus gives

66

and

17

m.

and a superficial area of

360

sy. m. (the Lake of Geneva being

224

m.).

It is divided into two unequal portions by

a

peninsula,

m. in length and about

ft. above the level

of the lake, flat for the most part, but with a range of
hills rising 300 ft. This peninsula, formed of white
calcareous marl, with deposits of salt and gypsum,
projects from the E. shore it is separated from the

W.

shore by a channel about

3

m. in breadth.

The name

of the peninsula is

or

the last

designation, meaning the tongue,' has been brought
into connection with the mention of the

( E V

the

bay [mg. : Heb. tongue

that looketh southward

in

Josh.

5 ;

whilst the modern Arabic term is

applied to the land in the middle of the lake, the two
biblical passages refer to the water at the two ends of
the

(cp

Is. 11

15

the tongue of the Egyptian sea').

T h e

N.

promontory of the

has been named Cape

Costigan and the

S. Cape Molyneux in honour

hold

explorers who navigated the Dead Sea in 1835 and

respec-

tively. We ought also

t o

mention the expeditionsof Moore and

Beek in 1837 and of Symonds in

and especially that of

Lynch of the

U.S.

navy in 1848 and that of the

de

Lnynes

in

1864,

of which were of great

The portion of the Dead Sea to the

N.

of the

is

much the larger, and reaches a great depth (1278

ft.

The

smaller portion is quite shallow

and

in parts even fordable. Possibly this portion is of less
ancient date than the rest of the lake, and may have
arisen within historic times in

of

some sub-

sidence of the land. The shores immediately bordering

on

this section are the most saline of the whole country.

There are salt marshes in the neighhourhood, and it is
there that, running parallel with the

W.

shore, the

curious ridge of

salt, a veritable

as

Lartet (p. 87) picturesquely calls it, occurs.

It

is

called Jebel Usdum

or

Usdum or

echoing the name of Sodom,-and rises

to a height of

600

ft., with a length of

m. and a

breadth of over half a mile.

In its immediate vicinity

can be seen, occasionally at least, detached pillars of salt,
suggesting some resemblance to a rudimentary colossal
statue.

Another peculiarity is the presence of asphalt in the

Dead Sea basin (see

B

ITUMEN

).

whence the Greek name

of Asphaltitis (cp

56

Str.

42

Dioscor.

Diod. Sic.

Since 1893 rowing boats, sailing boats, and, more recently

even steam launches have occasionally been a t the service
travellers.

tnd also of bituminous marl.

It is not,

from

deposits on its shores that the water of the Dead

Sea derives its bituminous constituents, but rather,

no

from deep subaqueous beds

there

a been

sbserved a marked coincidence between the appea

considerable bituminous masses floating

on

the surface

and the occurrence of the earthquakes which at intervals
desolate the whole of that region.

When these take

place quantities of bitumen are broken loose and come
to

the surface; the natives are diligent in collecting

them, but hitherto no methodical exploitation of these
mineral resources on

a

commercial basis has been

attempted.

The existence of bituminous constituents

in small quantity in the water can always be shown.

Notwithstanding the presence of this bitumen, of

springs, and of masses of sulphur which are

met with here and there,

as

also of certain igneous

formations, the region of the Dead Sea must not be
included in the category of volcanic territories properly

called.

On the contrary, in opposition to the asser-

tions of certain travellers too richly endowed with
imagination

Russegger and van de Velde), the

very competent geologists already named agree in
doubting whether any large part in the formation

of

this region ought to be attributed to igneous

T h e cretaceous

rise in regular stages on

W. hank

from the margin of the lake.

On

the other shore the arrange-

ment is no less regular;

under the cretaceous beds there are

strata and

there are other formations still

more ancient.

At

the most it may

admitted that certain

volcanic agitations have made themselves felt in the depths of
the lake.

Blanckrnhorn

p. 59) recalls and

attaches importance

an

made by Molyneux and

quoted by Ritter

relating

t o

a whitish belt of foam

from the NW. of

lake towards the

and

followiiig on the whole the median line of

lake above which

a whitish vapour lingered in the air. From
supported by certain other indications, he concludes the existence
of a fault in the floor of the lake which is prolonged in the
channel skirting the

and terminates in the

portion of

the lake near the embouchure of the W. Muhauwat. On

March of this year

the author of this

witnessed

the same

as

that seen

Molyneux in

In

a

general way we might describe the geological

formation of the Jordan valley and Dead Sea basin by

the technical expression
The phenomenon occurred at the time of
the transition from the tertiary to the

quaternary epoch. It is not possible, therefore, to estab-
lish any relation between the formation of the Dead Sea

as a

whole and the catastrophe described in Gen.

19.

At most that narrative

possibly

of being

connected with certain events of a niore local character
and of secondary importance, which might have occurred
within historic times (see

L

OT

,

As we have not

to

deal with the historical side of the question

with the geographical only it

will suffice

t o

say ( a ) that

text of Genesis speaks of a

of fire and brimstone and a

pillar of smoke rising to heaven, hut neither of a n earthquake
nor of an igneous eruption, nor of an inundation

(6) that

is nothing

t o

show that the cities of the Pentapolis were in the

plain of Siddim

(c)

that the remark in Gen.

'the plain of

Siddim

which

is

Sea' may he a

of

the

narrator or even the gloss of a copyist

or

late reader.

that

account must be taken of the

of the

Jordan

(Geu. 13

19

25

29)

(e)

that

a distinction

be made between the actual position of the Pentapolis and the
position assigned

t o

it by later writers, inasmuch a s these

entertained perhaps divergent opinions as to this point

;

that the position of Zoar is a s problematical as that of the other
four cities finally

that scholars are

into two

-those who place the Pentapolis

in the N. of the Dead Sea,

and those

place it in the

S.

In complete contrast with its sombre narratives

regarding these doomed cities, the

OT,

in two propheti-

cal passages of Ezekiel and Zechariah already cited,
describes the transformation of the waste and barren
regions of the Dead Sea by a life-giving stream issuing
from the temple, fertilising all that it touches

so

that

fish and fruit-bearing trees abound.

The well-known geologist

has adopted this

view.

background image

DEAL

Reland,

Seetzen,

37-16 4352-365

v. Schubert

in

384-94;

Robin!

8.

Literature.

son,

Res.

Geogr. of

the

Land,

(‘65)

Ritter,

der

von

etc.

Der Jordan

die

des

(‘50)

Jerusalem, 2

de Saulcy,

autour de la

Mer

R e y

Voyage

dans le

et

de la M e r

Fraas

Orient :

(‘67)

73-78

Das

Meer (‘67); Tuch,

des

Todten Meeres

nach

dem

A

T

(‘63)

Lynch,

the

US

Expedition to

. . .

the Dead Sea

(‘49);

Report

the

US

Expedition etc.

de

Voyage

see

iii.,

par M. Louis Lartet A. Stoppani,

Mare

E. Falcucci,

Mar

e

del

Hull,

Mount

chap. 13

.

Memoir

on the

Geology

and

Geography

etc.

(‘89)

Description de

(‘74):

Lortet,

L a

Tristram,

The

Land

G. A.

Sm

Hist.

the

Land

Blanckenhoru,

U

.

Gesch.

d. Todten Meeres,’

Z D P Y , 19

(‘96);

‘ N o c h

Sodom

U

.

Gomorrha,’

ib. 21

65-83

8); ‘ D a s Tote Meer u. der

gang von Sodom u.

Diener ‘ D i e

von Sodom u. Gomorrha

Forscbung,

in

DEAL, TENTH

Lev.

See

WEIGHTS

A N D

M

EASURES

.

DEATH,

see D

EAD

,

THE.

DEBIR

king of Eglon, defeated and slain by Joshua (Josh.

DEBIR

[BAL]).

(I)

A place in the

S.

of Judah (Josh.

etc.

)

see K

IR

JATH

-

SEPHER

.

In Josh.

15

is by AV taken as a place-name

on the

N.

boundary of Judah it has been identified by

some with the present Thoghret ed Debr near

(Adummim) on the way from Jerusalem to

Jericho.

T h e text, however, isuncertainand the word

name.

to the fourth part

of the

of

Achor.’ D i . suggests the translation

west-

meaning

behind’

;

but there is

no other-instance

of its geographical

renders :

Josh. 1326

G.

A.

S.

RV

Deborah

DEBORAH

‘ a

bee,’

68

cp W R S in

I

.

A

heroine who, with the aid of Barak, de-
livered the Israelites from their Canaanite

oppressors.

The victory is celebrated in

the triumphal ode, Judg.

5.

The Israelites,

particularly the tribes which had settled about the plain
of Jezreel, had been reduced

to

great straits by the

Canaanites, who, holding the fortified cities along the

plain (Judg.

blockaded the main roads and cut

off communication, while from their strongholds they
harried the country

so

that the unwalled villages were

deserted

Incited by

the Israelites at

last took up arms against their oppressors.

Under

Barak as their leader,

Benjamin, and Manasseh

united with Issachar, Zebulun, and Naphtali, and gave
battle to Sisera and the confederate Canaanite kings
in the plain not far from Taanach and Megiddo.
The Canaanites, notwithstanding their formidable iron

chariots, were put to rout the waters of the Kishon
completed their ruin.

Sisera, seeking refuge in flight

at a nomad‘s tent, was killed by a woman, Jael.

The history of the struggle is related somewhat

differently in chap.

according to which Barak, at the

summons of Deborah, raised ten thousand men of the
tribes of Zebulun and Naphtali, occupied Mt. Tabor,

and from that position attacked Sisera as the latter was
advancing against him. A more serious difference is that

Read

‘ t o the

of

Judah. Beth-

arahah (cp

156)

was

one

of its cities

On the relation of chaps. 4 and

5 in general, see

J

U

D

G

ES,

7.

[A], the grandmother of

(Tob.

14

[BAL]).

DEBT

in chap.

4

the oppressorof Israel, fromwhomitis delivered

by Deborah, is Jabinltingof Hazor,
whilst Sisera is only

In the action, how-

ever, Jabin plays no part

;

and we can only surmise that

the story of Sisera has, by mistake, been connected
with

a

tradition of a

between some of the

northern tribes and the king of Hazor (cp also Josh.

11).

From chap.

4

we learn that Deborah was a prophetess

-an

inspired woman; that her husband‘s name was

Lappiddth and that her home was between Bethel and

whither the Israelites resorted to her for judg-

ment.

Chap. 515, however, seems to prove that she

was of the tribe of Issachar and

considerations

would incline

us

to think that she lived in or near the

plain of Jezreel. (For a conjecture

on

this subject see

D

ABERATH

.

)

That her home was in Mt. Ephraim may

have been inferred by the author of

4 5

(an editorial

addition to the narrative) from the existence of

a

tomb

of Deborah under a tree below Bethel, where, according
to the patriarchal legend (see below, no.

the nurse of

Rebekah was buried (Gen.

358).

Barak, who shares with Deborah the glory of the

victory,

from Kedesh in Naphtali

(46).

This city

is somewhat remote, and in the account of

flight seems impossible.

It has

been conjectured by Wellhausen

that the name

of the more famous Kedesh in Galilee has here sup-
planted an obscure K

EDESH

in Issachar

(

I

Ch.

672

with Daberath not far from Mt.

Tabor) a suggestion which is

more plausible that

5

if the text be sound, connects Barak also with

Issachar (cp B

EZAANANNIM

, K

ISHION

). I t is possible

that Kedesh in Naphtali, in the immediate vicinity

of

Hazor,

in some way from the story of Jabin.

The Song of Deborah bears in itself the evidence that

it is the work of one who had lived through the great

struggle which it celebrates, and is for
that reason of inestimable value as an

It is also not only

one of the oldest Hebrew poems which have come down
to

us,

but one of the greatest.

On its date cp

and P

OETICAL

L

ITERATURE

,

4

See also H

IS

-

Few odes in the world‘s literature, indeed, can be

compared with this triumphal Te Deum.
the text, especially in

8-15,

has suffered grievously

from the injuries of time.

Until very recent times, Deborah has been universally

believed to be the author.

It

is

ascribed to her in the

title and this testimony was thought to be conclusively
confirmed by

7,

Until

I,

Deborah, arose.’ The form

of

the Hebrew verbs in this verse, however, is ambiguous,

and the clause might equally well be interpreted, Until
thou

arise, Deborah (cp v.

whilst

and Vg.

render in the third person (cp

On the other

hand, the natural inference from

v.

and especially

from

v.

is that the heroine is not the poet.

On

the subjects of this article see, further, Moore,

Judges

and cp J

AEL

.

On the Song of Deborah,

cp H

ADRACH

,

K

ISHON

,

and see

A. Muller,

Das Lied

der

Deborah

(‘87)

G.

A. Cooke,

History and

Song

Deborah

additional

literature in Moore,

136.

More recent studies, chiefly

in

the text, are

:

ZDMG,

’96,

Marquart,

(‘96)

Budde,

Actes

d.

d.

2

(‘96)

Jahrb. 91 295

D .

H.

Muller,

Actes

d.

d.

4

G.

F.

M.

Rebekah’s nurse who, according to J died and was buried

below Bethel under the oak known as

35

8

[E],

She is alluded

to,

unnamed,

24

59,

where she accompanies Rebekah on her departure from

T o

connect these two traditions would make her

about

years old at the time of her death. [For a radical

emendation

text which removes this difficulty, see DINAH.]

See, further,

D

EB

O

R

A

H

(

I

).

DEBT

K.

47

Mt.

DEBTOR

historical monument.

TORICAL

L

ITERATURE

, §

2.

background image

DECALOGUE

DECALOGUE

Ezek.

1 8 7

Lk.

See

L

AW

sc.

a term adopted from Patristic Greek and .

Latin, and meaning what we commonly call the ten com-
mandments. Ultimately, the name comes from the

LXX

which in this case adheres closely to the original Hebrew

and speaks, not of ten commandments,
but of ten words

or

The decalogue,

according to the biblical narrative, was uttered by God
from Horeb and written by him on two tables of stone
which he had prepared. Afterwards, when Moses had
broken the tables in indignation at the idolatry of the

people, he was bidden to hew other tables on which God
again wrote the ten words. They were the foundation
of a covenant

between Yahwk and his people

(Dt.

and were placed in the ark as the testimony’

or revelation of

will (Ex.

25

16)

see

The two parallel texts of the decalogue, one in Ex.

20

the other in Dt.

5,

present striking points of difference.

In Exodus the sabbath is to be kept, be-

cause Yahwk made all things in six days
and rested the seventh in Deuteronomy,

because the slave as well as his master needs rest. Here,
too, as in the command to

parents, there are

amplifications of language peculiar to the recension in
Deuteronomy. In Exodus the Israelite-is forbidden to
covet his neighbour‘s house, and then wife, slave, and
cattle are specified as possessions included within the

Hebrew idea of house or household. In Deuteronomy

the commandment is adapted to

a

later and more humane

view.

First, the Israelite is not to ‘covet’ his neigh-

wife.

Next, he is not to

desire

his neighbour’s

house, land, slaves, etc. The separation of the wife from
mere property is very significant (see

F

AMILY

, 6).

How comes it that the parallel texts vary so seriously?

The answer now generally given is that originally the
decalogue was composed of concise precepts, which were
expanded in different ways by later editors. The deca-
logue was incorporated in his work by the Elohist

it

was repeated by the Deuteronomist and lastly by the

Priestly Writer.

No

wonder then that, in the final

redaction of the Pentateuch, each text of the decalogue
offers clear marks of the Deuteronomical style, whilst in

Ex.

the Deuteronomic motive of humanity has

been supplanted by the example of G o d s rest after the
week of creation-evidence of a super-redaction in the

“spirit of

P

31

Gen.

226).

Commandments 6-9

preserve their primitive form. We may therefore on that
analogy restore the decalogue to its original form thus

:-

D

ECALOGUE

OF

E

XODUS

Thou shalt have no other gods beside me.
Thou shalt not make unto thee any (graven) image.

3.

shalt not take the name of Yahwi: thy

for

a

vain

4.

Remember the

day to hallow it.

5.

Honour thy father and thy mother.

6.

Thou shalt do no murder.

7.

Thou shalt not commit adultery.
Thou shalt not steal.

9. Thou shalt

hear false witness against thy neighhour.

In their arrangement the commandments fall into

two pentads, or sets

of

five each, corresponding to the

The first table sets forth

the law of piety in the pure worship of
Yahwk and in reverence to parents, the

second table exhibits the law of probity or duty to fellow
Israelites, conceived, however, in an exclusively negative
form. This is the scheme known to Philo (De

12)

and Josephus

(Ant.

adopted by the Greek

and Anglican churches, as also by the Scottish and
other churches of the Calvinistic type, and approved,
among recent scholars, by Dillmann.

Perhaps

for purposes

of

sorcery.

AND

J

U

STICE,

16,

and

T

RADE AND

COMMERCE.

Ex.

Dt.

104).

IO.

Thou shalt not covet thy neighhour’s house.

two tables.

Another arrangement (adopted by

and, in

by Kuenen) is to count the opening statement,

I

am

thy God,’

as the first word,’ and bind

the commandments against foreign gods and image wor-
ship into one. This is the Talmudic division, which

is

still in force among the Jews, and

is

also

of

greater

antiquity in the Greek church than some have supposed.

Augustine, too (and he is followed by Roman Catholics

and Lutherans), treats the prohibition of serving other
gods and worshipping images as one commandment.

He makes this the first, however, not, like the modern

Jews, the second ‘word.’ Hence he has to divide the pro-
hibition of coveting into two commandments,

: one

against coveting aneighbonr’s wife, the other against covet-
ing his goods. The objection to the Talmudic scheme

is

the awkwardness of alaw which makes

up

the number ten

from onestatement of

nine precepts.

scheme cannot be fitted to the text in Exodus and

canscarcely havebeenintendedeven

Deuteronomist.

The order given by the Vatican text of the

LXX

in Exodus is ‘Thou shalt not commit adultery, Thou
shalt not steal, Thou shalt not murder,’ and in Deutero-
nomy Thou shalt not commit adultery, Thou shalt not
murder, Thou shalt not steal.’ Probably the variation
arose from the feeling that the prohibition

of

adultery,

as the destruction of family life, should be immediately
connected with the injunction to honour parents.

The Elohist

document (perhaps

a

later edition of it) is our earliest

external witness, and that does not carry

us

back beyond the middle of the eighth century

B.

c.

Nor does internal evidence point to a much earlier

time. The character of the decalogue, which

is

not

ritual but almost purely moral the prohibition of
apparently unknown to Elijah and

the refine-

ment which forbids thoughts of covetousness (the Hebrew
cannot fairly be

otherwise); all lend support to the

view that the decalogue is grounded on the teaching of
the great prophets of whose discourses we have written
records.

It has been compared with the loftier teaching

in

and may belong to the same age,

at

earliest that of Manasseh (see, further,

M

OSES

).

The reasons against a date very much earlier are

clinched by the modern discovery that there was another

decalogue older in character.

True, we

cannot say for certain how each particular

of this older decalogue ran.

We

o

know, however, that reference

is

made

to it by the Yahwist in Ex.

3428,

and further, that the

decalogue itself is imbedded in

and there is, there-

fore, no doubt about its general character. Wellhausen’s
reconstruction is a s follows

D

ECALOGUE

OF

E

XODUS

34

W e come next to the question of date.

I

.

shalt worship no other god.

Thou shalt make thee no molten gods.

3.

The feast of unleavened bread shalt thou keep.

4.

Every firstling is mine.

5.

Thou shalt observe the feast of weeks.

6.

And the feast of ingathering a t the year’s end.
Thou shalt not offer the blood of my sacrifice

with

leaven.

8. The fat of my feast shall not he left over till the
9.

The best of the firstfruits of thy land shall thou

to the

house of

thy God.

Thou shalt not seethe a kid

its mother’s

The Yahwistic legend which encloses this decalogue

is

simpler and more natural, for here it is Moses, not

Geffken

1838)

found it to occur

first

but Nestle

has shown that it is to be met with in the Codex

and

the Ambrosianus. See Nestle,

Times,

(July

and cp

‘Codex

cp Stade,

Staerk,

According to the more original text in Ex. 23
The number ten is gained by omitting the command of the

seventh-day rest (which is out of place in the cycle of annual

‘feasts) and

command that all males should appear before

Yahwd thrice in the year (which is merely arecapitulation of the
three preceding laws).

‘97).

background image

DECAPOLIS

DECAPOLIS

who hews the tables and writes the words. The

decalogue represents that ritual of outward worship
which was essential to the early stages of national
religion, but was subordinated to ethical monotheism
by Amos and his successors. Yet even this decalogue
must be put long after the time of Moses. The feasts
mentioned imply an agricultural life, and must have been
adopted by the Israelites after their settlement.

See Oehler

Theology,

85

and

for the

late;

criticism, Kuenen, Hex.

244;

;

Rothstein,

6.

Literature.

; Budde

in

pp.

Bantsch,

Der

('93)

;

Montefiore, 3QR

3

;

Addis,

of

the

1

Robertson Smith

art.

Decalogue') in

1876

held that

the

decalogue,

as

a system

of 'ten

words,

was

as

old

as

Moses, though

the

original fourth

commandment

must

have had

a

much simpler

form.

He

also re-

jected the hypothesis

of

asccond decalogue. How largely he had

modified

his views in later years on both

points may

he

gathered

from

See

also

ii.

4.

E

. A.

DECAPOLIS

[Ti.

WH]) is the name

in the

4

Mk.

5

to a

in

- -

-

I

,

Greek

cities

&Gilead

or affected,

by the power of

a

league of ten or more

Greek cities (called in Mk.

Josephus calls the league itself

both

97)

and ai

(Vita,

65

74).

Other early instances of the

name are Ptolemy v.

1522,

and

CZG,

no.

of

the time of

Eusebius describes the

of the Gospels as

a

region (see below,

The first Greek cities in Syria were founded by the

veterans of Alexander, and from his time their numbers
were rapidly increased by the immigration of Greeks
under the patronage of the Seleucids and Ptolemies.

On

the west the Greeks settled in ultimately Hellenised

Phcenician and Philistine towns

but beyond Jordan

many of their settlements were upon fresh sites. Among
the oldest were Pella, Dion: Philadelphia (on the
site of Rabbath-Ammon), Gadara, and Abila-all strong
fortresses by

218

(Polyb.

5

71

;

16

39

; Jos.

Ant.

;

Stark,

381).

had become largely

Greek in the time of the Maccabees

(

I

Macc.

Gerasa and Hippus are not mentioned till the first
century

B

.C.

(Jos.

Ant.

1 5 3

4 ;

48).

As the Hellenic world came under Roman sway,

confederacies of Greek cities were formed, both

for purposes of trade, like the Hanseatic League, and
for defence against alien races (Mommsen,

of

Eng. ed.

1

Such confederation

was nowhere more necessary than in Syria, where, after
the success of the Maccabees, and especially under the
Jewish king Alexander Jannzeus

the

Greek cities must needs have combined against the
common danger of overthrow and absorption by their
Semitic neighbours.

Such combinations, however, if

they were formed, proved a failure till the Roman legions
led by Pompey reached Syria in

65.

Then the Greek

cities took a new lease of life. Several called themselves
after Pompey, and several dated their eras from the
year of his Syrian campaign,

64-63

B. C.

Among these

were Gadara, Hippos, Pella, Dion, Abila, Kanata,

Kanatha, and Philadelphia.

Pompey gave them, or

after this time they gradually received, municipal free-
dom, the rights of coinage, asylum, property in the
surrounding districts, and association with one another.
They were, however, put under the Roman Province of
Syria

(Ant.

4

4

7),

and taxed for imperial pur-

poses ; their coins bore

'

the image of

'

;

and

they were liable

service

Some

of them, certainly with the reservation

of

their rights,

were afterwards transferred from the Governor of Syria

to

the, direct authority of Herod.

From Pompey's time to

A.D.),

Rome's

grasp of Eastern Palestine was neither constant nor
effective.

It was during this time, and in this region of

unsettlement, that the League of the Decapolis arose.
The precise year we are unable to fix ; it may not have
been till after

death

4

B

.c.,

but probably

was soon after Pompey's campaign.
At first,

as

the name implies, the League

Onlv one lav

W.

comprised ten cities.

of

the ancient

the approach to the others, by Esdraelon, from

the Greek cities of the coast and the Levant, Scythopolis
remained the capital of the league. All the other nine lay
either upon the three great roads which, crossing Jordan,
traversed E. Palestine, or

on

the trunk road which these

ultimately joined : Pella, Gadara, and Hippos

on

the

E.

edge of the Jordan valley, and the Lake of Galilee

;

Dion, Gerasa (modern Jerash), and Philadelphia on or
near the

road Raphana, somewhere near the central

road; Kanatha (now Kanawiit, see

where

the central road joins the great trunk road from

N.

to

S.

at the foot of the Jebel

Damascus, at

the junction of this road with the northernmost of the
three roads.

All the sites are certain except those of

Raphana and of Dion. These form the earliest list that

we have-Pliny's in

5

16

Other cities were

added. Ptolemy gives eighteen, omitting Raphana, and
adding other nine, mostly towards Damascus,-Abila,

on

a

branch of the

m.

E.

of Gadara Kanata,

either the modern

or el-Kuneiyeh in en-Nukra

probably the modern

er-

near

Irbid and some of the Semitic towns incorporated in
the extension of the Empire in

106,

such

as

Edrei and

Bosra. Each of these cities held sway over the territory
in its neighbourhood.

Round Hippos was Hippene

31)

round Gadara the country of the Gadarenes

(Mk.

according to one reading), which, if we can

judge from the trireme

some Gadarene coins, extended

to the Lake of Galilee. In the fourth century Jerome
calls all Gilead the region of Gerasa.'

These suburban

properties or spheres of influence must have touched
one another, and the remains of the long aqueduct from
the centre of

by Edrei to Gadara is one proof

of how far they extended. The Decapolitan region
(coasts of Decapolis) was, therefore, a wide and solid,
if loosely defined, territory lying on the

E.

of the Lake

of Galilee and stretching across a large part of Gilead.
Eusebius (OS) defines the Decapolis of the Gospels

as

lying in Perzea round Hippos, Pella, and Gadara.

Pliny, however, describes it

as

interpenetrated by the

Jewish Tetrarchies

5

16)

and in particular the

territories of Herod Antipas in

and Perzea were

probably so joined across Jordan

as

to cut off, from the

E.

Decapolis, the suburban territory of Scythopolis.

Within this region of Decapolis Hellenism was pre-

dominant in the time of the ministry of Jesus, and thence

This is

proved by a trace or two in the

Gospels themselves

the presence of

a

large herd

of swine in Gadara), by the ample ruins, still extant, of
Greek architecture (the most glorious period of which,
however, was not till the time of the Antonines), and
especially by the constant communication between the
Decapolis and the Mediterranean ports and Greece,
and by the flourishing state of Greek literature in the
Ten Cities. T h e Decapolis had, in each city, temples
to purely Hellenic deities, theatres, amphitheatres, and
various athletic institutions. Yearly were the
celebrated-games in which every form of physical
strength was exhibited.

There was a vigorous

municipal life of democratic constitution. Gadara was
the birthplace or home of

the Epicurean

(a

contemporary of Cicero),

the epigrammatist,

the satirist,

the rhetorician (the

tutor of Tiberius), and others.

The Greek writers of

Damascus are still better known.

had a school

famous for its teachers. Besides, the League, being
largely a commercial union, pushed the Greek methods
of trade across

W.

Palestine the result is seen in the

1052

it flowed out upon Galilee.

background image

DECK

many commercial and travellers’ terms and names for
objects of trade and human consumption which, in the
centuries immediately before

after Christ, passed

from Greek info Hebrew, See

T

RADE

AND

C

OMMERCE

.

Besides the ancient authorities already cited, see

Heres. 29 7 De

et

Stephanus Byzant.

De

(Basil.,

ed. Dindorf, Leps., 1825)

Literature.

especially the art.

Reland,

198,

E.

de Saulcy

de

la

Paris,

Schiir.

Hist.’

3

HG

chap.28

Palestine.

DECK

Ezek.276

EV B

ENCHES

.

See S

HIP

.

DEDAN

oftenest

of

R

AAMAH

(see G

EOGRAPHY

,

son of

Gen.

(P), or of Jokshan, son of

Gen.253

( J ) ,

I

Ch.

132.

Se.

[E],

As the name of a people it also occurs in

Is. 21

caravans of

[so

RV AV

in

connection with the land of Tema’

[BKAQ], but

in Aq. and Sym.

and in Theod. and Orig.

Jer.

(with Tema and Buz),

4 9 8

(where it

is thought of as adjoining Edom), Ezek.2513 (where

reads

cp

for

in Lev. 26

17

Pesh.

Ezek.

(with Arabia, Kedar,

and Raamah, as trading with Tyre), 3813 (with Sheba),
but not

2715

(see R

ODANIM

).

These passages (to

which add Gen.

I

Ch.

1 3 2 )

all point to Arabia, but

some to the southern, some to the northern region.

occurs in Min. and Sab. inscriptions (see especially

Glaser,

Probably Dedan was a tribe with

permanent seats in

or central Arabia (Glaser,

locates

N.

of Medina) and trading settlements in the

For

(lit.

to separate,’ more usually rendered

to consecrate,’

hallow,’ or

sanctify

see C

LEAN

AND

U

NCLEAN

,

meansprop. toinitiate’;

Various dedication

A.

NW.

B.

DEDICATE, DEDICATION.

For

see B

AN

.

see C

ATECHISE

, and cp BDB,

ceremonials are described, mostly in late documents.

There is the dedication of the temple in

I

K. 81-63 (see

63

:

Ch. 52-75 (75 :

a ‘dedication’ of

the altar being separately referred to in Ch. 7 9
that of the altar of the

is described in Nu. 7

that of the walls of Jerusalem a s rebuilt by

Nehemiah in Neh. 12

No

special

rite is

for

the dedication of a new house referred to in

Dt. 20 5

the dedication of temple and altar in

the Maccabean period, see the following article.-The dedication
or ratification of a covenant with blood, and the dedication or
inauguration of a new and vital way of access to God are
alluded to in Heb. 9

(see

C

O

V

E

NAN

T

) and Heh. 10

DEDICATION, FEAST OF THE.

. On the

of

Chislev of the year

of the Seleucid era

(

168

during the religious persecution under

Antiochus Epiphanes, a pagan altar was set up on the
altar of burnt offering at Jerusalem, and on the

of the same month sacrifice was for the first time
offered upon it

(

I

Macc.

Macc.

Jos.

Ant.

54).

Three years afterwards

B

.c.),

Judas the Maccabee had recovered Jerusalem and the

temple.

The temple was then cleansed, the altar of

burnt offering displaced by one entirely new, new
sacred vessels made, and the temple reconsecrated with
great festivities. These lasted for eight days, beginning
on

Chislev

148

of the Seleucid era

165

B

.c.),

-that is, on the very day on which, three years before,
the altar had been desecrated

(I

Macc.

4

36-39).

In commemoration of these events, the feast

of

the

dedication

4

6

Bikkurim,

1 6

Rosh

hashana,

7 b

Jn.

ai

I

Macc.

4 5 9

Macc.

lasting eight days from the

of Chislev, was celebrated with mirth and joy

annually. According to Macc.

DEGREE

106

it was observed after the manner of the feast of

Tabernacles, and in another passage it is even called
the feast

of

tabernacles of the month Chislev

Macc.

The special and

distinguishing peculiarity in its celebration was the
illumination of synagogues and houses.

At the door of each

house one light, a t least-in

case of

those who could afford the expense, a s many lights as there were
persons

in the house-had to be displayed on the second day the

number of lights must be doubled, on the third trebled, and so on.

Jewish tradition explains the eight-days’ duration of the feast,

and the custom of displaying lights by the assertion that Judas
found only one small cruse of

oil, but that it lasted

for eight days instead of only for one.

The probability is that the illumination, like the dura-

tion and other features of the feast, was taken over from
the feast of tabernacles andreferred to the relighting of the
golden candlestick

(

I

Macc.

450).

N o mention of this

of illumination is made in the

hooks of Maccabees or by Josephos ; the description of the feast

Josephus as ‘the feast of lights’

however doubtless

has reference to them (Ant.

and his

of the

name as coming from the unexpectedness of the restoration of
religious freedom to the nation

also

be safely

taken a s having the same reference. In both of the letters pre-
fixed to Macc. the observance of this feast is urgently pressed

the Jews in Egypt

Macc.

2

16);

it is natural to pre-

sume that when, in the second of these (on the text of hich see

Ball in

the story of Nehemiah’s miraculous

discovery of the sacred

is

referred to, the writer saw a parallel

to it in the relighting of the altar-tire

Judas and desired to

associate the commemoration of both events

one feast.

From the time of year and the employment of lights and green

branches in the celebration, Wellhausen

ed. 2561)

conjectures that the feast originally had reterence to the winter
solstice, and only afterwards came to he associated with the
events recorded in Maccabees.

The proper psalm for the Feast of the Dedication is

Ps.

30

hence its inscription,

Dedication-song of

the house (temple).’

also

A.

G. Wahner,

d e

Oehler, in

4

ed.

Che.

Nowack

HA (‘94)

Schiirer

1

n., with its references

literature

the

feasts. Cp also articles

Krauss and

Levi in

(‘94).

DEEP, THE

always without art. except

in

Is.

6 3 1 3

Ps.

1 0 6 9 ;

Ass.

the

sea

in Job

38

30

corruptly

[gen.]

in Prov.

8 2 7

[?]

Prov.

8

Ecclus.

4 3 2 3

in

Heb. gives

but the clause is corrupt]).

Originally

was feminine; note the phrase

Gen.

Is.

Am. 7 4

Ps.

3 6 7

and the plur. ending

See also Gen.

Dt. 3313 Ezek. 31415.

But, a t first apparently with the plur. form, the original view
came to he disregarded, and

treated as a synonym of

(plur.

Ex.

Ps. 7717

Sing. Ezek.

Jn.

Hah.

I

O

Ps. 428

1046,

but cp

Job

14.

On

Dt.

8 7

see

467).

See CANDLESTICK.

See the commentaries

on

I

Macc. 459 and Jn. 1022

I. B.

See A

BYSS

, D

RAGON

, end.

DEER, FALLOW

Dt.

I

see R

OE

,

4.

DEFILE, DEFILEMENT

Lev.

See

C

OMMON

, and cp C

LEAN

,

14.

DEGREE

occurs in

a

passage of some interest with

reference to early church offices. What

is

the ‘good

degree (AV) or rather, gdod standing (KV) which is
assured to those who have served well as deacons

phrase. According to Hort

it means the vantage-ground of influence and moral

authority won by theexcellent discharge ofdiaconal duties.
Theodoret, de Wette, etc., however, find a reference
to a divine reward at the great judgment

whilst Jerome

and other Fathers, Baur, Holtzmann, and von
think it is promotion to the episcopate that is intended.
Observe that the qualities required of an

in

2-7

are analogous to those required of a deacon.

On ‘songs of degrees’ (a purely conventional rendering) see

P

S

ALMS

the degrees of

K.

20

(=Is.

38

8),

see

background image

DEHAVITES

DEHAVITES,

RV

Dehaites

Kt., but

[A],

[L],

but A omits Elamites'),

generally regarded

as

one of the peoples represented in

among the colonists of

(Ezra

49).

They stand apparently between the Susanchites

and the Elamites.

No plausible identification

has yet been offered (see Schr.

376, 616).

If we point,

with

G .

Hoffmann

2

and take this with the follow-

ing word

we shall get the phrase

'

that is,

already has

: which is an explanatory gloss on

the preceding word Susanchites.

So

Gram.

DEKAR

I

K.

RV B

EN

-

DEICER

,

DELAIAH

perhaps 'God hath drawn

out,'

Jos.

which is more

correctly

by

as

Son of Shemaiah, a prince of Jehoiakim's court

;

Jer. 36

43)

25

Head of one of the priestly courses

;

I

Ch. 24 18

(AV

a

descendant of Zerubhahel

I

Ch. 324.

4.

Delaiah were a

family who were un-

able to prove their pedigree; Ezra260

Neh.

7

62

D

ALAN

,

I

Esd. 5 37

Gahav [A]).

5.

Father of Shemaiah

(-hsa

Neh. 6

IO.

The reason is plain, as soon as it is mentioned.

v.

77

DELILAH

67

[BAL]

Judg.

Whether the

name has, like S

AMSON

any mythological

tion we cannot at present say. Delilah dwelt in the vale
of

and we may presume that the tradition

regarded her as

a

Philistine.

Her temporary relation

to the Philistine princes hardly warrants us in calling
her a 'political agent' (Smith's

See

S

AMSON

.

DELIVERER, THE

Rom.

Is.

see

DELUGE.

Postponing

various interesting ques-

tions,

as

well of comparative folk-lore

18-20)

as

of

biblical theology

I

O

which are connected

with the title of this article, let

us

confine ourselves at

DELUGE

and

(by

H.

The

gods, more especially Bel, wroth at the sins of men,
determine to bring upon them a judgment consisting in
a

great all-destroying flood.

One of the gods, however,

namely Ea, selects a favoured man, named

of the city of

for deliverance. This

is the Xisuthrus of

be it observed that the

name Xisuthrus is found, in all probability, by transpos-
ing the two component parts of

the

very wise,' or, still better perhaps

(so

Haupt),

very

pious '-one designation of the hero of the cuneiform
account.

is in

a

dream acquainted by

Ea

with the purpose of the gods, and commanded to build

a

ship

cp Arain.

the form of which is

prescribed, as a means of saving his life, and to take
with

into it 'seeds of life of all kinds'

25).

Accordingly, the ship is

its dimensions

3

are

given with great precision by the poet, who mentions
that it w-as coated within and without with bitumen

and that cells were made in it.

Into this vessel

brings gold and silver and seeds of life of

all kinds,' besides his family and servants, beasts of the
field,

wild beasts of

field

Shortly

before the Flood, the

of which is made known

to him by a special sign,

himself enters the

ship and bars the door, while his steersman, named

takes over the direction of the vessel

94).

Upon

this

deluge begins

:

it is thought of

as

an

unloosing of all the elemental powers, torrents of rain,
storm and tempest; together with thick darkness. T h e
waters rise higher and higher, till the whole land be-
comes a sea ; all men and animals, except those in the
ship, perish. Six days and nights the flood rages on
the seventh day a calm sets in. Then

opens

the air-hole

(Z.

136

cp

and

sees the widespread ruin.

At the same time land

emerges, and the ship grounds on the mountain of

Nisir

After seven days more

sends out successively

a

dove, a swallow, and a raven.

The dove and the swallow, finding no place of rest,
return to the ship; but the raven is seen no more.

Upon this

clears the ship and offers a

sacrifice on the summit of the mountain.

' T h e gods

smelt the savour, the gods smelt the sweet savour. The
gods gathered like flies about the sacrificer'

162). As for Bel, however, he is at first displeased at

the deliverance of

and his household but

on the representations of

who points out the rash-

ness of his act in causing

a

universal deluge, and

recommends the sending of wild animals, famine, and
pestilence, as

a

more fitting mode of punishing human

sins, Bel becomes reconciled to

escape of

and even gives him and his wife a share of the

divine nature,

causes them to dwell afar

off,

at the

mouth of the rivers'

Before attempting to explain this Deluge-story, and

comparing it with the corresponding Hebrew account,
we must consider the position which it occupies in Baby-
lonian literature.

It stands at present, as we have seen,

in close connection with other traditional stories, and
particularly with the cycle of

The

hero, GilgameS, who, after his various adventures, is
visited with

a

sore disease, sets out on the way to his

The references here given to lines

of

the Deluge-story accord

with Zimmern's numeration.

The reading of the first part of the name

is uncertain

;

('sprout, or ,offspring,

of

life'), Sit-

('the escaped

('sun

of

life'),

('day of life'), and

(see N

OAH

) have found

present to the

between the

and

Of all the parallel traditions of

a

deluge the Babylonian is undeniably the most import-

ant, because the points of contact between it and the

Hebrew story are

so

striking that the view of the de-

pendence of one of the two on the other is directly
suggested even to

most cautious of students.

The

account in the

excerpts will be referred to below

(see

1 6 ) ; but we may state here that the genuine

Babylonian character of the Berossian story has, since

been raised above all doubt by George Smiths

discovery, in the remains of the libraryof
of a copy

of

a

very ancient cuneiform Deluge-story

derived, it would seem, from the city of
in Babylonia, and by

a

more recent discovery by Scheil

(see

The former story fills the first

four columns

the eleventh tablet of the

epic of

a

cycle of legends to

which, in studying the early narratives of Genesis, we
have

so

frequently to refer (see,

C

AINITES

,

A paraphrase of its contents is all that we can give

here : translations of recent date and critical in character

will be found

(by Paul Haupt)

367

A.

Jeremias's

Muss-Arnolt's essay in

World,

3

(

9 4 ) ;

[The exploits

of

this hero are celebrated in the twelve chants

or lays of the epic. The text of the Deluge-story was published
in 4

R

ed.

ed.

and most recently

Haupt,

6).

6).

supporters.]

.

3

[See Haupt Amer.

4

On the

and mountains of Nisir.

o f

traces

of

a

between the

of

for a

background image

DELUGE

DELUGE

ancestor

whose dwelling is remote from

that of all other

beyond the river of death (cp

C

AINITES

,

6,

E

NOCH

,

2).

From this fortunate

possessor of eternal life, GilgameS hopes to learn how to
obtain, not only the cure of his disease, hut also the same
supreme felicity.

answers by

a

detailed

description of the Deluge, in which he was himself

so

prominent a figure, and at the end of which he was
admitted to the life of the gods.

Obviously, the present

connection of the Deluge-story with the
tion is secondary in character, and it becomes all the
more reasonable

to

maintain that the Hebrew Deluge-

story too has only an artificial connection with the frame-
work in which it now stands.

Noah may originally

have had no more connection with Nimrod than

with

(see N

IMROD

, N

OAH

).

The secondary character of the present connection of

the Babylonian Deluge-story being granted, can we

to indicate a more original connec-

tion? According to

Xisuthrus

(the hero of the Deluge) was the last of

the ten primitive Babylonian kings, whose immensely
long lives

so

forcibly remind us of those ascribed to the

antediluvian patriarchs in

and, as has been

repeatedly pointed

are closely related to the theory

of an artificially-calculated cosmic year. The Berossian
cosmic year had the enormous duration of 518,400
ordinary years, and each of its twelve months consisted
of

x

ordinary years.

According to this system, ten cosmic months are equiva-
lent to

years, and this is exactly the number of

the years assigned by

to the ten antediluvian

Babylonian kings (cp C

HRONOLOGY

,

4,

end). The

theory of the Babylonians appears to have been that
these ten primitive kings reigned during the first ten
cosmic months of the great cosmic year (each

for

a cosmic month), and that the Deluge fell at the end of
the tenth month.

Now, the eleventh

was for

the Babylonians (who began the year with the vernal
equinox) the time from the middle of January to the
middle of February-in other words, the middle of the
rainy or winter season.

It is also to the winter season that the position

of

the

narrative in the

more particularly to the eleventh month

(Jan.

For, as Sir Henry

Rawlinson saw. the twelve tablets of

the adventures of

stand

relation to the

passage of the sun-god through the twelve months

of

the year, and the principal event on every tablet has its
analogue in the corresponding one of the twelve signs
of the zodiac, which, as is now certainly known, had
their origin in Babylonia. Now, it is the eleventh tablet
that contains the Deluge

-

story, and the eleventh

zodiacal sign is Aquarius. The conclusion is obvious.
Lastly, it

is

also

probable that the Assyrian name of the

eleventh month,

(probably destruction

'),

and

its ideographic designation as (month of the) curse of
rain,' both have reference to the Deluge. Clearly the
connection of the Deluge-story with the story of the ten
primitive kings is much more close and original than its
present connection with the

The

fixing of the great catastrophe in the eleventh month is
a fact

of

importance with reference to the question,

which will shortly

8)

to be answered

:

Has the

Deluge-story a historical kernel, or is it simply and
entirely a nature-myth?

The elaborate account

in

the

is not

the only cuneiform record of the Babylonian Deluge-

Peiser has published

a mythological text, with a map,

giving

a

primitive picture of

lonia at the time of the Deluge under

For

the Berossian story see below

See especially

v.

Gesch.

34

The text is very fragmentary

but

as far as it can, with the help of the map, be under-
stood, this is the notion of the Flood which it suggests.
-The

Gulf was conceived of as encompassing

Babylonia, and

about this ocean lay seven islands.

The mountain of the Deluge was due north of Babylon,
but still within the tract enclosed by the ocean. It

is

noteworthy that the time of the Deluge is apparently
designated in this text-'the year of the great serpent.'

[Further, among the tablets in the Constantinople

museum Scheil has recently discovered a mutilated

ment

of

a

new Deluge-story, containing

part of columns

In the twelfth line

occurs the word

( '

effaced

which,

according to Scheil, suggests that our

but

a

copy of a much older original which had been injured.
The date of the tablet itself, however, is sufficiently
ancient : 'month of

day 28, the year in which

built the fortress of

at the

mouth of the Euphrates'-not much later than 2140
B

.C.

By whom the story is told, is not evident. The

complaints of mankind are spoken

of

first : the god

appears to be

with them.

Thereupon

a god pronounces sentence upon mankind

reference

is made to a destroying rain-storm.

In the seventh

column the god Ea speaks.

He

expostulates with the

other god for wishing to destroy men.

Some men at

least, Ea will save; 'let them

into [the vessel

. .

.],

. .

the oar

(?)

. .

.

let him

. . .

let him bring

.

.

.

let him

. . .

That the great Deluge is re-

ferred to is now clear: the occurrence of the word

must dispel all doubt.

In the eighth column

only two lines are complete but these contain a refer-
ence to Atra-basis (Xisuthrus), who is introduced
speaking to his lord'-Le., to the god who has proved
himself a friend to the human race. The name of the
scribe suggests to Scheil that this version of the Deluge-
story is that which was current in the city of Sippar
(see

W e have also a list of royal names which bears the in-

scription,

'

These are the postdiluvian kings of Babylon,'

thus implicitly confirming the Berossian

between kings before and

kings after the Deluge (cp

C O T

161).

The word here used for Deluge is

(cp below,

which elsewhere is of

the Deluge

being referred to as an event of hoary
when it is said of old inscriptions that they go back to
the time before the Deluge

See

T

EL

-

ABIB

.

W e have

now

to take up the question, What was

probably the true origin

of

this Babylonian Deluge-

distinction

*.

story, looking at it by itself, without
comparing the Hebrew records

The

first thing that strikes

is the harmony

between the narrative and-the local conditions of Baby-
lonia, which justifies

us

in regarding that country as the

native place of the story.

It is more difficult to deter-

mine whether any real historical event lies at the founda-
tion of the narrative, or whether we have to do with a
mere myth.

In itself it would, of course, not be incon-

ceivable that in days of yore an unusually extensive
flood from the Persian Gulf, combined with continuous
rain, hurst upon the Babylonian lowlands, and destroyed
countless human lives that a dim tradition of this event
was preserved and that the Babylonian Deluge-story
was a last deposit produced by this genuine occurrence.
Judging, however, from what is known of the growth of

myths and legends, especially among the Babylonians,

The reason is that one element in the name of the scribe

is

Aya (Aa).

Now it was chiefly at Sippar that

goddess Aya

honoured in conjunction with

(the sun-god): her name

was borne by the inhabitants.' Scheil, 'Notes

part

d u

de

etc.,

Storm,' is also used

as

a title for the god

Marduk's

weapon in the Creation-story, Tab. iv.

49,

and

calls himself

'tempest of battles,'

3a

1058

background image

DELUGE

DELUGE

we think that this is far from probable.

The entire

character

of

the narrative, and the connection with other

myths indicated above, are much more favourable to
the view that we have to do, not with a legend based
upon facts, but with

a

myth which has assumed the form

of

a

history (cp below, col.

1063,

note

3).

The colouring

may have been partly supplied by the cyclones which,
in an alluvial country like Babylonia, frequently make
their appearance from the s e a ; but the origin of this
myth will have to be sought in quite another direction.
W e noticed above that the great catastrophe is placed
by the Babylonians in the middle of the winter season,
in the eleventh

Jan.-Feb.), which was

regarded as specially the time of storms, and had for its
patron the rain-god and storm-god

To

the

present writer it seems most probable that the Deluge-
story

was

originally a nature-myth, representing the

phenomena of winter, which in Babylonia especially is

a

time of rain.

The hero rescued in the ship must

originally have been the

Thus, the Deluge

and the deliverance of

are ultimately but

a

variant to the Babylonian Creation-myth (see C

REATION

,

Now we can understand the very peculiar

designation of the Deluge-period mentioned already.
T h e great serpent is no other than the personified

ocean, which on the old Babylonian map (see above,

5)

encircles Babylonia, just

as '

leviathan the wreathed

serpent' (Is.

27

I

)

is the world-encircling ocean personified

as

a

serpent : it is the same

that is a central

figure in the Creation-story.

The question

as

to the relation of the Babylonian to

the Hebrew Deluge-story

now be satisfactorily

answered.

If, as we believe, the

former had its origin in Babylonia,

,is fundamentally

a

myth of winter

and the sun-god, the Hebrew story must have been
borrowed from the Babylonian. In this case, Dillmann's
theory of

a

common Semitic 'tradition, which developed

the Hebrews in one way, and among the

Babylonians in another,

is

once more put out of court

The Israelitish story

of

the submergence of the earth

of the

known to the narrators) bv a Deluge is

(see C

REATION

,

4).

H. Z.

. -

I

found in the Book of Genesis

( 6

in two forms, belonging respectively
to

and to

which have been welded

together (see

8).

'There are also allusions

to the story (all late) in

14

14

Is. 549

Ps.

29

IO

Is.

It remains to be seen, how-

ever, whether the two forms of the tradition in Genesis are
really independent it

be that, as in the case of the

Creation-story (see C

REATION

,

P

has only given

a

somewhat different setting to data which he has derived
from

It is no objection to this view that P s account is

longer and

some respects less fragmentary than that of

The editor (or editors)

preferred the former,

because

P s

work was systematically adopted

as

the

framework of the combined historical narrative.

The

three principal points in which

P

is fuller than

are

(

I

)

the announcement of the coming deluge to Noah,

and the command to build an ark (or chest), the
measurements of which are prescribed

the notice

of

the place where the

grounded; and ( 3 ) the

appointment of the rainbow

as

the sign of the covenant

between God and man.

On

all these points, we may

The fragments of

mention

(May-June)

as

the month of the Deluge.

This notice is suspicious on

several grounds. The writer who excerpted

probably

identified the eighth Babylonian month

with the eighth Syro-Macedonian month Daisius.

The biblical recension alsomakes the Deluge

in

On this view, both

and the O T laced the beginning

of the Deluge early in the winter,

in the middle of

that season-an easily intelligible variant.

[The

same view is given in

art.

'Deluge,'

See below.]

46.

See

B

EHEMOTH

and

L

EVIATHAN

,

3

3

safely presume, information was given in the original

To

suppose that the latter began with the words,

'

And

said to

Noah,

Go

with all thy house

into the ark,' would be absurd, and

seems to be

right in supposing that the measurements of the ark
in Gen.

come from

who on his side may have

derived them from some form of the Babylonian myth

(cp G

OPHER

-

WOOD

).

Budde has also made it probable

that

gave

a

statement as to the resting-place of the

ark, which he placed among the mountains

E.

of

Kasdim.

P

knew that there were higher mountains

than these in the

N.,

and transferred the locality to

A

RARAT

3)

though it

is

probable that he had

the support

of

the later Babylonian tradition (cp

Nor

need

we

doubt that the episode of the rainbow

also

told by

to whose delicate iinagination it

.

- -

I

would be in a high degree congenial. It

is

true, there is nothing like it in the

Deluge-story given in the

but we do not

all the-variants of

myth.

Most probably, however,

may claim the

honour of having invented this exquisite sign of the
covenant.

The covenant

is

distinctly Israelitish, and

the sign should be Israelitish too.

A probable point of

contact for the rainbow episode is suggested by these
words of the Babylonia

Jensen) :

A

dark cloud came up from the foundation of heaven

(the storm-god) thundered therein.

. .

.

The

noise of

penetrated to heaven

it turned all

brightness into obscurity.'

The flashes of lightning are

the storm-god's arrows (Ps.

[4]

Hab.

and when the storm ceases, the god lays aside his bow
(this is said,

of the god Indra, after his battle with

the demons). If the Hebrew story in its original form
referred to the thundering of

we can well

believe that when

appended the account of the

covenant he said to himself that the bow which
had laid aside could be no other than the rainbow.
There is, at any rate, no exact mythic parallel elsewhere
to the use made of the rainbow in Gen.

9

12-17.

There are also other points of difference between

and

P.

( a )

The latter

is

without the vivid details of

the sending out of the birds
J,)

such a prosaic writer would probably

think these

A more

important point is

non-recognition of the distinction

between clean and unclean animals (Gen.

8

and

his not mentioning the sacrifice which, according to

(Gen.

Noah

offered after leaving the ark. The

cause of these deviations of P is obvious.

His historical

theory of the origin of the cultus imposed

on

the

necessity of

the tradition with it.

Not less

is the difference between

and P

as

to the duration of the Deluge.

According to

seven days elapsed after the command to Noah to

enter the ark then the rain-storm came, and it lasted
forty days and forty nights

then in three times seven

days the waters disappeared.

The computation of

P

gives more occasion to debate.

I t

is

stated in M T

(7

that the deluge began on the seven-

teenth of the second month, and that on the twenty-seventh of
the second month

in the following year the earth was dry (8 14).

If this

is

the flood lasted

I

year

11

days;

if the

lunar year forms the

basis of the computation,,

which make a solar year. This looks very much like an
correction the flood really lasted a lunar year.

however,

reads

'

twenty-seventh'

instead of

I n this case the solar year would be meant,, and the duration of
the deluge (365 days) would be the same as that of the life of
Enoch (365 years). We also learn that

waters prevailed

on the earth

davs'

2 4

8

This

to be

to

.

.

.

. . .

.

Cp Ps.

P

ascribes the deluge partly to rain,,

partly to the breaking

of the 'fountains of the great deep

of the waters under the earth, cp Gen.4925).

This

approaches more nearly to the Babylonian account which

speaks of the sea as being driven on the land by a

Possiblv

To.

in its

form. made some reference to

the

sea

or to

waters.

.

On

P's

year

cp

Y

EAR

.

1060

background image

DELUGE

months

84). But

days

more than five lunar

months. it is clear that solar months must be meant (see

Di.

Gen.

and his dissertation on the

der

pp.

;

Bacon, Chron-

ology of the Account of the Flood in

8

Nowack,

H A 2

220).

W e are thus enabled to some extent to reconstruct

the Deluge-story of

No doubt some archaic incidents

have been lost, but

P

has preserved three

of the most important details which were
found in the earlier narrative, though he

has

moved the Mountain of the

northwards.

H e

has also retained

term

for

the

Deluge : outside of

and

P

in the Deluge-story, the

term occurs only in Ps.

(post-exilic), and in Geu.

6

17 6

an editor has glossed it by the word

waters’

also

chest

Vg.

used elsewhere

only

of

Moses’ ark of Nile-reeds (Ex.

[BAF]

[L]), and we

presume that the words

(see G

OPHER

-

WOOD

) and

‘bitumen,’ both

occurring in

6

and nowhere else, were retained from

the lost narrative of

But what of

Did his

of

the origin of

man contain any Deluge-story? No-at any rate, if

DELUGE

like the

certainly never had any,

hough the legendary

(see col.

1064,

n.

I);

n the Alexander-legend conducts the hero to the waters

life, and in the

according to the commentators

is found by Moses ‘ a t the confluence

of

wo seas (rivers

may be

a

reflection of

or

(from

a

shortened form of which

may be derived).

Outside of Babylonia, therefore, the only extant

tradition is that of

and P.

This is obviously

on the Babylonian myth, for the substitution of

a

chest for a ‘ship is due either to reflection

or

to

a

between two Babylonian words,

in any

not to independent tradition.

account is the

ypical one

P s

statements as to the length of Enoch’s

ife and the duration of the Deluge seem to rest on

Aggada.

The typical Babylonian myth is that in the GilgameS-

(see above), which appears to be the local tradition

the theory ably propounded by Budde

be accepted.

narrative contained

Gen.

246-3

4

(but on

27

see

11

:

it

story.

In this record Noah appears

as

the first agri-

culturist, and the inventor of wine. A corruption of
the text, and perhaps editorial convenience, led to
identification with the hero of the Deluge, who (it is
held) had originally the name of Enoch, but had now to
take that of Noah

in

exchange (see N

OAH

). W e need

not, however, suppose that the Deluge-myth was
known to the Israelites before

wrote. It is in reality

a

pendant to the Creation-story

:

we should naturally

have expected both stories to reach the Israelites at the
same time.

W e have, indeed, no direct evidence of

this but the expression

has a very archaic appear-

ance. At one time

must have had

a

meaning in

Hebrew,

that time must have been long anterior

to

But the Deluge-myth, like the companion-story

which underlies

1,

did not, it seems, take

a

firm

hold on the Israelitish people

:

when

or (more prob-

ably) the earlier writer from whom he draws, shaped
his story, the Deluge-myth had passed out of mind, and

to be revived by the help of some one acquainted

with cuneiform documents (cp

C

REATION

,

).

( a )

Of the earliest Israelitish Deluge-myth

and of its Canaanitish original we know

nothing.

(6)

Lucian (160

A.D.),

laugh-

ing

m

his sleeve, gives the Syrian

story of his day ; but it has been partly Hellenised, and
probably Judaised (a ‘great box or chest,’

is

spoken

of),

and we can lay no stress

upon

it.

Its origin

was no doubt Babylonian.

Most people,’ says Lucian,

relate that the founder of the temple (of Hierapolis)

was

( c )

The

version of

the myth, if there ever was one, has

( d )

The

‘destruction’

:

hence ‘deluge’ from

‘to

destroy’ cp

a softened form of

Gen.64

Nu.

The word was chosen probably as a synonym for

(deluge) on account of the assonance when the

Bab.

Deluge-myth first

naturalised in

On the

etym. cp

Del.

Par.

Haupt,

in

66;

Cheyne

3

Jensen,

Times, 9

284 (derives from

‘to

(against which see Del.

172,

and cp

2

On the form of the

Syriac loan-word

cp

1495.

Such a notable

mythological word as

was

to

be naturalised

in

Canaan

some form (cp

B

ELI

A

L

).

may

be of Egyptian, but can scarcely be of Bah.

origin, as Jensen

4

represents. The word

in the phrase

inn

is

most naturally connectec

with

Cp

in the parallel passage in the

De Dea

chap.

cp Jos. Ant. 3

6.

Gruppe’s opposite

is

factory.

of the

of

(see Frd. Del.

Par. 224;

Jensen,

387);

but

the variant discovered

Peiser

the much fuller one transmitted

are valuable.

The Babylonian

Xisuthrus,

is

the

of the Berossian Deluge-story in this way

the name of

transposing the two

parts of the name or

Xisuthrus, he says, was

accompanied on board the ship

(

by

wife, children, friends, and steersman, and took with
him quadrupeds and birds.

He

was

ordered to turn

the course of his vessel towards the gods.’ How long
the flood lasted we are not told.

When it went down,

he sent out birds three’ times the third time the birds
did not return.

Then he discovered that the ship

had grounded ‘ o n

a

certain mountain.’ With wife,

daughter, and steersman, he disembarked, erected an
altar, sacrificed, and

passed out of sight with his

companions. Those who remained heard a voice which
announced that Xisuthrus had been taken to be with
the gods as a reward for his piety also that the land
in which they were was Armenia (cp Gen. 84

They

were, further, commanded to dig up the sacred books
which Xisuthrus, before embarking, had buried at
para to transmit them to mankind.

This form of the

story was, therefore, the local tradition of the ancient city
of Sippar, on the left bank of the Euphrates (the

of to-day). W e may plausibly

that the

fragment discovered by Scheil (see 6)

also

belonged to

the story current a t Sippar.

Here, however, we find,

only

as the name of the hero of the

Deluge. This name, however, is perhaps to be regarded

rather

as a

title than

as

a

personal name.

The epic narrative fills np the lacuna in the Berossian

story.

It presupposes a division of the period of the

Deluge into an (at present) uncertain
number of weeks. The same
tion for the number seven is visible in

account (see Gen.

8

Similarly the epic agrees more definitely than
with

in its notice respecting the birds.

Seven days

after the calming of the waters,

sends out

first a dove, then a swallow, then a raven.

less

naturally puts the

before the dove : probably he

did not draw directly from a Babylonian source (see
above,

e n d ;

end). The other details of

the Deluge have been simplified by

(or his

I t is hardly allowable

to quote the myth of the Destruction of Man (see Maspero,
Dawn

as a ‘dry deluge-myth,’ for the story has

a

ritual purpose.

Cp Jeremias,
See

2

(Eus.

ed.

1

and

c

Eus.

9

(Abydenus)

where the hero’s name is

Lucian (see above,

(A))

had heard the name Sisythes.

Probably, according to Haupt, the adverbial accusative

was affixed in the later period of the language

Amer.

Or.

March

1894).

1062

and

There is no Egyptian Flood-myth.

background image

DELUGE

DELUGE

The rather grotesque polytheistic setting has

disappeared

:

P , who retained the plural form

Let us

make man

in Gen.

1 2 6 ,

found nothing corresponding

to this in the old Deluge-story.

I n

Gen.

('And

smelled the sweet savour we find a reminiscence

of the mythic description in the epic (see above,
but the most startling part of the description has
vanished. The cause assigned to the Deluge is nobler
in

( P ) than in the epic.

In

the latter

Ea

reproaches

with having punished the innocent

with the guilty

:

the offence consisted, it appears, in the

neglect of the accustomed sacrifices to the

In

(P), on

the other hand, no special stress is laid on

sacrifices, and

no

limitation is made to the sweeping de-

claration that

<

the earth is filled with violence' (Gen.

whilst the injunction laid upon the survivors after the

Deluge is not that they should be reverent' in

a

ritual

sense, but that they should not deface the image of God
by shedding man's blood

96). The close of the epic

narrative, however, redeems the character of the poet,
and irresistibly suggests the theory, supported elsewhere,
that Noah should rather be Enoch.'

It was for the

children of the Hebrew Xisuthrus to re-found a human
race of finer quality than that which had perished.

Xisuthrus himself was too great and good a man to
encounter once more the ordinary trials of humanity.

was transported to the earthly Paradise, afar

off at the mouth of the rivers (the Euphrates and the
Tigris).' The Hebrew Xisuthrus, like his model in the
Berossian account, 'was not (=disappeared), for God
had taken him (Gen.

5

24).

Both

and the priestly writer represent a period

later than

epic. The earthly Paradise

was no doubt the original home of the
translated Xisuthrus, though we cannot
suppose that it was always placed a t

the mouth of the

: mythic

is notori-

ously fluctuating. The earliest location of Paradise was

the slopes of the mysterious mythic mountain which

reached upward to the sky (cp C

HERUB

,

7).

When

the ides of an earthly Paradise had worn out, men
thought of Xisuthrus as in heaven, and this is really
more in accord with the earliest form of the myth.
For, though the theory offered above by

8)

probably does embody the interpretation of the most
cultured Babylonian priests, we can hardly regard it
as a complete explanation.

I t is more like the after-

thought of a semi-philosophic age than like the sponta-
neous imagination of primitive men. There would be
more plausibility in the notion that

definite his-

torical catastrophe lies at the root of the story, if we
could only believe. that tradition could preserve so
remote an occurrence. The truth is that

a

definite

occurrence does lie at the root of the story : only, it

is

an imaginary, not a historical occurrence.
The Deluge-myth in Babylonia and elsewhere seems

to have grown out of

an

archaic ether-myth, akin to

that prevalent in Egypt.

Originally the sun was im-

agined as a man voyaging on a boat in the heavenly
ocean. When this story had been told and retold a
long time, rationalism suggested that the sea was not
in heaven

on earth, and observation of the damage

wrought in winter by incessant rains and the inundations

of great rivers suggested the introduction of correspond-
ing details into the new earthly Deluge-myth. This
theory is supported by the Polynesian Deluge-myths
collected by

the origin of which is still plainly

visible.

In

these, the

sun

and the

were imagined

sometimes as peaks emerging out of

a

flood, sometimes

Throughout the epic-story the sacrificial interest

pro-

minent.

too,

relates that a voice from heaven bade

the friends whom Xisuthrus left behind be reverent towards the
gods

punctual

sacrifices.

Probably a n island in the Persian Gulf

is

meant (Jensen,

213).

3

der

6

See also

der

p.

1063

as canoes, sometimes

a man

and his wife the stars,

sometimes

as

ships, sometimes as human beings-the

children of the sun and moon

the clouds too were

described

as

ships-the 'ships of Tangaloa' (the

heaven- and air-god).

The flood itself was called

sometimes 'flood of the

(so

at Hawaii), some-

times

'

flood

of

day's

the sun

(so

at Tahiti).

This accounts for the strongly mythological characters of

in Babylonia and of Maui in New

who are, in fact, solar personages. Enoch too must be
classed in this category his perfect righteousness and
superhuman

now first becomeintelligible. More-

over, we now comprehend how the goddess Sabitu (the
guardian of the entrance to the sea) can say to GilgameS
(himself a solar personage)

the mighty

( L e . ,

the sun-god) crossed the s e a ; besides

(?)

who

can cross it?

For, though the

'

sea'

in

the epic is

no doubt the earth-circling ocean, it was hardly this
in the myth from which the words were taken.

The transference of the Deluge from heaven to earth

had two effects, First, it produced a virtual duplication

of the

points

the way to a probable explanation of
the appearance of the raven, the

swallow, and the dove

Babylonian account, and

of the dove and the raven in the Hebrew account.

An

authentic and striking Polynesian parallel to the descrip-
tion in Gen.

. . .

brooding over the face of the

waters

has been given already (see CREATION,

N.

American tribes, too, frequentlyconncct the emergence

of the earth from the primordial ocean with the descent
of a raven, and their flood-myths, according to Brinton,
connect the rebuilding of the earth with the agency of

In the Algonkin account, however, the musk-

rat succeeds, when the raven fails, in finding a portion
of the submerged earth.

the primitive Babylonian

myths of Creation and Deluge

a

bird (whether raven or

dove), or birds, probably had a share in the process of
creation and re-creation.

The second effect of the transference spoken of was a

new speculative theory.

It occurred to the early men

that the idea of a second construction of the world
lightened the problem

of

the origin of things.

How the

primeval world arose might be difficult to

satis-

factorily : various mythic stories were current

but it

was not

so

hard to conceive of a world once destroyed

being reconstructed.

in course of time,

tematisers devised schemes bearing some resemblance to
the cycles of the Stoics.

It

seemed to them as if the

Creator were constantly being baffled in his experiments
by physical or moral perversity in the materials.

Thus

the priests of the Aztecs spoke of four antecedent ages,
separated by universal cataclysms, the present being the
fifth and

and a similar belief, in rudimentary forms,

Enoch like

wise.

is an

attribute of the

The same

title appears

to

be given to the young eagle in the myth of Etana

(see

supernatural

444).

Notice, too, that the old eagle in the Etana-myth and

are both mentioned

in connection with magical plants.

T h e legendary el-Hidr of the Moslems, whom Guyard and
Lenormant

2

identify with

was

also

the wisest of beings.

On this

parallel cp

7

8

263

and Dyroff,

also

32

See also

5.

See

Dawn

584 Jeremias,

it

has been remarked, has some

affinity to

Circe.

3

Was the

at

Babylon a commemoration of the

Deluge?

It

is referred to in the epic narrative,

2.

From

inscription of Nebuchadrezzar we learn that it was 'in

Zakmuk' (Jensen

Now Zakmuk, the New Year's

festival,

Creation.

Brinton,

of

the New

2 0 4 ;

Macdonell,

Cp above,

See

n.

p.

gives the

form' on the

authority of Father Le

It appears that the

Algonkins supposed all mankind to have perished in the Deluge.
This

is against deriving this

from a previous

myth. T h e Algonkin view, however. is not largely represented.

of

Mexico

and

Peru,

1064

background image

DELUGE

is still prevalent throughout the American-Indian tribes.
The Zoroastrians believed in six ages of the world, with
a

final catastrophe issuing in

a

renovation. The six

ages are of late origin (see C

REATION

,

9 ) ; but the

renovation,

Darmesteter admits, goes back to the

period.

Not

without stimulus from

the Jews in later times advanced to the same

belief.‘ They were assured that the present world
would be destroyed and that a new heaven and earth
would take its place

6517 6622

Mt.

2

Pet.

Enoch

Apoc. Bar.

326)

in harmony with Gen.

9

fire was to be the destroying

agency

Pet.

These beliefs were naturally

fostered by the moral

of the best men,

as

we

see, not only from the biblical writings

Gen.

6

2

Pet.

and from the Babylonian

story, but also from an American (Quiche) story, which
says, They did not think or speak of the Creator who
had created

and who had caused their

The intense moral fervour of the ancient Zoroastrian
hope of world-renovation is well known (see P

ERSIA

).

If it were possible to believe

in

a

primitive tradition

earlv human historv. and to acceut all

DELUS

mythic narratives

as

independent tradi-

tions, we should have

a

weary waste

of

Deluge-stories still to plod through.

There are, however, only three more such accounts
which have any special interest from our present point
of view.

(a)

The Indian Deluge-story is the

This can hardly be a genuine Aryan myth, for there is
no clear reference to it in the Rig Veda.

The

Brahmana,

where

it

first occurs, was written

(Weber) not long before the Christian era. Another version, in
which the

of the earlier one are filled up, is given in the

but

this poem though it existed in part before

the

era did not

its present form till long

afterwards.

A

version, still more decidedly Indian

in

character, hut with some suspicious resemblances to the Semitic
accounts, is given in the

but the earliest

possible date of this work

is the twelfth century

which

deprives its account of the deluge of all claim to

.

The principal characteristic of the older Flood-story is

the part

to the fish which warns Manu of the

Deluge, and ultimately saves him by drawing his ship to
a

northern mountain.

This

is

surely out of character

with

mythology.

The horned fish, in which

Brahma appears, reminds

us

strongly of the Babylonian

fish-god Ea.

It was Ea who gave notice of the

Deluge to

Zimmer

Jensen

497) and Oldenberg

des

276) consider the Babylonian origin

of the Indian Flood-story to be certain

but

on

the

other hand cp Usener,

(6)

The second account is a Zoroastrian myth in the

Avesta

(

In its present form (even

after the prosaic additions have been removed; see
Geldner, in Usener,

3

it seems to have been

influenced by the Hebrew Deluge-story.

The Var, a square enclosure constructed by

Vedic god of the dead), had a door and perhaps a

like Noah’s Ark, and it was designed to preserve men,
and animals.

Apart from this, it reminds ns of the

Eden, and the calamity which was to be averted was, not a
flood, but a terrible winter’s frost, connected, however, with
the end of the

The myth seems to he a recast of

elements from more than one source.

Possibly there

was a primitive native Deluge-story but, if so, it was
vitalised from a Jewish source, some time during the
third or the second century,

B

.c.,

when (as Ramsay has

Che.
Is. 51

16

is a late mosaic of phrases, and irrelevant (see Du.

ad

Brinton,

cif.

This is of course a later addition,

as

in one of the forms of the Tahitian myth

6

271).

See Muir,

1

Burnouf,

2

Weber

1

5

renhered ‘window,’

is

said to he a s

obscure a s the Hebrew

Gen.

see

L

ATTICE

).

Cp. Kohnt,

(c)

The third is a Phrygian myth.

pointed out) many thousands

of

Jews from Babylonia

were settled as colonists in the cities which the Seleucid,
kings had built.

This was the period of the inter-

mingling of religions, when Judaism too made conquests,
especially in

Asia

Minor. Even those who were not

otherwise

were influenced by Jewish legends

AND

G

OMORRAH

).

Important cities ex-

hibited

on

their coins biblical symbols, and harmonised

their old traditions with biblical narratives.”

Thus Apamea (formerly Kelainai) adopted the Noah-legend

;

Iconium that of Enoch whose name was connected with the
Phrygiah name of

or

This king (for such

tradition made him) was said to have lived more than 300 years

t o

have announced the coming Deluge, and to have prayed

his people. T h e mountain bard

Apamea was said t o he

that on which Noah’s ark grounded

;

the city therefore assumed

the title

(Ark).

The references already given are almost sufficient

(they may be supplemented from

Genesis)

but at least a brief mention is due to
Lenormant’s study in

The conclusion

de

1

382

arrived at is that of Franz Delitzsch and Dillmann,
that the Deluge is no ‘myth,’ but a historical fact.

Lenormant, at any rate, holds that the three great
civilised races of the ancient world preserved a dim

recollection of it.

This implies

a

self-propagating

power

in

tradition which the researches of experts in

popular traditions do not justify.

died,

a

martyr of patriotism, in 1884. Would he have changed
his mind had he lived? At any rate, he would have
respected the honesty of those who regard the Deluge-
story as

a

precious record of the myth-forming imagina-

tion which has been made subservient to

a

high moral

idealism.

ADAM

A N D

E

V

E

.

Lastly, the writer would call attention to

two articles

on

Scheil‘s Deluge-story

6 )

in the

New

York

and 17th Feb.

1898 (cp his

and Ass.

502

It is here maintained that

a

local

tradition of

a

rain-storm which submerged

506).

a

single city has been combined in the

with a myth of the destruction of mankind based upon
the annual phenomenon of the overflow of the Euphrates.

or

(as

Haupt in

and

Jastrow prefer to read the name) is the hero

of

the

local tradition, while

(

Gen.

69,

according to Jastrow) is the hero

of

the larger nature-

myth. The present writer admits that the version in
the epic is of composite origin, and that the names

and

perhaps come from

different sources

he holds that all the Babylonian

deluge-stories, whether simple or composite, have

a

mythic basis. Moreover, he does not recognise that the
simplicity of the oldest Hebrew version of the
story heightens the probability that the Hebrews carried
that story with them when they left their Euphratean
settlements. The account given above of the origin

and development of the Hebrew story has surely not
lost any of its probability in consequence

of

Scheil‘s

discovery.

[See,

addition

to

works already cited, Noldeke,

‘Der

von der

pp.

R. Andree, Die

(‘91)

H.

Usener,

pt.

3

(‘99). especially 7, ‘Ergebnisse’

M. Jastrow,

and

1899,

pp.

On the chief questions arising out of

the Babylonian Deluge-story, cp Jastrow,
and

Ass.

which, as also Usener’s

work, appeared after this article had been written.]

7-9

T. K.

C.

6,

DELUS,

RV

[AKV],

the

See Bahelon, ‘ L a Trad. phryg. du Deluge,’

Rev.

de

des

pp.

;

and,

on

A pamea- Kelainai, Ramsay,

and

Bishoprics

chaps.

11, 12.

background image

DEMAS

DEMETRIUS

smallest of the Cyclades, regarded by the ancients
as the centre of the group-a confusion of the geo-
graphical and religious points

of

view (cp Str. 485).

Delos was both a shrine

a commercial centre, and

‘her whole destiny is explained by her religious traditions

and her geographical situation.’ Though nominally
free, the island was really subject to the dominant
power for the time being in the Aegean.

It was a free

port as early as 168

and attracted a great part of

the Rhodian trade (Polyb.

3 1 7 ) .

After 146

it

entered upon the heritage of Corinth

486).

The

acquisition

of

the province of Asia by the Romans in

B.

c.

added greatly to the wealth and importance of

Delos.

Now began the most brilliant epoch of its

history : the inscriptions show that its commercial
relations were with the Levant, chiefly Syria and Egypt.

So

Pausanias calls the island

(viii. 332). For long it was the chief emporium

of merchandise from the

E.

to the

so

that the fine

bronze or copper wares of Greece were called indiffer-
ently Corinthian, or

from the place of export

Cic.

283).

The island

became especially a great slave mart, where the Asiatic
slave dealers disposed of their human cargoes to Italian
speculators as many as

thousand were landed and

sold in a day (Str. 668). Naturally such a spot attracted
large numbers of Jews (Jos.

Ant.

1 0 8

Philo,

ad

Cui.

36

cp

I

Macc.

According to

a

Greek

inscription, a company of Tyrian merchants was settled
there as early as the second century

B.C.

(CZG 2271).

At the altar of Delos Antiochus Epiphanes set up statues
(Polyb.

and an inscription to Herod Antipas has

been discovered in the island (cp

88

B.C.

men, mostly Italians, were massacred in

the island by Archelaos, admiral of the Pontic fleet of
Mithridates, a blow from which it partially recovered,
only to be finally ruined about twenty years later by the
systematic and wholesale destruction wrought by the
pirate Athenodorus.

The resurrection of the island

was rendered impossible by the rapid growth of
and the revival of Corinth (for its decay, cp Paus. viii.

ix.

346).

See the articles

M.

Homolle in the Bull.

A

good

in

in

ET,

DEMAS

[Ti: WH]) is enumerated by the

apostle Paul as among his fellow-workers

at

the time

of

his (first)

captivity (Philem. 24

see also

Col.

414).

In a Tim.

he is thus alluded to :

Demas forsook me, having loved this present world,

and went to Thessalonica.’

Nothing is known of him

beyond what may be inferred or conjectured from these

J

.

allusions.

H e is enumerated in the ‘list of the seventy disciples of

Lord’ compiled

the Pseudo-Dorotheus of Tyre

Bonn ed 2

and is stated to have become a priest of idols

Along with Hermogenes, he figures prominently

in the apocryphal Acts

and

as a hypocritical

companion of the former, and to Hermogenes and

is

assigned the particular heresy about the resurrection which in

Tim. 2

is attributed to

and Philetus.

DEMETRIUS

of,

or

belonging to, Demeter, a proper name of very common
occurrence among the Greeks).

I

.

Demetrius

I.,

surnamed

king of Syria,

son

of

Seleucus

IV.

Philopator,

sent in his

early youth to

Rome as a

hostage, the throne mean-

while being occupied by his uncle Antiochus Epi-
phanes (see A

NTIOCHUS

,

After some time he

effected his escape to Tripolis (chiefly through the aid
of the historian Polybius), and thence proceeded to

Antioch where he proclaimed himself king, securing
his position by putting to death his cousin Antiochns
Eupator

(A

NTIOCHUS

, 3),

and

(

I

Macc.

7

162

B.C.).

He lost no time

pleasing the Hellenizing

party by sending Bacchides

to

instal Alcimus as high-

H e received this honorary designation on account of

his

delivering the Babylonians from

the

satrap Heraclides.

priest (see B

ACCHIDES

,

The disturbances

caused by the latter need not here be described the
Syrian general N

ICANOR

was defeated at

Capharsalama

and at Adasa ( 7 3 9 8 ) .

A

warning was sent from Rome to Demetrius not to
interfere with the Jews; but it was too late.

Less

than two months after the fall of Nicanor a fresh
invasion under Bacchicles took place

the

power was seriously crippled (chap. 9, 160

B

.C.

see

further

Seven years later Demetrius,

disputing the sovereignty with Alexander

,

Balas,

endeavoured, though in vain,

to

secure the

of

the Maccabean party (chap.

and after some

hostilities died fighting his

150

B

.c.).

See M

ACCABEES

,

a.

II.,

son

of the above, who

had been living in exile in Crete, came over

to

Cilicia

to

avenge his father’s ill success in

and secured a powerful follower in the person of
A

POLLONIUS

An engagement took place at

Ashdod, and Apollonius was decisively beaten

( I

Macc.

Shortly afterwards, however, his hands were

unexpectedly strengthened by the secession of Ptolemy
VI.

(see P

TOLEMY

,

I

) ,

who transferred to

him his daughter Cleopatra, the wife

of

Alexander

Balas (see A

LEXANDER

,

Alexander was put to

flight and Demetrius became king in

B.C.

A

treaty by which Jonathan obtained favourable

concessions was concluded (M

ACCABEES

,

and

Demetrius, believing his position secure, took the

un-

wise step of discharging

regular troops, who at

once went over to Tryphon, the guardian of the young
son of Alexander Balas

see

T

RYPHON

).

Profiting by the approach of

a

disturbance, Jonathan

obtained fresh concessions from Demetrius

on

the

that Tryphon’s rebellion in Antioch

should be put down.

This was successfully accom-

plished but when Jonathan saw that Demetrius showed

no

signs of carrying out his promises he was easily

persuaded to transfer his allegiance to Tryphon.
Demetrius’ princes entered

and after a temporary

success were routed in the neighbourhood of Hazor
( 1 1 6 3 8 ) .

Another invasion was meditated in

B

.C.

but was successfully warded off by Jonathan’s

skilful generalship

The scene suddenly

changed when Tryphon usurped the throne of Syria,
and endeavoured, with some success, to reduce Judaea.
Jonathan was dead and Simon

himself in

strengthening the defences.

An embassy was sent to

Demetrius II., who, to obtain Simon’s support, readily
granted all the Jewish demands including even a
complete immunity from taxation

2

Trusting

Simon to continue the struggle against Tryphon,
Demetrius marched to Persia, partly for conquest,
partly to acquire

but he was captured

by Mithridates I. (see P

ERSIA

) and imprisoned,

his

place in Syria being taken by his younger brother
Antiochus

(

I

Macc.

see A

NTIOCHUS

,

From non-biblical sources we know that, at the expira-
tion of ten years, he resumed the throne

(128

B

.c.),

quarrelled with Ptolemy Physkon and his

Alexander Zabinas, and was finally conquered at

Damascus, after fleeing from which place he was
murdered at Tyre

125

B

.C.

(cp

Jos.

Ant.

3.

A silversmith of Ephesus, who was the chief instigator of

the tumult in the interests of his craft which brought Paul’s
mission

in

that city to

a

close (Acts

See

D

I

ANA

,

The conjecture that he figures again in 3

as

a convert to Christianity, precarious at best becomes

singularly so when the commonness of the name is

4.

A

Christian mentioned with commendation in Jn. (v.

That he was the hearer of the epistle is sometimes inferred; hut

If we follow

R V

(after AN, etc.) and read ‘the army of

Alexander fled,’ it would seem that v. 49 and

must belong

to two different accounts.

See more fully Jos.

Ant.

2 4

and

cp

Bible. ad

This independence gained

the Jews was marked

the

introduction of a new e r a ; cp

I.

background image

DEMONS

the inference has no more stringency than that mentioned in
no. 3.

S. A. C.

Demons are a survival from an earlier

faith continued belief in them is due to the conserva-

tive instincts of the ordinary religious
mind, and

is

thus particularly character-

istic of the popular religion. For this

reason references to demons scarcely occur in the earlier

literature, which is so largely prophetic. Such refer-

ences increase in frequency, however, in the later Jewish
writings, and are numerous in N T ; this is due partly to

the foreign influences (Babylonian, Persian, and Greek)
under which the Jews

exilic and post-exilic times,

and partly to the fact that the earlier beliefs, after being
transformed, lent themselves

as

explanations of some of

the religious problems that were arising.

For the

(Hellenistic) term

or

(see below,

6),

whence the English term 'demon'

is derived, Hebrew possesses

no

clear

equivalent.

occurs in the

L

XX

only in Dt.

Ps. 906 955

Is.

[BA] and

in

Tobit

yet it re-

presents no fewer than five Hebrew words,

gad,

(Dt.

Ps.

cp

916,

where

reads

for

Of these the first is

a

general term

for

false gods details

as

to the second

and the third will be found in the articles

F

ORTUNE

and

S

ATYR

, and

as

to

the fourth

in

W

ILD

B

EASTS

only the

last is translated demon in

RV.

Similar objects of popular superstition are

L

ILIT

H

,

A

ZAZEL

,

(in Tobit), and probably the

horse-leech of Prov.

(see H

ORSE

-

LEECH

).

details of these also reference must be made to the
separate articles. Closely connected with the present
subject is the practice of consulting the

to which

we have reference in the earliest narrative literature

(

I

S .

2 8 ) .

Jewish demonology, then, is the result of the survival

of primitive Hebrew (Semitic) beliefs, which, having

DEMONS.

See D

IVINATION

,

4.

DEMONS

been neither suppressed by, nor wholly
assimilated to, the prophetic religion,
were quickened by contact with Baby-

lonia, Persia, and Greece (cp

of

above,

The chief primitive survivals

in

the Jewish

belief are the quasi-divine character of these beings

as

shown by the sacrifices offered to them

(Dt.

32

cp Bar.

4 7

I

Cor.

Ps. 10637

Lev.

in

Is.

and the sacrifice to

described

in

Lev.

their undefined yet local character shown by

their association with waste places

34

14,

cp Rev.

Bar.

435,

[Vg.] Tob.

and their connection

with animals, indicated by their sharing the waste places
with wild beasts (foregoing references, and Mk.
and the meaning of such a term

as

(hairy ones,

goats) on the similar character of the
see Robertson Smith's

T h e term that is most generic in character is certainly

Unfortunately the etymology of the word

doubtful, for the view that it signifier

lord

and Volck's

cannot be said to be well supported.

The cognate

word in Assyrian

denotes the gods or geni

who, in the form of huge winged bulls,

the

entrances

of

the temples

( C O T

140).

In

both passage:

(exilic or post-exilic) where

occurs in O T

it

is

quite generally of illegitimate objects of worship (Dt.

Ps.

and in the Pesh.

is the equivalen

of

the later Jewish writings the

are frequently referred to

as

noxious spirits

(see

Buxtorf

Lex.,

)

this they have not definitely become

in

however the wicked dead were disregarded, and the spirits of
good

honoured a s

(

I

S.

13

cp. Is.

@),

I

therefore to treat necromancy

see

1069

IT

(on

the

see

further Dr. and Di. on Dt.

3217

Now. on

Hos.

1212

(read

for

Che.

258;

3 3 4 ;

G. Hoffmann,

55,

n.

I

) .

See S

HADDAI

,

nd cp S

IDDIM

, V

ALE OF.

When angels came to be differentiated as helpful and

armful, and, later,

as

good and bad

the harmful or bad angels closely re-
sembled demons ; the difference between
the two became, in consequence, less and

Speculations on the difference may be found in

the same uncertainty prevails in Mohammedan

heology, where,

it is disputed whether Iblis was an

The classical inferiority of

(and

to

finds its lowest depth

in

the Old and the New

most plainly so in the New.

Even a s early a s Homer the general equivalence of the two

2 1

was varied

the frequent distinction

between Beds a s the

and

6.

usage.

a s the more abstract, less nameable

and by the sense of

in the adjective

18

406) as

well a s by

uch epithets for

a s

and

In post-

Greek the inferiority grew in distinctness and degree,

gathered round itself more and more a sense of evil and

vhile

never altogether ceased in profane

o be a

the tendency

to

degradation overwhelmingly

Thus

word that stood to Hesiod

for

he benignant souls of heroes of the golden age, served

223)

for a n evil apparition, and the tragedians

569,

Soph.

U T

and the Attic orators

2

for gloomy

of misfortune, often attached to families or to individuals

finally Plutarch (probably under the influence of Eastern

Alexandrian dualism) included in its category the

to

whom he attributed all that was barbarous and cruel

orac. 14).

The sense of evil

spirit

for

is

in

the N T

unmistakable.

does not occur in the

LXX,

except once in

and,

to

the best authorities, appears hut twice in the NT,

in Mt. and

accounts of the Gerasene demoniac (Mt.

Mk.

5

not in Ti. W H

in the second passage). Perhaps

of adj.

(cp

as representing even more fitly the abstract and

Cp

Plat.

and

Acts

17

The word

(used

in

the N T about sixty

times), best reproduced as daemon,' is almost entirely
confined to

in the worst form, evil spirits possess-

ing

beings, though it

is

used occasionally of evil

spirits in general

and

(as

above, Acts

of heathen gods of

an

inferior order,

as

well

as

three times

in

one passage

( I

Cor.

)

of evil spirits

working in the background of idolatry.

(See The

Thinker,

May

The identity of

and

is obvious from

passages as

Lk.

8

and

I

Tim. 4

I

,

and from the comparison of

such passages

as

Mk. 1

26

and

Lk.

4

35,

Mk.

3

30

and Jn. 10

Rev. 16

13

and 14.

The accounts of evil spirits

as

possessing

are confined

to the

and Acts, though the idea crops up

also in

Jn.,

only however in

52,

and

and

said of

Jesus

himself),

and never

as

actually posited by the writer.

The period immediately embracing the Christian era

saw

a

vast development of the idea of, daemons or, genii,

which may be traced to the survival of
early animistic conceptions in a higher
stage of culture (see Tylor,

Prim.

Cult.,

chap.

For

our present purpose

it

is

most important to refer to the Persian, the

Jewish, and the Talmudic beliefs.

We shall, however,

here limit ourselves to the second of these classes

of

evidence, which appeals most to ordinary educated
readers (see also below,

On the philosophic basis of the Platonic

or Forms, and

the

Stoic

or Reasons, combined with the Hebrew con-

ception of angels, Philo had bridged over his dualistic
between God and the world, with intermediate beings, some
'blessed'

others 'profane

the incorporeal

being pure

or a demon.

G .

B.

G.

and

P

ERSI

A).

An

by the present writer on

Paul's view

of

the

Greek Gods.

background image

DEMONS

DEMONS

and hovering in the air, which was full of them, some of them,
however descending into bodies and

50

becoming impure.

These

identified by

with the ‘angels’ of Moses

and the ‘daemons’ of ‘other philosophers‘

Ling. 35

de

2-4).

A

kindred belief in daemons as good and evil

of divine action pervaded the cosmology of the

and Neo-Platonists towards the close of the first

century

A.D.

(Hatch,

Die

Phil.

;

and Epictetus, about the same date, held

that ‘all things were full of gods and dzemons’

745).

Josephus also (seeking, like Philo; to conciliate

and heathen views) testifies to the prevalence of a similar

among

his countrymen, but in his

tion makes the

exclusively

viii. 5

G 3).

On

the Talmudic evidence for the contemporary

Jewish acceptance (doubtless developed under
of a countless number of spirits, good and bad and legions of
dzemons lying in wait for men, see
Ap. xiii., and cp Weber,

The number, prominence, and activity, therefore, of

evil spirits

in

the N T is in general harmony with the

views of the times.

Germinal ideas of possession are to be found even in

Homer (Od.

where a

causes

a

wasting sickness). The verb
representsinsanity

in

(

Euripides

Aristophanes

and Plutarch

(

whilst Herodotus

Euripides

and other writers attri-

bute to divine possession the frenzy of the Bacchantes
and Corybantes. T o

a

sense of the same mysterious

power

be traced Herodotus’s name

for epilepsy (Hippocrates, 400

attriboted the

disease to natural causes), and the phrase of the

physician

(1st century,

A.

D.

That the nations- with whom

the Jews in later times were brought into contact held
similar views in systematised forms has often been
shown (see below,

1

1

),

and we cannot doubt that,

though not originating

in

any one of these forms, the

popular belief of the Jews was largely influenced by the
beliefs of their neighbours. That belief, as reflected

in

the

NT,

regards the daemons (which are spirits entirely

evil) as a definite class

of

beings, injuriously affecting,

mostly internally and by possession, the human, and

(in

the case of the Gerasene swine) the animal person-

ality, the subjects being usually described as

daemonised (all the Gospels, though only

once each in

and Jn. )-the less classical form of

and the equivalent of Josephus’s

by which phrase is justified

the rendering

possessed.’ The

moral

connexion of

daemons in the N T is subordinate.

Without doubt

they are regarded as diametrically (though by no means
with dualistic equality) opposed to the work of Christ,
and their

is

upon (especially by

Llc.) as his primary healing function and as the sign
above all others that the kingdom of God had come

13

32

11

Their moral and spiritual influence

is recognised in Jesus’ parable of the unclean spirit
(Mt.

11

24)

;

in what Paul says of the table of

daemons

( I

Cor.

10

)

in the doctrines of daemons

of

I

Tim.

and

in

Rev.

where the worshipping

of

daemons (cp Dt.

3 2 1 7

is

another expression for

idolatry. This moral and spiritual evil in the daemonic
world

is

also

certainly

in view whenever the N T

writers

of the opposition of God and the devil

(Ja.

4 7 )

of

the subjugation thenceforth by Christ of

the kingdom of evil (Lk.

I

3 8

Rom.

and of the final destruction (Mk.

Mt.

of the

devil and his angels

in

the lake of fire (Rev.

after

a

period of relative independence which finds its counter-

part in the moral

spiritual freedom of man.

The effects

possession which are constantly

[On this second theory relative to the demons

that they

are the spirits of the (wicked) dead see

Tode

where on thb ground of

residence

in the tombs

of

from Josephns referred to above

it

is maintained that the two demoniacs in Mt.

8

were (though;

themselves) possessed

spirits of the dead.]

prominent in the Synoptists, however,

ally

in

and in Acts

( 8 7

are physical and psychical, and must be
distinguished from Satanic influence such

as

that upon David

in

I

Ch.

21

I

,

or upon Judas

in

13

27.

It

is

not a

influence it is a besetting internal

malady.

This form of possession, which presupposes

a large development of the belief in daemons, is dis-
tinctive of late Jewish times, as we see not only from the
Gospels, but also from the references of

(especi-

ally

Ant.

viii.

and from the quasi-professional

of

(as previously of Egyptian and Persian)

exorcists

13

Mk.

Mt.

Justin,

2 6

311

as well

as from the many methods of expulsion recorded in the
Talmudic writings (Edersheim,

xvi.

cp Jos.

Ant.

viii.

2 5

6 3

Solomon’s ring and the

root

One point to be carefully noted is that, whilst at times

disease is attributed to daemons, possession is

a

comprehensive word for disease in general. The practice
of the Synoptists in this respect is not quite uniform.

They all, in their

records of

agree in

distinguishing the dzemonised from the sick

108

Mk. 1 3 2

Lk. 6

while

Mt.

(424)

expressly distinguishes them

also

from the lunatic

They all likewise, in the

mention of

cases, agree in speaking of maladies

without making any reference to possession (Mt.

9 27-31 Lk.

17

Mk. 7 32-37).

Out of twelve individual cases which

Mk. records, eight are so presented; and, in the six of these

recorded by Mt. and Lk.,

as

well as in cases peculiar to them

reference to possession is

absent. Mk.,

in the

ing cases, confines possession to psychical maladies, such as
insanity and epilepsy; Mt. and

add cases in which posses-

sion takes the form of purely

disease-dumbness, Lk.

11

Mt. 9

; dumbness and blindness, Mt. 12

curvature

of the spine, Lk. 13

T h e comparison of these agreements

and differences suggests that the tendency to account for purely
bodily disease by possession was a tendency, not of Mt. and Lk.
themselves, hut of a source or sources used

them but unknown

to Mk. (see Schiir.

vol.

1892).

The drift of the evidence seems to carry us to the

conclusion that the idea of possession was associated, in
the main, with psychical disease (cp also

Lk.

7 3 3

Jn.

and this

is

confirmed by the hints thrown

out here and there that this affliction was of all afflictions
the direst and most impracticable.

The peculiar em-

phasis laid by Jesus upon the power given to the
missionary disciples to expel demons (Mt.

10

and

parallels) the special exultation of the Seventy upon
their return, Even the daemons are subject unto

us

(Lk.

the intense amazement at the ease with

which Jesus cast out the spirits

Lk.

dispens-

ing with the more elaborate incantations and manipula-
tions of the professional exorcist

the helplessness of

will in the possessed

their identification of themselves

with the

their aversion to deliverance (Lk.

and the wrench with which the deliverance was some-
times effected

(Mk.

124)

;

the fact that Jesus never in

these cases called for faith, but seems to have felt that
only some external force, acting

in

spite of the subjects

of the disease, could free them from it all these con-
siderations point to psychical, nervous disorder, which
could, of course, manifest itself

in

various forms.

There

is

no sign on the part of Jesus any more than

the part

of

the evangelists, of mere accommodation

.

to the current belief.

It is true that

Satan is used metaphorically

in

the

rebuke of Peter

and that

unclean spirit

is figurative in

Mt.

Accommodation is just admissible

in

the

Gebhardt and Harnack

viii., last part, 107.

T h e plant which gave

to the

of

was prob-

ably a strange-looking crucifer described by Tristram,

Land

Moab, who found it near

3

In

one instance, that of the Gerasene demoniac, Jesus

appears to have found it advisable to follow the precedent

of

Jewish exorcists

A n t . viii. 2

5 )

and give the demoniac a

proof of his deliverance though in a way not suggested

by

them.

It may be observed, ’in passing, that the word

exor-

cism

is never applied to

method of expulsion, though the

Jews in Acts 19 13 are called

1072

background image

DEMONS

DEPOSIT

commission to

(Mt.

in Jesus’ exulta-

tion at their success

and his reproof of

their failure (Mt.

or the phraseology may

pos-

sibly have been coloured by the belief of the writers (as
also in Mlc.

134,

where the knowledge of the daemons is

described

as

superhuman). Acceptance of the

belief is clearly at the basis of Jesus’ argument with the

Pharisees-in Lk.

11

however, and this is quoted by

as irrefragable evidence.

On

the other hand, the

indefinite multiplication of spirits, and the grotesque
functions ascribed to them in contemporary and later
Jewish literature, and the wholesale belief in possession
in the second century

A.

no favour’with Jesus or

his biographers or in

literature generally. While

the existence of Satan’s ministers is recognised, the
tendency is rather to concentrate the influences for evil
in Satan himself.

Finally, that Jesus believed

the

power of others besides himself and his disciples to
expel demons in some sense, at any rate, seems clear
in the presence

of

such passages

as

Mt.

Llc.

11

where he attributes the power to the disciples of the

Pharisees he recognises also the fact that similar suc-
cess was attained by some who used his name without
actually following him (Mk.

or without being more

The chief foreign influence-

on

Jewish demonology

It was, partly direct, partly

indirect.

For though Iranian superstition

had an internal principle of development,

For

instance, the seven devas or arch-demons of Zoroastrian-
ism are a reflection of the seven evil or destructive
spirits who play such a part in Babylonian mythology

(see Maspero,

of

634,

and who in a

famous incantation are called the Seven (see Zimmern’s
translation of the text.

and the supposed capacity of the formula of the

to drive away the devas is but a

limated form of the Babylonian belief in the recitation

of the hymns to the gods.

Hence, even when a Jewish

belief, such as the grouping of seven demons, char-
acteristic of Jewish

popular

superstition (Mt.

1 2 4 5

Mk.

Lli.

appears to be shaped by Persian

influences (for names of demons of Persian origin
besides

see Hamburger,

1

it is very possible that Babylonia gave the first

impulse to Persia. The doctrine of

disease-possession

among the Jews may very well have been taught in
exilic times

but it is probable that it was when the

Jews were conscious of the displeasure of their God, and
when they became more and more exposed to foreign
influences, that this doctrine attained its full dimensions,

as we see it

the

NT.

I t

is

not

so

much from Persia

as

from Egypt and Babylon that the stimulus for its

development was derived. The Egyptian view described
in Orig. c.

(Schurer), that the human body

was divided into thirty-six members, and that with each
of these was connected a separate demon, by rebuking
whom

a

member could be cured of disease,

is

but

a

more specialised form of the doctrine of the

Book

of

the

The doctrine of disease among the ancient

Babylonians was that the swarming demons could enter

a

man’s body and cause sickness.

On

a fragment of

a

tablet Budge

has

found six evil spirits mentioned by

name.

The first attacked the head; the second, the

lips the third, the forehead the fourth, the breast
the fifth, the viscera

;

the sixth, the

It was the

duty of the exorcist to expel these demons by incanta-
tions, and the Zoroastrians believed that Zarathustra,

[The sacrifices to the

K.

288

emended

by

G .

Hoffmann,

Lev.

17

have been in

part designed to avert diseases (cp the Arabian belief in
described

We.

ed.

;

W R S

120).

For the ancient Egyptian belief, cp Maspero,

Dawn

422

cp Maspero, Dawn

683, 780.

than professed disciples (Mt.

J.

M.

was no doubt Babylonian.

it was early fertilised from Babylonia.

also the rite of

by reciting the formula called the Ahuna-vairya, caused
all the devas to vanish

in

the ground who aforetime

flew about the earth

in

human shape.’

The Zoroastrian

religion, therefore, gave its adherents some rest from this
baleful belief.

Fidelity to its law could avert the danger

which arose from the existence of the devas created by

That was also a part of the mission

of the Law as. consolidated by Ezra, and above all of

a

greater than either Moses or Ezra.

The ‘authority

and power with which Jesus Christ commanded the
unclean spirits

436)

astonished his contemporaries,

and contrasts even with the comparative facility ascribed
to Zarathustra. I t is hardly necessary to add that
similar phenomena to those described in the Gospels
are still to be

with, not only in savage districts, but

also in countries of an ancient

such as India

and China.

On this subject see

J.

L.

Nevins,

Demon Possession and

Themes;

an inductive

of

Phenomena of

(Chicago, New York, and Toronto,

1895).

O f

Babylonian demonology we still lack an adequate presentation.

Among the older books Lenormant’s

La

ed.,

1874)

bears most directly on the subject. For evidence

of the long-continued influence of Babylonian on Jewish super.

see Stiibe,

On Zoroastrian beliefs, see the translation of the Zendavesta in

SBB.

The reduction of the heathen gods to mere

which we find accomplished in the later biblical writings finds
its parallel in the conversion of the ‘bright’ beings of

old

Aryan mythology into the evil demons of, the Persian (see

P

ER

S

I

A

)

see further the articles

Geister

berei,’

in Hamburger’s

R E ,

’also

F.

C.

the N T ’

Newdold,

Possession and Allied Themes,’

New

G. B. G.

M.

T.

K.

C.

PP.

11.

DEMOPHON

one of the com-

mandants

of a district

Palestine

in

the

time of Judas the Maccabee

Macc.

The

OT

law of deposit is laid down

in

E

(Ex.

cp the paraphrase in

Ant.

8

38).

Two

kinds of deposit are specified : ( a )

money

or goods

ass,

ox,

sheep, or any beast. (6) T o

the second group of cases first

:

if the

be stolen

the depositary must

restitution

Should

it be torn by wild

the production of

a

piece

is

sufficient witness, and

a

man

cannot be called

upon

to

make good that which was torn

(13

cp

C

ATT

LE

,

$9).

Where culpability cannot be made out the depositary
swears that he

is

innocent and the depositor is bound

to accept his word

I n cases of the

first description, should the deposit be stolen, the thief,
if found, must restore twofold

7

cp

4

the

culprit be not found the depositary must come before
the

and swear that he has not put his hand to his

neighbour’s property

( 8

The result must have

been as above in

w. 116

that the depositor was bound to

accept his word. Verse

alone remains and

is

not

easily reconciled with the foregoing it may be

a

later

law added to cover general cases (both

a

and 6) involv-

ing alleged gross carelessness, false accusations, and
libel.

The later law of

applies the law of the

‘guilt offering’ to sin and trespass

‘ a matter of deposit’ (so

;

T h e only case here con-

templated, however, is that in which voluntary confession

is

made. the penitent depositary is to make restitution in full, add
the

part more thereto, and offer a ram to

Cp L

AW

A

N

D

J

USTICE

,

The use of the words

and

in

(Lev.

4 Tob.

10 13

commit

daughter unto thee in special trust

Macc. 3 75

Jer. 40

41

sufficiently explains the expressions in

I

Tim.

Tim.

deposit

all three cases). At Jerusalem

(as

a t Rome, Olympia, Delphi, and elsewhere)

a

large amount

of

DEPOSIT.

With the exception

of

v.

the law is clear.

in Mills’ translation

3

in

vv.

8

81, as in Ex. 21

6

I

S.

2

means the

divinity as represented by the priestly exponents

of the law a t

the sanctuary.

background image

DEPUTY

wealth (‘which did not pertain to the account of the sacrifices,’
but was in fact private property) was consigned to the safe
custody of the temple (see the story of Heliodorus in Macc. 3,
where in

reference is made to the law concerning

deposits’). See

E

ARNEST

, P

LEDGE

.

Cp D

IANA

, 3

DEPUTY.

I.

Ass.

lit. ‘one

appointed,’, ‘set over’

etc.), the

official title ( a ) of a certain officer of high grade under
the Babylonian empire (Jer.

5 1 2 3

57

Ezek.

2 3 6

23

see also Is.

41

;

AV usually ruler or [Dan.

3

etc.

governor,’ RV or

deputy’

frequently mentioned in conjunction with

governors

(6)

Of certain administrative

officers in

the time of Ezra and Nehemiah

Neh.

19

5 7

17

mentioned sometimes in conjunction with

princes

See G

OVERNMENT

,

26.

(Esth.

93

3.

I

[A]

4.

etc.

C p

See

G

OVERNOR

,

7.

4.

DERBE

[Ti.

[Hier.

Paul visited. Derbe at least twice (Acts

and probahly once again, in his third

journey (Acts

‘went over all the country of

Galatia and Phrygia in order

From the fact that

the name does not occnr in the list of places in which
he had suffered persecution

3

it may perhaps

be

that the work of evangelisntion encountered

no

obstacle there.

That

attended the apostles

at Derbe we learn from Acts

one of

Paul‘s companions from Corinth to Asia, was a native
of the town (Acts

204).

From Steph. Byz. we learn that the town was called

also

‘which

in

the Lycaonian tongue signi-

The site was approxi-

mately discorered by Sterrett, who put it

between Bossola and Zosta (or Losta), villages two
miles apart

(

23).

Ramsay, however,

says that the ruins at Bossola are merely those of a

khan, whilst those at Zosta have all been trans-

ported thither from some other site. The great site of
the district is the mound of Gudelissin

in

the plain

about 3 m. NW. of Zosta, and

4 5

m.

of Konia,

(Iconium) at the foot of the

Dagh.

The

mound is of the class called by Strabo (537) mounds
of

which are largely artificial, and of

Oriental origin.

I t contains numerous traces of

Roman occupation.

The earliest city of Derbe must be

in the mountains to the south.

This situation agrees with the notices in Strabo.

After

describing the

of Cappadocia, he adds that in the

first century

there was an eleventh Strategia consisting

of part of Lycaonia,

and Cappadocia

H e refers to the same district (537) as the

Strategia. Derbe is further described as lying

the frontier of

(Str. 569,

; the words which immediately follow

refer to the

fact that it was also on the frontier of the eleventh Strategia,
an external addition to Cappadocia as above described. I t is
clear that Strabo’s eleventh Strategia is identical with Ptolemy’s

Strategia Antiochiane,

in which he enumerates Derbe

Derbe was the stronghold

of

the brigand chief

Antipater

(Cic.

1 3 7 3 ;

Str.

5 3 5 , 5 6 9 ,

When, however,

Amyntas

slew Antipater, he added the town to his

o w n

Lycaonian and

dominions

c.

On the death of Amyntas himself in

larger part of

his kingdom was made by the Romans into the province Galatia
hut apparently Derbe along with Cilicia Tracheia

the

eleventh Strategia),

given to Archelaos king of

(circa

B.C.).

When Archelaos

in 17

A

.

D

.

the

part

kingdom was taken over by the Romans;

but the Lycaonian part was left to his son Archelaos

II.,

who

On its relation to

fies

a juniper-bush.’

Whence Gr.

(Ges.

see

T

REASURER

,

DESERT

still reigning in 36

A

.D.

(cp

Ann. 2 42 6 41). Two

ater the region described by Strabo as the eleventh

by Ptolemy as the Strategia Antiochiane, was assigned by

to

Antiochus IV. and Iotape

Soon

Antiochus lost favour, and was deprived of his

A

.

D

.

Claudius restored the territory t o

Antiochus and

who ruled until 72

A

.

D

.

I t appears,

that on this restoration the Lycaonian section of the

realm

was detached and permanently assigned

to

Derbe therefore became part of that province. T h e

transference was due

to

the importance of the town as a frontier

post in the SE. of the Roman province. Claudius
its constitution and honoured the place with the title
Derhe (see Rams.

Hist.

336,

and

in

Thus we can understand how at the time of Paul’s

visit (46 or

4 8 A.

D.

)

Derbe could be correctly described

as a city of Lycaonia

for

so

was from the

point of view of geography or ethnography.

Politically,

however, Derbe belonged to the province of Galatia,
and it is argued by Ramsay that

in

the language

of

polite address its inhabitants must have been

(Gal.

3 1 ) .

not

which latter

signified the population of the non-Roman part of

DESERT.

The English

desert

ordinarily

means a sterile sandy plain without vegetation and water

-

a

sea of sand,’ such as,

parts of

the Sahara. This

is

not the meaning

of

the Hebrew words.

No

desert of this

kind was known to Israel either before or after the oc-

of Canaan.

The districts to which the term

‘desert’ is applied in EV are, at the present day.

frequently covered with vegetation, and were probably
even more prosperous

in

the past (see more fully the

articles on the place-names enumerated in

3).

‘Wilderness,’ by which the Hebrew terms are some-

times translated, is a somewhat better rendering ; but
it

is

not always adequate.

It will be convenient here

to record the Hebrew words, and to indicate other terms
of analogous meaning.

(from

‘ t o

lay

also

Ezek. 35

22 ;

Ps. 102

6

desert R V waste places

.

so

EV waste

2.

Hebrew

Lev.

Is.

;

or

Jer.

;

Ezek.

AV

only), used of cities and regions

formerly inhabited but now lying waste or in

ruins from war or neglect cp Jer.

442

‘the cities are a desola-

tion and no man dwelleth therein’ ;

in threats

Lev.

or

in promises (with

with reference to

the wilderness of wanderings

(Is. 48

desolate’; for cognates see

below,

used of a district riverless and un-

inhabited (Is. 43

E V

‘desert,’

of the wilderness of

wanderings

32

IO

,

E V ‘wilderness’;

‘desert,’

; otherwise, a geographical designation; cp 3,

3,

and

see

J

ESHIMON

.

etc.; once [Is. 41

AV desert RV ‘wilderness

.

but in Gen. 14

6

etc E V wilder-

ness’;

Ps.

756

E d ‘south’

of

the

idea of ‘desert’

IS

totally foreign to

this word (on its derivation see C

ATTLE

,

a

district possessing pastures (Joel

Ps.

12

and cities

(Is. 42

but occupied by nomads, not by settled

of the

soil (cp esp. Nu. 1433). I t is commonly employed to denote
the wilderness of wanderings, which itself is a mountainous
region, not without pasture grounds, and so devoid of sand
that the one tract which forms an exception has the character-
istic name

plain of sand’

;

see below, 3,

I

.

(4)

Josh. 11 16, etc.]),

in poetical literature often occurs in parallelism with

(Is.

35

I

40 3 41 19

EV

’).

I n

50

approximates more closely

the modern idea of desert (cp

Is. 35

I

Jer. 51 4 3

but in historical writings (early and

late)

it is

a geographical term (see 3, n, below).

(‘dry land’ [so

Ps.

63

I

Job 303,

AV

‘wilderness,’ RV ‘dry ground’: cp

dry place,’

Is.

25

32

used of the wilderness of wanderings,

17

(AV ‘wilderness,’

RV

‘desert,’

‘dry land ’). For

dwellers of the ‘desert’ (Is. 13

34

E V also 23 13, AV

;

referring

to

wild beasts) or ‘wilderness’ (Ps. 72

7414,

E V ;

to human beings), see C

AT

, W

ILD

B

EASTS

.

Lycaonia (see, however,

w.

J.

w.

The passage is

Ba.,

Del.), and, according to Che.,

1076

deeply corrupt.

background image

DESIRE

A

still more forcible term

( 6 )

(Ps.

107 40

Job 12 24 ; E V

wilderness ’), used

of the wilderness of

32

(with

‘howl-

ing waste ’). The word (cp

suggests the idea of waste-

ness and confusion

4

23

Job 26 7 Is. 24

cp Ecclus. 41

IO

such as existed before the

(Gen.

see

C

REATION

,

7).

For the sake of completeness mention may

be

made also of :-

(7)

?!e,

(Is.

9

Jer. 42

I

S),

(Is. 1 7 6

”e??

35

7),

all of which involve the idea of a devastation, not

a natural state

cp no.

(8)

Is. 357

R V ‘glowing sand,’

M

IRAGE

AV ‘parched ground’ is preferable

c p

Aram.

‘to

be

or dried up,’ and see Che.

Is.

269.

M t .

‘wilder-

ness

R V

desert place’)

Mt.

E V

The

terms to be mentioned

:-

Heb. 11 38 E V ‘desert

The chief districts and regions to which the above

I.

The most prominent is that which was the scene of

It is commonly called

terms are applied may be here enumerated.

the wanderings of Israel.

DESTRUCTION, MOUNT

O F

is meant (Ew.

Hist.

but the Greek text

is here’not free from corruption.

DESTINY

65

F

ORTUNE

AND

D

ESTINY

.

DESTROYER,

THE

;

0

In his account of the last plague, J implies that the

death of the first-born was the work of the Destroyer.
In the light of

2

S.

where the angel of

is

described as

the

that destroyed the people’

and of

2

3736,

where the de-

struction of the Assyrian army is attributed to the

angel

we shonldbe ready to infer that

of the firstborn is not a being distinct from
but rather the angel of

himself;

the term

denotes a self- manifestation of

in destructive

activity (cp T

HEOPHANY

,

4).

This conclusion is

confirmed by the fact that the narrative

of T h e

Destroyer’ or

indifferently, just as other

narratives use the terms angel of

and

interchangeably.

Cp also Ex.

1 2 2 7

(Rd). T h e ‘de-

stroyer

is clearly identified with Yahwt!

the author

of the Wisdom of Solomon, who attribntes the death
of the firstborn to the word of God (Wisd.
The meaning attributed to the term by the author of
the epistle to the Hebrews

(11

28)

is less clear.

The death of the Israelites in the plague recorded in

is attributed directly to God.

In

Wisd. 1825 it is said that these people perished by the

‘Destroyer’

here, again, the Destroyer seems to

be identified by the writer with God (cp Grimm

the

passage,

and the same identification is

possibly intended by Paul

(

I

Cor.

On

the other

hand, in 4 Macc.

executor of death appears

as

a

distinct angel and

in later Jewish literature

the angel of death

(

has a well-marked and

distinct individuality (cp Weber,

and is identified with Satan or the Devil (cp

N T Heb.

I

Pet.

58). All

this is quite foreign

to the belief underlying Ex.

It is quite in accordance with the general character

of the Priestly Code, which avoids reference to angels
or to the theophanic ‘angel of

(cp A

NGEL

,

6),

that

which is used in the personal sense

of ‘destroyer’ by J (Ex.

is used as an abstract

term-destruction-by

(12

13

a destroyer

cp

Ezek.

516

A

plurality of beings

who accomplish the death of men is referred to in
Job

3322

by the term

(‘slayers’), which is

rendered in RV ‘destroyers.’ According to some
commentators, such angelic ministers of death form
the unnamed subject of the plural verb in Lk.

G.

B.

G.

DESTRUCTION

Rev.

RV

DON

DESTRUCTION,

CITY

OF

I

S

.

1 9

18

see H

ERES

, C

ITY O

F.

TOY

T. 0. T.

T.

[L],

23

a

so

read by

the later Jews on account of the idolatrous high places
spoken of.

Tradition identified the mountain with the

Mount of Olives (so Tg., followed

and the

name has been supposed to have a double meaning--

of oil

(cp Aram.

and

mount of destruc-

tion (so Rashi, Buxtorf).

A

much better explanation

DESTRUCTION,

MOUNT OF

(Dt.

1

I

,

etc.

)

other

graphical

Sinai, etc. see

G

EOGRAPHY

, 7) are added to indicate

more particularly the region intended.

On

the char-

acter of this tract, which stretches from the

S.

border

of Palestine to Elsth and forms the W. boundary of
Edom, see S

INAI

. The only part which can fairly be

described

as

a desert is the bare and parched district

of et-Tih, and it is here that

and (more elaborately)

P place the forty years’ wanderings (see W

ANDERINGS

,

and with this agrees the circumstance that

it is only in the later writings that the horror and lone-
someness of the

wilderness

is referred to

Dt.

2.

The great crack or depression which includes the

Jordan valley, and extends

N.

to Antioch and

S.

to

the

of

is the second great ‘desert.’

To

the

N.

lay the midhar

(Ezek.

midhar

Damascus

(

I

195) cp perhaps the

of Mt.

15

The well-known geographical term

(see above,

2 ,

4)

is confined chiefly to the lower half (cp midbar

2 8

Nu. 21

midhar

Dt.

midbar

see

T o the NE.

of the Dead Sea is applied also the term
(see J

ESHIMON

). Allusions to the

on

the

W.

side

of the Jordan are found in

2

152328

17

and in it we

should perhaps include the midbar Beth-Aven (Josh.

midbar

but see

Jericho

(Jos.

and the references in Jndg.

I

S.

1318.

Here, too, was probably the

of the narrative of the Temptation (Mt.

4

I

).

See further

D

EAD

S

EA

,

2.

3.

The third tract is the midbar

(Josh.

Judg.

the

E.

part of which, along the Dead Sea,

is called

(

I

23

19

24

26

I

3)

special limita-

tions

are

the midbar

in the

I

2 3

midbar

Ziph

and

(

I

S.

[

I

]). T o

the N. it approached the

Here are found the

Ch.

cp

and probably the midhar of

I

K. 234 (Bethlehem? cp

S.

and

see

BETH-

J

OAB).

T o the

S.

lay Tamar

‘ i n

(I

9

18,

is a gloss), probably forming part of

the great

midhar

in

no.

I

above.

On the ‘desert’

of Acts

see G

AZA

.

See,

further, D

EAD

SEA,

J

UDAH

, PALESTINE,

4.

For the desert-like tracts to the E.

of

Jordan

(stretching to the Euphrates,

I

Ch.

59)

see

DESIRE

RV

8.5).

P

ALESTINE

,

S. A. C.

C

APER

-B

ERRY

).

RV

[A]), a village (in Judaea) where

appears

to

have fought with Judas

Macc. 1416).

Possibly

O n Am. 6

14

see

B

ROOK

OF.

can be given.

Hoffmann

( Z A

2

and

prefer

t o read

‘mount of oil,’ with some

MSS;

then he a deliberate alteration of the text. Considering, how-
ever, that we have no evidence for a Heb. word

oil,’

it

is

I n Targ. Jon. to Hab. 8 5, however, where

is parallel

to

the distinction

is

not

so

manifest

1078

background image

DEUEL

better to suppose that the ‘mount which is on the east of, Jeru-
salem’

(

I

IC.

11 was

anciently called not only the ascent of

the olives’

S.

and in a late

‘the mount of

olives’ (Zech.

hut

(‘mount of those who

worship’),

of

which

would be a purely accidental

corruption. Cp

S.

15 32,

‘And when David had come to the

men are

to

worship the deity’

which comes near proving that this view is correct.

Observe,

too,

that the

Mt. of Olives appears to be once referred

to

a s the ‘hill of God

(Is.

10 32

emended text).

(1283

A.

D.

)

gives the name

(cp

to the most southern eminence of the

Mt. of Olives, because Solomon set

up

there the image

of

Moloch on the northern summit, afterwards called

Mons

he placed the idol of

however

(circa

A . D . ) ,

calls the southern ridge

Mons

et

Gratz, after a full dis-

cussion, pronounces in favour of the northern summit,

the

‘73,

p.

so

also Stanley

188, n.

No

doubt this view is

correct

Solomon would certainly prefer an eminence

already consecratecl by tradition.

The phrase ‘mount of destruction’ is found also in Jer. 51

as

a symbolic term for

(EV

‘destroying mountain’).

T.

c.

See

N

OB

.

DEUEL

see

DEUTERONOMY.

The name conies ultimately

from the Greek translation of Dt.

1 7 1 8 ,

in which the

DEUTERONOMY

words

‘the

duplicate

(i.

e . , a copy)

of

this law, are

rendered

As

a

title of the book,

(without the article)

occurs first in

Philo

the word to mean

second or supplementary legislation,’ and

than

once cites the

Others,

explain the name, ‘repetition, recapitulation of the law.’

Criticism has shown that Deuteronomy

is

neither a

supplement to the legislation in Exodus, Leviticus, and

Numbers, nor a

of it

but to modern critics

also it is the Second Legislation, an expansion
revision of older collections of laws such as are preserved
in Ex.

2 1 - 2 3

34.

Deuteronomy contains the last injunctions and

admonitions of Moses, delivered to Israel in the land
of Moab, as they were about to cross the Jordan to the
conquest of Canaan and, with the exception of chaps.

27

31

3 4 ,

and a few verses elsewhere, is all in the form of

address.

It is not, however, one continuous discourse,

but consists of at

three distinct speeches

5-26,

28, 29

together with two poems recited by

Moses in the hearing of the

people

(32

The

narrative chapters record doings and sayings of Moses

in

the last days of his life, and are more or less closely

connected with the speeches. Besides this unity of situa-
tion and subject there is

a

certain unity of texture the

sources from which the other boolcs of the Hexateuch
are chiefly compiled (JE, P ) are

in

Deuteronomy

nisable only in the narrative chapters, and in

a

few

scattered fragments in the speeches;

a

strong

an?

distinctive individuality of thought, diction, and
pervades the entire book

It was observed by more than one of the fathers tha

Deuteronomy is the

the finding of which in

temple gave the impulse to the reform!
of the eighteenth year of Josiah

In conformity with

prescriptions of the newly discovered

the

not only extirpated the various foreign religions
had been introduced in ancient or recent times,
with the rites and symbols of a heathenish worship

o

Cp also Josh.

8

32.

3, $5 61 ;

Quod

IO.

See Ryle

Philo and Holy

T h e corresponding Hebrev

title,

is found occasionally in the Talmud

as

well a s in the

heres, 33.

4

H

EXATEUCH

, L

A

W

L

ITERATURE

,

I

SRAEL

,

Athanas., Chrysost., Jerome.

See Ryle, a s above.

but also destroyed the high places of

esecrating every altar in the land except that in the

in Jerusalem

).

In

Deuteronomy, and

here

all the laws thus enforced are found the

is inevitable that Deuteronomy furnished the

eformers with their new model. This is confirmed by
he references to the book found in the temple as the

cp

and ‘the covenant

T h e former of these names is found in the Pentateuch only in

he secondary parts of

Dt.

(28

29

30

IO

31 24

and, like

he phrase ‘this law’ (48 2 7 3 8

signifies Ut. or the

leuteronomic legislation exclusively ; covenant book is an

designation for a book in which the cotenant, of

with Israel (see C

OVENANT

,

6)

is an often recurring

heme

17

29

I

4

23

29

25,

That the book read by Shaphan before Josiah was

has been’ inferred also from the king’s con-

#),

which seems to show that the

was accompanied by such denunciations of the con-

disobedience

found

28.

The opinion, once very generally entertained, that the

found by Hilkiah was the whole Pentateuch, is no

onger tenable. In addition to arguments of more or less

neight drawn from the narrative in Kings,-that the

Pentateuch would hardly be described as a

; that a book as long as the Pentateuch could not

read through twice in a single day

K.

2 2 8

I O )

:hat, with the entire legislation before him, the king

not have based his reforms on deuteronomic,

exclusively,-recent investigation has proved that

priestly legislation in the Pentateuch

was

not-united

Deuteronomy till

long

after the time of

Modern critics are, therefore, almost unanimous in the

that the law-book, the discovery and the
of which are related in

(see next

I

S

to be sought in Deuteronomy and they are very

illy agreed, further, that the

book

was written either in

the earlier years of Josiah, or at least under one of his
next predecessors, Manasseh or Hezekiah (see

16).

The soundness

of

these conclusions has recently been im-

pugned by several French and German scholars (Seinecke, Havet,

Vernes,

on the ground,

3.

Account

partly of sweeping

concerning the

trustworthiness of

partly of peculiar

theories of the composition of

These

theories cannot be discussed here; but the great importance

K.

22

in the modern construction of the history of

literature and religion, makes it necessary t o examine

briefly the historical character of those chapters.

It is

agreed that the account of Josiah‘s reforms a s it lies before us,
is the work of

author of the deuteronomic school who wrote

after

destruction of Jerusalem.

If this

drawn

upon oral tradition, he might well have derived his informa-

tion from eye-witnesses of the events of

;

but it seems to be

demonstrable that in 22

24

he made use of an older written

source, a contemporary account of Josiah‘s reign, which was

probably included in the pre-exilic history of the kings. This
narrative was

over and enlarged by the exilic writer

particular, the

response of Hnldah, which was not con-

firmed by the event, was superseded, after the destruction
of Jerusalem in 586

B

.c.,

a

wholly different one, in which

the judgment is represented as inevitable (22 15-20; cp 23
23 15-20

also, is generally recognised a s a legendary

hut,

these changes, the outlines of the

account can be reconstructed with reasonable confidence, and

appears to

all respects deserving of credence.4 See

The historical evidence proves only that the law-hook

which was put into force by Josiah contained certain

deuteronomic laws concerning religion,
not that it comprised the whole of the

A

super-

ficial examination of the book shows that

latter

not have been the case.

Besides the

two

poems, 32

and 33, they contain the links which connect not only Dt.

Chaps. 31-34 are composite.

Ex. 21-23 often called by modern scholars ‘The Covenant

Book’ (see

cannot be meant for, so far from putting the

high places

the

these laws assume the existence and

legitimacy of many local sanctuaries (see 216 2314

cp

20 24).

See C

ANON

,

and the articles on the several books of

the Pentateuch ; also

H

EXATEUCH

,

L

AW

L

ITERATURE

.

3

For the titles see below

33

See

;

1

cp

background image

DEUTERONOMY

DEUTERONOMY

also the narratives of

J E

and

P

in Nu. with Josh. Chap. 27

also in narrative form,

on external and on

grounds, with equal confidence he set

What remains

28-30)

is all in the form of address; but even this is not

a

as is shown

the fresh superscriptions in 5

I

12

I

29

and the formal closes in

and 29

I

[28

;

in particular,

and

are completely parallel introductions which

strictly exclude each other. Chaps. 5-26 contain no

to

a former discourse such as

nor do the latter chapters form

a

natural introduction to 5-26 or 12-26. Chaps.

are dis-

tinguished also by slight but not insignificant, peculiarities of
style, and more decisive differences of historical representation.
The short prophetic discourse,

hears all the marks of a

later addition

to

the hook ; 29

I

a formal

;

the following chapters have their own

superscription the

tone of

is noticeably different from that of the exhortations

and warnings in the body of the hook.

Most recent critics conclude that the original Deuter-

onomy contained only the one long speech of Moses,

5-26

28,

to which

445-49

is the introduction and

291

the conclusion.

Others, urging that the book put into the hands of

Josiah is uniformly described as a law-book, infer that

it is to be sought in Dt.

12-26

alone

;

5-11,

as well as

1-4,

is an intro-

duction subsequently prefixed to the

original Deuteronomy by another

conclusion

is confirmed by the way in which the author of

5-11

dilates on the motives for keeping the laws, as though
the laws themselves were already known to his

Against this view, which would limit the primitive

Dt. to

12-26.

it is argued that the law-book itself pre-

supposes some such introduction as is found in

5-1

1.

I n

there is nothing to show when or by whom the law

was promulgated ; 5

I

supplies precisely the information which

12

I

; 5

recites the covenant at Horeb, with the

Decalogue, its fundamental law ; 5

ex

the relation of

the laws now about to he delivered to

former law and

covenant.

to 28 alone

to

the whole law-hook : 'These are

words of the

which

commanded Moses to make

with the Israelites in the land of Moab, besides the covenant
which he made with them a t Horeb.

The situation supposed in

12-26

is throughout the

same as that described in

5-11.

The language and

style of the two portions present just that degree of
resemblance and of difference which, remembering the

difference of subject matter, we should expect to find in
the writing of one author nothing indicates diversity
of origin.3

Well-

finds in

2858

61-where, as in

30

IO,

the law is

already a book-evidence that

28,

as well as

29

is

secondary these three chapters formed the conclusion
of an enlarged edition of the law-book, to which

5-11

was

the

On independent grounds, however,

to be recognised as a later addition to the

chapter, and with these verses the only reason for con-
necting

28

with the two following chapters disappears.

Not only are they separated by

29

I

and

29

I

],

but

also the whole attitude and outlook

of

are different

from those of

On

the other hand, it would be

natural for the author of

12-26

to conclude his book by

urging as strongly as he could the motives to obedience,
and solemnly warning his readers of the consequences of
disobedience. Similar exhortations and warnings are
found at the end of the so-called Covenant Book (Ex.

and at the end of the Law of Holiness (Lev.

the latter passage being strikingly parallel to Dt.

28;

and such a peroration was the more appropriate in
because its laws are all in the form of address.

The

profound impression made upon the king by the reading

of

the book is most naturally explained if it expressly

and emphatically denounced the wrath

of

God against

the nation which had

so

long ignored his law.

T h e Deuteronomy of 621

has not come into our

To this answers 29

which is the subscription

In regard to chap.

28

also, critics are divided.

See below

;

Valeton,

G

;

Hex.

7, n.

Comm.

Dr.

Chaps.

and 27 were the introduction and

conclusion, respectively,

of

another edition.

1081

hands unchanged.

Not only have the exhortations and

.

warnings been amplified and heightened,
but also,

in

all probability, many ad-

ditions have been made to the laws.

At the very beginning of the code in

12,

and in con-

nection with the most distinctive of the Deuteronomic
ordinances-the restriction of sacrifice to Jerusalem-
there are unmistakable doublets

;

cp

with

and especially

15-19

In

the following

chapters a good many laws are suspected, because of their
contents, or the unsuitable place in which they stand.

Thus the detailed prescriptions of

are foreign to the

of Dt. (cp

appear to be closely related

to Lev. 11 ; the law of the kingdom

17

14-20, represents the law

as

written (thus anticipating 31

is in conflict with the legiti-

mate prerogatives of the

and is clearly dependent on

I

S.

8

10 25 ; the rules for the conduct of war in 20 are not

reconcilable with the necessities of national

and can

hardly have been dreamed of before the 'exile. To others, how-
ever, the utopian

of these laws seems not a sufficient

reason for excluding them from the primitive

While many of the instances alleged by critics are in

themselves susceptible of a different explanation, there
seems to be sufficient evidence that the Deuteronomic
code received many additions before the book reached its
present form.

Certain supplementary provisions may

have been introduced

soon

after the law was subjected

the test of practice others in the Exile while still

others probably date from the period of the restoration ;

L

IT

.

In

also, it is evident that the original contents

of

the chapters have been amplified, and

their order and connection disturbed by
later hands.

The story of the sin at Horeh in

is a long and confused

digression. Chap.

7

25

repeats

;

is separated from

12-15

which has no obvious appositeness in this place;

in the same way between

and

Similar

phenomena may he observed in the following chapters.$ Nor
has 28 come down to us unaltered. Verses

mark

what was,

one stage of its history, the end of

chapter of

comminations. The two pieces which follow, 47-57 and 58-68,
are shown

internal evidence to he additions, presupposing the

destruction of Jerusalem and the dispersion of the miserable
remnant of the people the consequence of neglecting 'the words
of this law which

written in this book' (58 ; cp also

Verses

which threaten the deportation of the king and

people

phrases derived from

(with 35, which repeats

are probably

In

the Hebrew legislation three strata are to be re-

cognised : the collections of laws incorporated in

JE

(Ex.

21-23,

often called the

Book

of the

Covenant Ex.

34)

the Law of Holiness,

contained (in a priestly recension) in Lev.

17-26

and cognate passages

( H )

and

the rest of the laws in Exodus, Leviticus, and Numbers,
predominantly liturgical, ceremonial,

sacerdotal,

which, though not all of the same age or origin, may
here be treated as forming a single body of priestly
law (P). The result of modern criticism has been to
establish. more and more conclusively that

P,

as a whole,

is later than

On

the other hand, it is

For a

list

of passages in

which have been challenged

by critics, see Holz.

263

cp also Horst,

de

des

Analyses of the legislation have

recently been attempted by Staerk,

Das Deut., 1894, and

Stenernagel,

d.

1896. For a sketch

of

these theories see

Hexateuch, 2

The substantial

of

the laws is maintained

Kue.

Hex. 14 nn.

Against Horst see especially Piepenbring,

Rev.

des

29

Valeton

(Stud.

and Horst

( R w . de

des

16

39

18

cp 27 174) have gone farthest in

the attempt to eliminate the secondary elements in

See

Kue.

Hex.

7

n.

Piepenbring

Rev. de

des

29

A

has

been attempted b y

Staerk (see the last note). and

Der Rahmen des

Deut.,

For

attempts to restore the primitive brief form of the bless-

ings and curses see Valeton Stud.

(cp

$

7,

n. 21

R w . de

des

18

cp

; Staerk,

Steuernagel,

See also

Steinthal,

Zeit.

11

The substantial

of the chapter i s

by Kue. and

Dr.

4

Cp.

H

EXATEUCH

.

It

is not

denied that many

of

the institutions and customs embodied

in

P

are of great

1082

background image

DEUTERONOMY

DEUTERONOMY

agreed by all that the little collections of laws 'in J E are
older than Deuteronomy. The most convincing proof
of this is given, of course, by

Deuteronomic laws

restricting the worship of Yahwb to the one temple at
Jerusalem.

It may confidently be inferred also from the

given throughout Deuterohomy to motives

of humanity, and the way in which

religious

like the triennial tithe, are transformed into sacred
charities, as well as from

constant appeal to the

memory of

G o d s

goodness as a motive for goodness to

fellow-men.

Where the provisions

of

Deuteronomy

differ from those of the

of the Covenant, they

sometimes appear to be adapted to a more advanced
stage of society; as when the old agricultural
year is replaced by an experiment in the septennial
remission of debts.

The many laws dealing with con-

tracts of one kind or another also are to be noted.

Most

recent critics are of the opinion, further, that

the author of the

law--book was not only

acquainted with Ex.

21-23,

also

made this code

basis of his own

work Deuteronomy, it is said, is a revised and enlarged
Covenant Book, adapted to some extent to new con-
ditions, but with only one change of far-reaching effect,
the centralisation of

in Jerusalem.

It may he

questioned, however, whether the evidence mill sustain

so

strong a statement of the dependence of Deuteronomy

on the Book of the Covenant.

identical clauses are very few and in some instances

at least, have probably arisen from

conformation:

There is no trace of the influence of the Covenant Book either
in the general arrangement of Dt. 12-26 or in the sequence
particular laws. T o fully one half of the Covenant

(after

the subtraction of the

precepts),

the

Assaults

and Injuries, Ex. 21

there is no parallel in Dt.

the subject of Authorities in Dt. 1 6

has no counterpart in

Ex. 21-23; of thirty-five laws in Dt. 21

only seven

have parallels in the older code. Finally, in the corresponding
laws the coincidences are hardly

frequent

or

more nearly

exact than

we

should expect in two collections originating at no

great distance in place or time, and based upon the same religious
customs and consuetudinary law the evidence of literary de-

pendence is much less abundant and convincing than it must be
if Dt. were merely a revised and enlarged Book of the

Certain laws in Deuteronomy have parallels also in

H

but, whilst the provisions of these laws are often

closely similar, the formulation and phrase-

In

some points

H

seems to be a stage beyond Dt.

but

the differences are not of a kind to imply a considerable
interval of time so much as a diversity of dominant
interest, such as distinguishes

from Jeremiah.

Dt. 14 3-21, compared with Lev. 11, has been thought to prove

that Dt. is dependent upon

H

but the truth seems rather

to

he

that both are based on a common original a piece of priestly
Torah, which each reproduces and modifies'in its own

References to the history of Israel are

fewer in

Dt.

12-26

than in

1-3

4

they are of a more incidental

a usive character, and the author

some freedom in the use of

his

material

but, as far as they can

be certainly traced, they appear to be all derived from
JE, or from the cycle of tradition represented by that
work. That the author did not have before him J E
united with

P

is proved by his reference to the fate of

Dathan and Abiram

( 1 1 6 )

if

he had read

Nu.

16

in its

present form, in which the story of Datlian and Abiram

(JE) is almost inextricably entangled with that of Korah

he could hardly

failed to name the latter, who

is the central figure of the composite narrative (cp

Nu.

Jude

and see

and D

ATHAN

A N

D

ology are throughout entirely

antiquity ; nor that in particular instances they may be more
primitive than the corresponding titles of Dt. ; nor that some of
them may have

a comparatively fixed form, oral or

written, before

'exile.

They may be conveniently compared in the

table

in Dr. Deut. p.

or in Staerk, Deut.

where they are

printed side by side.

See also Steuernaqel

3

Dr. Deut.

i o

See also

L

E

V

ITI

C

U

S

.

n. 5 ;

14

.

But even if he had possessed P separately,

it would be almost inexplicable that lie so uniformly
follows the representation of J E where it differs from
P or conflicts with it.

The instances which have been

adduced to prove that he was acquainted with

P

are too

few and uncertain to sustain the conclusion moreover,
they are all found in the long digression,

99-10

which

probably was no part of the primitive

The traditional opinion among Jews and Christians,

that Deuteronomv was written bv Moses shortlv before

his death, though resting on the testi-
mony of the book itself

is contradicted bv both the internal and

the external evidence the contents of the book and the
entire religions history of Israel prove that Deuteronomy
is the product of a much later time. The legislation of
J E (in the main, doubtless, merely the booking of an
ancient consuetudinary law) is without exception the
law of a settled people, engaged in husbandry.

Deuter-

onomy reflects a still

advanced stage of culture,

and must be ascribed to

time when Israel had long

been established in Palestine. The fundamental law
for the Hebrew monarchy, Dt.

14-20,

presumes not

only the existence of the kingdom, but also considerable
experience of its evils. Solomon appears to have sat
for the portrait of the Icing as he ought not to

In

the prohibition of the multiplication of horses and
treasure we may recognise the influence of the prophets,
to whom the political and military ambition of the
seemed apostasy (see,

Is.

2

The constitution of

court in

is

thought

to

he

modelled after the tribunal which Jehoshaphat

(middle of

century

established

( 2

Ch.

More convincing than the arguments derived from

these special laws are the ruling ideas and motives of

the whole book. The thing upon which
Deuteronomy insists with urgent and
unwearied iteration is that

shall

be worshipped only at one place, which he himself will
choose, where alone sacrifices may be offered and the
annual festivals celebrated. Although no place is
there can be no doubt, as there was none in the minds
of Josiah and his counsellors, that Jerusalem is meant.

I t

owed

religious importance to the fact that in it was the royal

temple of the

kings;

this was far from putting it

on an equality with the venerable sanctuaries of Bethel and

and Beersheba. The actual pre-eminence of

Jerusalem, without which the attempt to assert for it an ex-
clusive sanctity is inconceivable, was the result of the historical
events of the eighth century.

The fall of the kingdom of Israel

)

left Judah

the only people of YahwB.

The holy places of Israel

were profaned by the conquerors-proof that
repudiated the worship offered to him there,

as

the

prophets had declared.

A

quarter of a century later

Sennacherib invaded Judah, ravaged the land, destroyed
its cities, and carried off their inhabitants the capital
itself was at the last extremity (see

I

I

SRAEL

,

The deliverance of the city from this

peril seemed to be a direct interposition of Yahwb, and
Jerusalem and its temple must have gained greatly in
prestige through this token of

Gods

signal favour.

This of itself, however, would not give rise to the idea

that

was to be worshipped in Jerusalem alone.

The genesis of this idea must be sought in the mono-
theism of the prophets. At a time when monotheism had
not yet become conscious of its own universalism, men
could hardly fail to reason that if there was

one true

he was to be worshipped in but one place. And

that place, in

light of history and prophecy, could only

be Jerusalem.

The way in which Dt. attempts to carry

See Dt. 103

6

and, on these passages Kne.

9

; Dr. Deut.

xvi. On

also below,

18

(small type).

Cp Dt. 1 7

with K. 4 10

11

9

10

A

critical examination of the history of the reign of

phat in

does not, however, inspire ns with much

confidence in the account of his judicial reforms.

was not one of the ancient holy places

Israel.

background image

DEUTERONOMY

out this principle, by simply transferring to Jerusalem
the cultus of the local

with their priesthoods,

was only practicable

narrow territorial limits, such

as

those of the kingdom of Judah in the seventh century.

We have the explicit testimony of the Books of Kings

that there was no attempt to suppress the old local sanctu-
aries in Judah until the reign

of

Hezekiah; the most

godly kings left the high-places unmolested

(

I

K.

15

14

2

35).

The

author

of Kings, to whom

temple in Jerusalem was, from

the moment when Yahwi: took up his abode in it

(

I

the only legitimate place of sacrifice, condemns

this remissness as a great sin but there is no evidence
that the religious leaders of Israel down to the end of
the eighth century

so

regarded it.

is in despair

over the sacrilege which threw

the altars of

when he goes to meet God face to face, it is not to
Jerusalem, but to Horeb, the old holy monntain in the
distant

S.,

that he turns his steps. Amos and Hosea

inveigh against the worship at the holy places of the
Northern Kingdom because it is morally corrupt and
religiously false, not because its seats are illegitimate
nor is their repudiation of the worship on the high-places
more unqualified than Isaiah's rejection of the cultus in
Jerusalem (Is.

The older law-books, far from

forbidding sacrifice at altars other than that in Jerusalem,
formally sanction the erection of such altars, and promise
that at every recognised place of worship

will

visit his worshippers and bless them

According to

K.

4

21

3

removed the high-

places, demolished the

hewed down the sacred

The false tenses prove, however that

has been

in-

terpolated

a

very late hand

;

the

text said only that

Hezekiah removed the bronze serpent which was worshipped

in

the temple (see

nor can much greater reliance

be

the reference in the speech of the

I t may well

Hezekiah after the retreat of

took vigorous measures to

the idolatry against

Isaiah thundered in both his earlier and his later prophecies
(2

8 18

30

31

perhaps including the sacred trees and

other survivals of

natural religion (Is. 1

In any case,

the reaction of the

reign swept away

all

traces of his

work. Cp

I

SAIAH

,

Another very distinct indication of the age in which

Dt. was written is found in the foreign religions which

DEUTERONOMY

the prophets of the eighth century ; neither the impressive
ideas nor the haunting phrases of Dt. have left their

The inference that Dt. was unknown to

the religious leaders of Israel before the seventh century
is hardly to be avoided.

On the other hand, in all its ruling ideas, Dt. is

dependent upon the prophecy of the eighth century.

have already seen that the deliverance of Jerusalem

from Sennacherib prepared the way for the belief that
the temple on Mt. Zion was the only sanctuary at which
Yahwi: should be worshipped, and that the monotheism
of the prophets was the theological basis of the same
belief. T h e lofty theism of

which exalts

not

in might and majesty, but also

righteousness,

goodness, and truth-the moral transformation of the
old conception of

holiness (see

1)-is of

the

origin, whilst the central idea of the book,

that the essence and end of true religion is the
love of God and his people, is derived from Hosea.

In

general, the theology of Dt. is an advance upon

that of the prophets of the eighth century, whose
teaching it fuses

assimilates, and approximates to

that of Jeremiah and Isaiah

To

the same result we are led by the literary character

of Dt.

Its style is more, copious and flowing than that

of earlier writers

;

but it lacks their terse vigour, and is

not free from the faults of looseness, prolixity, and
repetition, into which a facile pen

so

easily glides. In

these respects it exhibits the tendencies which mark the
literature of the seventh century

the Exile. The

diction, also, is distinctly that of the same period,
closely resembling that of Jeremiah.

Evidence of every kind thus concurs to prove that the

primitive Dt. was a

of the seventh century.

it combats.

The worship of

the whole

host of heaven' (Dt.

1 7 3

cp

an

Assyrian cult frequently condemned by

the prophets of the seventh century (Jer.

but not mentioned by any earlier writer,

was probably introduced by Manasseh, during whose
reign Assyrian influence was at its height in Judah.
T h e sacrifice of children, 'sending them through the
fire' to the King-God (Dt.

also belongs to

the seventh century (see

neither Isaiah nor

any of the other prophets of the eighth century alludes
to

these rites.

A relatively late date has been inferred also from the

laws against the erection of steles and sacred poles

and

by thealtars of

(Dt.

The older laws only enjoin the destruction of the Canaanite

holy-places with all their appurtenances (Ex. 34

23

24 ; cp

Dt. 12 3).

The prophets of the eighth century, especially Hosea

and Isaiah, assail the idols of

but not the more primitive

standing stones and posts

;

the

against the latter begins

with Jeremiah.

The age of Dt. may be

also by its relation

to other works of known date.

From the time of

Jeremiah, the influence of Dt. is un-
mistakably to be recognised in the
whole prophetic and historical literature,

whilst we look in vain for

trace of this influence in

Cp the much more extended account of these reforms in

Ch. 29-31.

If

it were established that Hezekiah

down the high-

places, it would not follow that Dt.

is

older than Hezekiah ;

more probable hypothesis,

view

of all the testimony of the

prophets and the historical books, would he that the
nomic law was in the line of the measures adopted

the king.

Cp also the worship of the Queen of Heaven, Jer.

44

See Q

UEEN O

F

H

EAVEN

.

1085

The fact that it combats foreign
which were introduced by Manasseh
militates

the opinion entertained

some scholars, that it-had its origin in the last

years of

perhaps in connection with the

reforms of that king.

A

hypothesis which commends

itself to many critics is that Dt. was composed in the
reign of Manassch as aprotest against the evils of the
time and as a programme of reform. Its authors died
without being able to accomplish their object, and the
book was lost, until, many years after, it was accident-
ally discovered

the temple by

T o others it

seems more probable that Dt. was written under Josiah,
shortly before it was brought to light, by

who

thought the time ripe for an attempt to introduce the
reforms

which alone, they believed, Judah could be

saved, and had intelligently planned the way in which
this should be

Everything points to Jerusalem as the place where

Dt. was written

:

a work whose aim was to exalt the

temple to the position of

sole sanctuary

of Yahwi: can hardly have originated any-

where else.

The Torah of the priests is thronghont so

intimately united with the religious teachings of the
prophets that we are constrained to believe that both
priests and prophets were associated in its production,
or at least that it's priestly authors were thoroughly
imbued with the spirit of the prophets.

Who these

authors were cannot be more definitely

That the authors of the primitive Dt. freely used

older collections of laws has been eenerallv

Beside Ex.21-23 (on which see above,

remains of another collection are

found in Dt. 22-25. Staerk and

have recently undertaken to show by minute

This is equally true of the older historians but their works

have been preserved only in deuteronomistic recensions.

On the diction of

see the commentaries of Kn. and

Kleinert,

Deut.

Hex.

7

n.

4 '

Holz.

Dr.

Dt.

On the

Holz.

; Dr. p.

3

Wette Reuss Graf

We.

Che. andothers.

The

the

Dt.

(von

Bohlen,

is for various reasons untenable.

background image

DEUTERONOMY

analysis that both the hortatory and the legislative
parts of Dt. are in

a

stricter sense composite.

According to Steuernagel the hook discovered in the temple

in the eighteenth year of

5

26

was the work of

a

redactor, who combined with considerable skill -but
ally, and without substantial

older

works of

like character, each consisting of a hortatory introduction and a
body of laws.

of them

is marked by the direct

address to Israel in the second person singular ; the other (PI.)
uses the plural. The older of these works

is assigned to

the early years of Manasseh’s reign (shortly after

the

other (PI.) was composed

670.

The union of the

by

the redactor

falls in the middle of the century, twenty-five

DEUTERONOMY

also

32)

28

seems

to

be directly dependent upon

Jeremiah

(16

13

cp

Chap.

4

appears to be

a

secondary addition to Dt., composed in the Exile, and
closely

to

29,

if not by the same hand.”

Chap.

the designation by Moses of three

asylum cities east of the Jordan, has

connection

years or more before the discovery of the book

the temple.

Sg. and

made use of older .collections of laws and

sources can still in part be recognised.

One of the’chief

sources of Sg. (the Grundsammlung was put out in support
of Hezekiah‘s reforms, probably not long after

7 2 2

Chaps.

1-3,

in the form of an address

of

Moses

to

Israel, contain a review of the principal events of the

migration, from the departure of the
Israelites from

to the moment at

This

retrospect throughout follows thehistory

of J E , from which its material is drawn and many

which he is speaking to

phrases and whole clauses are

Upon

examination it appears that the chief

of the

chapters is

E,

which the author had before

separately whether he made use of J is doubtful of
dependence on P there is no trace.

The retrospect begins abruptly with the command to

from Horeh

and it has been conjectured that 9

(or a t least 9 25-10

which recites the transgression a t

and brings the

to

the precise point where it is taken

up

in 1, once stood before 1 7 .

More probably however

9 9-10

11

is not a misplaced fragment of the

but

product of successive editorial ampliiications.3 The

ends

as ahruptly as it begins; the words, ‘And we abode in the
valley in front of Beth-peor (3

must originally have been

followed

an account of the sin a t Baal-peor (Nu.

cp

Dt.

The chapters

are not by the author of

5-26.

The resemblance in language and style is unquestionably
very close, though there are some noticeable differences
but the diversity of historical representation is decisive
cp

2 2 9

with

with

The opinion of some critics, that

was prefixed to

the primitive Dt. to connect it with the history in Ex.
and Nu., is improbable for such a purpose a recapitu-
lation of the history was more than

Others,

with better reason, suppose that the historical
was intended as the introduction to

a

separate edition

of Dt.

The way in which it begins and ends (see above,

small type) suggests that it was not composed for the
purpose, but was extracted and adapted by the editor
from some older source.

Conclusive marks of the age

of the chapters, further than their dependence upon

E

and the general affinity to the deuteronomistic school,
are hardly to be discovered.

Chap.

has generally been taken with

1-3,

as a

close to the historical introduction.

There is, however, neither a formal nor

a

material connection between them.

The historical allusions in the exhortation are to events

related, not in

in

32-35

differ from the

retrospect

etc.) and agree with

in

making the speaker’s audience witnesses of the scenes a t Horeh ;
the greater part of 4

is onlya homiletical enlargement on 5

In other points

4

goes beyond

5-11

its monotheism

takes a loftier tone, like that of Is.

40-55

(see

4 3 5 3 9

15-19).

I n

deportation and dispersion are inevit-

able the prediction that in the far country Israel will
retnrn to

and find forgiveness takes the central

place which it has in the exilic prophets.

The language resembles

5-11

more closely than

1 - 3 ,

but has peculiarities of its own :

are

of words

and phrases which remind

of Ezekiel,

H,

and

P

(cp

Chap.

which now forms the

to the speech

is not homogeneous, and glosses have been pointed out in
discourse itself.

See particularly Dr.

on these chapters, where the rela-

tion is well exhibited.

3

Cp above,

IT.

1087

either with what precedes or with what
follows. I n phraseology the verses agree
closely with Dt.

19

I

after which they

are probably modelled.

They

originally have

stood after

3 1 7

or

or perhaps after

29.

Chap.

444-49,

the title and superscription to

like

the corresponding superscription

appears to be

the product of successive additions and redactions by
scribes or editors the oldest form of the title may have
been simply, This is the law which Moses laid before
the Israelites on the other

of Jordan, in the land

of Moab’ (cp

1 5 ) .

Chap.

2 7 ,

in narrative form,

entirely dis-

connected in the midst of the speeches of Moses,

separating

28

from

2 6 .

Graf, accordingly,

regarded it as an interpolation, introduced
when

Dt.

was united with the older

historical

( J E ) , whilst Wellhausen

in it the

conclusion of

a

separate edition of the Deuteronomic

12-26

27).

The chapter

(27)

consists of four distinct parts :

14-26.

9

may, as many critics think, have originally

connected

26

with

2 8 .

In

where there is much

repetition, 5-7n has long been recognised as a fragment
of the ancient

to which Ex.

2 0 2 4 - 2 6

belongs.

seem to be the sequel of

11

the whole being a liturgical embodiment of

1126-28,

and plainly secondary.

cannot be by

the

author of

the things on which Dt. lays the

greatest stress are lacking in this decalogue, which

is

a

cento gathered from all strata of the legislation, especially
from Lev.

Chap.

contain

a

new address of exhortation and

warning, introduced, like

5

by the words, ‘And

Moses convoked all Israel.’ The stand-
point of the writer is similar to that of

4

1-40,

and differs in the same way from that of

5-26

28

1-46

cp in particular

with

The anthor

had before him the denteronomic law, with its blessings
and curses, in a book

cp also

29

28

58

6r).

The diction differs considerably from that of

5-26,

and approximates more closely to that of Jeremiah,

upon whom the author is evidently dependent.

Chaps.

29

are, therefore, like

4 ,

an exilic addition to Dt. T h e

movement of thought in these chapters is far from being
orderly or coherent :

29

16-28

does not naturally

follow

and the latter verses have no obvious

connection with

30

cannot originally have

stood between

29

and

The position of

these chapters

is

difficult to explain.

Chap.

28

1-46

is

the proper conclusion of the long speech of Moses,

5-26 291

is a formal subscription,

the

end of the book.

The only natural place for fresh

admonitions to observe the law would be after the law
had been committed to writing

cp

24-27)

and it

has been conjectured, not without probability, that this
was the original position of the parting

Chap.

3 1 ,

which takes up the narrative again,

is

composite, and presents

to

criticism most difficult

problems.

Verses

are not the sequel of

or of

they take

up

the story at the point which the historical introduction reaches

;

they are deuteronomistic in colour,

23.

Chap.

31.

and Dillmann surmises that once they followed
3

28

immediately.

A

parallel to

is found in

in which

himself gives the charge to Joshua a t the

sacred tent ; these verses are probably derived from

E.

T h e

intervening verses

16-22

are an introduction to the ‘Song of

Moses,’

1-43,

to’which

is the corresponding close. This

On this point see further below,

23.

See next section

on 31

background image

DEUTERONOMY

DEUTERONOMY

introduction is

not

deuteronomic, as the language proves

;

it is

equally clear that it is not

the author

T h e

question of the source of the verses will recur

connection

the age of the poem itself (next

second par.).

Vu.

relating how the law was committed to writing and preserved,
form an appropriate conclusion to the account of the giving of

the law and are

many critics connected with 5-26

T h e

of the law is the subject of 24-27, which the

repetition and the'different motive prove to

another hand;

seems to he a preparation for the

of

the

'

and is as much

of place after

as 24-27 after

the whole passage

is therefore ascribed to a redactor.

Dillmann

that

(in

originally consti-

tuted the introduction, not to the Song of Moses,

to a

speech

the close of which is to he found in

This speech,

containing the

exhortations and

of Moses, was

removed from

place after

to make room for the Song,

is

though worked over and extensively inter-

polated, in

4

For reasons which have already heen indicated,

we should not, however, with Dillmann, attribute this speech to
the author of 5-26 28, hut to a later deuteronomistic

Chap.

32

1-43

The

theme of

the Ode is the goodness of

the sin of Israel in

rejecting

and the ruin which this

apostasy entails. The poem contains no
definite allusions to historical events by

which its age

be exactly determined. The conquest

of Canaan evidently lies for the writer in a remote past

he has had ample experience of the pro-

pensity of Israel to adopt foreign religions,

of the

national calamities in which the prophets saw the

judgments of

upon this defection. The language

has been thought to indicate that the author was

a

native of the North; and many scholars believe that
the situation reflected in the poem is that of the kingdom
of Israel in the reign of Jehoash (797-783 B

.c.)

or the

early years of Jeroboam

when, after the

long and disastrous Syrian wars, Israel was beginning
to recover its former power and

Others,

understanding by the ' n o people'

the 'foolish

nation'

the Assyrians, to whom such

would he applied more naturally than they could he to

(cp Is.

ascribethe poem to the

latter half of the eighth century.

The words may, how-

ever, with

greater probability, be interpreted of the

Babylonians (cp Jer.

especially Hab.

Dt.

In the vocabulary of the Song there are

several

which are not found in writers of the eighth

century, but are common in the literature of the seventh
and sixth; the Aramaisnis in word and form which
have been looked upon as evidence of Ephraimite origin

eqnally well be marks of a later age. The poem

contains many reminiscences of the older prophets,
especially of Hosea and Isaiah hut in its whole spirit

as well as in particular expressions, it is much

more closely akin to Jeremiah, Ezekiel, and Is.
It has a'strong resemblance, also, to the exilic additions
to Dt.

( 4

its theology is that of these chapters

and

of

Is.

Its affinities to the Psalms and the

products of Jewish Wisdom are

to

be

It is,

in fact, a didactic poem, embodying in lofty verse the

interpretation of Israel's history from beginning

to end.

and others ascribe the Song to the

end of the seventh century (say

c. )

but the

considerations last adduced, and others which might he
mentioned, point rather to an exilic or post-exilic date.

It has commonly been assumed that the introduction

to the Song

(31

16-22)

is pre-deuteronomic (J or E)

not so mnch, however, upon internal evidence as in
consequence of general theories about the age of the

poem and the composition of the last chapters of Dt.

It

is intrinsically at least equally .probable that the

On the

Song of Moses see Ew.

8 47-65

Kamph.

1862;

Klo. Das Lied Mose's u.

das Deut.

44

249

45 230

reprinted in

Der

Peat.

Z A T W 5

For the older literature see Di.

395;

Reuss,

GA

See

K.

3

This verse is, however, probably not from the Assyrian

period.

See

6

etc.

Kue. attributes it to Rje.

35

1089

is post-deuteronomic and this hypothesis

strongly commended by the fact that the Song itself

apparently been put in the place of the

discourse

Moses

which is itself a product of the 'exile.'

Chap.

is the closing note to the

to

3 1 3 0

at its beginning.

Verses

45-47

ire the close of the speech, answering

to

contain no allusion

to

the Song; their literary

are to

31

not to 31

16-22

or

C h a p .

belongs to the priestly stratum

the

is given

more briefly in

Nu.

12-14

(P).

Chap.

33

:

The Blessing wherewith Moses the man

God blessed the Israelites before he died.

Beyond

this superscription. no attempt is made to
connect the poem with the history of

last days from which it

be inferred that it

vas not introduced by a deuteronomistic editor. The

verses

which are very obscure, in part

corruption of the text, describe the coming of

from Sinai, the giving of the

the acquisition

the territory of Jacob

and the rise of the kingdom

n Israel.

Thereupon come, without any transition,

Blessings on eleven tribes, following a geographical

from south to north, and differing greatly in

ength and in character.

The Blessing of Moses is a composition

of

the same

as the so-called Blessing of Jacob (Gen.

49

though not a mere imitation of it. The
historical situation reflected in the Blessings

the several tribes in

that of a time considerably

ater than that in Gen.

cp particularly Levi (Gen.

Dt.

and Judah (Gen.

Dt.

3 3 7 ) .

On

.he other hand, the situation is entirely different from that

in the Song of Moses, Dt.

3 2 .

While in

the latter, apostasy has drawn upon Israel the consuming

of

and the very existence of the people is

the Blessing breathes from

to

end a

national spirit exalted by power and prosperity and
unbroken by disaster.

The author was a member of

of the northern tribes, or a

at one of the

northern sanctuaries.

The blessing of Joseph

was written at a time when the kingdom of Israel, in
the pride of its power, and perhaps flushed with victory,
was thinking of foreign conqiiests

Recent critics

have generally followed Graf in ascribing the poem to
the time of Jeroboain

when for a

brief space Israel seemed to have regained all its ancient
power and glory;

is then referred to the recovery

of the territories of which Gad had been stripped by
the Syrians of Damascus in the disastrous period which
preceded.

T h e prayer

in

Hear,

0

the voice of Judah, and

bring him to his people,' has heen understood as the wish of the
Ephraimite poet that Judah might be reunited to Israel,

is

thought

many to point to a time soon after the division of the

kingdom, when the desire for the restoration of the national unity

was

still

This obscure verse. however. cannot he allowed

to

outweigh

clearer testimony of other

of the chapter.

T h e Blessing of

Levi

describes the privileges

offices

of the priesthood and the fidelity of Levi to its sacred trust.
There is nothing

indicate that the author was a priest of the

temple in

priests of other temples also were

any cogent reason for thinking that

11

are

Jewish interpolations. Verse

I

T

,

however, is hardly a blessing

for the priesthood, and would unquestionably he more appropri-
ate to one of the other tribes hut that it was the original sequel
of 76, as has heen conjectured, is not evident.

On the whole. the age of Jeroboam

seems best to

Verses

satisfy the implications of the Blessings.

See above

23.

On the

see Hoffm. in Keil and Tzschirner's

iv.

2

continued in a series of Jena Pro-

grams,

;

1857

'

Der

1873 ;

A

van

der Flier,

38,'

1895

' T h e Blessing of Moses,'

See also

1

T h e older literature in Di.

Reuss, G A T , 216.

3

The meaning of these

is much disputed.

In

it is not certain that Jerusalem is meant (cp

B

E

N

-

JAMIN,

$

8).

1090

background image

DEUTERONOMY

26-29, have no connection with the Blessings, and it is
not

improbable that they are fragments of another poem.

Whether the Blessing of Moses was contained in J or

E

is a question which we have no means of answering

:

neither the short introduction, nor the titles of the
several Blessings (which alone can be attributed to an
editorial hand), offer anything distinctive nor do the
reminiscences of the earlier history.

The story

of

the death of Moses is highly

composite, elements from

JE

and

P,

as well as the

hand of more than one editor, being recognisable in it.

Deuteronomy is the prophetic law-book, an attempt

to embody the ideal of the prophets in institutions and

Chap.

34.

DEUTERONOMY

Bethel or of Beersheba. But the great doctrine of

Dt. is,

thy God is one Yahwb.'

The

Thou shalt have no other gods beside me,'

s

stronglyreaffirmed

28,

etc.)

'he worship of

gods is punished by death

also

the apostasy

of

the nation by national ruin

7 4

etc.) for Yahwb is

a

God

Not only in Israel, which is

people, but also

Canaan, which is his land,

there shall be no other god or cult. Every trace of the old
religions of Palestine is to be obliterated.

The Canaan-

ites themselves

be exterminated, lest, in intercourse

with them, Israel be infected with their religion

93, cp

Alliance and intermarriage

with the heathen are stringently

etc.

)

and many special laws are directed against heathen
customs and rites

:

see,

225 23

No

less urgent

warnings are given against the

of remoter

peoples

The essence of the religions relation between

and his

is love.

He has loved Israel

laws by which the whole religious,
social, and civil life of the people should
be governed.

recognise this aim

the treatment of the

right and

custom of Israel, and more clearly in those provisions
which are peculiar to Deuteronomy, above all in the
fundamental law, chap.

It

not to regulate con-

duct by outward rule, but to form morality from
within by the power of a supreme principle.

The dominant idea of Deuteronomy is monotheism.

The first sentence of the older Decalogue,' repeated

expresses, indeed, only a rela-

tive monotheism

but the fundamental

deuteronomic law,

Yahwi: our God is

one Yahwb

declares, not only that there are not

many

as there are many Baals, but also that

there is no other who shares with him the attributes of
supreme godhead which are connoted by his name.
H e is the God of gods and the Lord of lords, the
great, mighty, and awful God'

to whom belong

the heavens and the heavens of heavens, the earth and

all that therein is'

'the [only] God in the

heavens above or in the earth beneath; there is no
other' (439, cp

The unapproachable majesty of

his constancy to his purpose,

and his faithfulness to his word are often recurring
themes

etc.).

He is a God who re-

quites his enemies to the full

(7

m)

;

yet a compassionate

and forgiving God to those who under his judgments

to him again

cp

Idolatry is strictly forbidden.

The images and

emblems of the Canaanite pods are to be totally de-

-

stroyed

The Decalogue

prohibits the making of images of

in the likeness of anv obiect in

heaven, or on the earth, or in the s e a ; and in
where this prohibition is emphatically repeated,
is reminded that at Horeb, when

to them

out of the

of the fire, they saw no form-a lesson

to them not to image him in any form.

The more

primitive standing stones and sacred poles are inclnded
in the prohibition

All kinds of

divination, sorcery, and necromancy are

as

heathenish

will and purpose are made

known, not by such signs as are interpreted by the
art,

by the mouth of his prophet

is to be worshipped, not at many sanctuaries,

at one only, in the place which he chooses to fix

his name there

I 6

etc.

).

The unity of the sanctu-

ary is

a

consequence of the unity of

God. The suppression of the

which

so

strenuouslyinsistecl on in Dt., was primarily dictated, not
by practical considerations, but by the instinctive feel-
ing that their existence was incompatible with
theism : as long as there were many altars there were as
many local

It is doubtless true that, for the

religious consciousness of the great mass of worshippers,
the

of Dan was not

the same

as

the

On the various forms

of

this code see D

ECALOGUE

.

See also 3 24

I t has been observed

that

the theology

of 41-40

approximates more nearly

to

that

of

Is.

the beginning

(10

23

5).

and if they

his commandments

he will love and bless them in all the

future

(713.

cp

They are the children of

their God

his discipline and his care are parental

131).

All good things are from him; but the

signal proofs of his love to Israel are the deliverance
from Egypt

,

8

and the law which he

has given them

The love of Yahwb to his

people demands, as it should inspire, their love : Thou
shalt love

thy God with all thine heart, and with

all thy soul, and with all thy' might

(6

5)

is the first

commandment of the law, the first principle of religion

strains to do his will; to love God and to keep his
commandments are inseparable.

His commandments

are not remote or incomprehensible

:

they are in men's

hearts and on their lips

cp

nor

are they difficult and burdensome

cp

68) :

to keep them is for maii's own good

It is

a

religion of the heart, not of outward observances or
of formal legality. Observances are not rejected;

a

religion without worship and distinctive ceremonial is
not contemplated but festivals and sacrifices are only
the expression of religious feeling-above all, of loving
and joyful gratitude for God's love and goodness.

The relation of

to Israel is not

a

natural and

indissoluble relation, such as subsists between a tribal

god and his people; it is a moral rela-
tion, which has its origin in his choice of
Israel to be his people. He chose it, not

for any good in it

( 7

9

but because he loved its

forefathers

and love and faithfulness bind him

to their descendants (78 95). The

by which

Israel alone of all the nations of

earth is made the

people of Yahwi: is

glorious distinction but it

imposes the greatest obligation. Sin, in this light, is
more heinous, judgment more necessary and more
severe but in Gods constancy to his purpose and his
promise faith finds the assurance that the severest

judgment will not be utter destruction.

The bond between

and Israel is the covenant

which he

with them at Horeb

and renewed

on

the plains

of

Moab (29

I

The deuteronomic

law sets forth the obligations imposed by

and

accepted by Israel

strict observance of the law is

the condition of the fulfilment of the promises of Yahwb,
the obligations which he voluntarily took upon himself
in the pact

Israel is to be a holy people

( 7 6

is,

one set apart to

in a11 its life.

The stringency

of the laws which are to preserve the purity of the

At the time when Dt. was written this sanguinary proscrip-

tion

of

the native population can hardly have had much practical

significance.

background image

DEUTERONOMY

DEW

people and the land from false religion and immorality
is thus explained and justified :

Thou

shalt exterminate

the evil from the community’

(135

and puss.; see

22

13-30

21

16-21

etc.

).

Notwithstanding the sanguinary thoroughness with

which it demands the extirpation of heathenism, and the
severity of many of the special laws, the distinctive note
of the

is humanity, philanthropy,

charity.

Regard not only for the rights, but also for

the needs of the widow, the orphan, the landless Levite,
the foreign denizen, is urged at every

The in-

terests of debtors

slaves

and hired labourers

( 2 4 4

are carefully

guarded. Various provisions protect the rights of the
wife or the female slave
Nor are the animals forgotten

The spirit

of the legislation is

least clearly in the laws

which appear to us altogether utopian, such

as

20

(cp

In

conformity with its prophetic character, Dt. pre-

sents itself not merely as

a

law-book, but also

as

a book

of religious instruction.

Its lessons are to be diligently

remembered, and not forgotten in times of prosperity

etc.).

Its fundamental precepts are to

be

repeated daily, to be worn as amulets, to be inscribed

in public places

They are to be’taught

to children, that each succeeding generation may be
brought up in the

of

will

11

;

and every seven years the whole

is to be

publicly read in the hearing of the assembled people

Taken all in

all,

Dt. will ever stand as one of the

noblest monuments of the religion of Israel, and

as

one

of

the most noteworthy attempts in history to regulate

the whole life of a people by its highest religious
principles.

I

.

the older works Drusius

hard

and

(1696)

may

be consulted with

profit. The principal modern commentaries

33.

Literature.

are Vater Pent.

1805

;

M.

F.

W.

;

Kn.,

Schroeder

1866

(Lange’s

E T with additions by

Gosman,

;

Keil,

ed. 1870, ET

1867 ;

Espin,

Di.,

;

Montet,

L e

Deut.,

;

1893

;

Dr.,

1895 ;

Steuernagel in

Criticism-Vater,

den

Pent.

Abhandlung iiber Moses

die Verfasser des Pentateuchs

;

De Wette,

Beitr.

in d.

A T 1

2

385

;

J.

F.

L.

George,

Die

5)

;

W.

Vatke,

A T

384

E.

Riehm,

Die

etc. (‘54);

(‘73)

(review of

Colenso,

Pent.

Pt.

3

cp

App.

Graf.

Die

d.

A T (‘66);

Kosters,

van

’68)

Klo

Lied Mose’s

d. Deut.

des Pent.’

re-

printed in

Der Pent. (‘93)’

Kleinert

Das Deut.

d.

(‘72) ;

Ueber das nnter dem Kanige

Josia anfgefundene

d. A T

8

Kayser,

Das

Buch der

seine

(‘74)

;

J.

‘Die

d.

pp.

We. CH,

1876,

reprinted separately, under the

same title,

1885,

and with Nachtrage,

Die

des Hex.

des

A T (‘89); GI

(‘78) and ed. called

Prol.

8.

4th ed.

ET,

t o

Hist.

J.

The

(‘77);

WRS,

Additional

t o

t o

the Amended

(‘79);

ed.

E.

Renss,

et

1

(‘79);

Die

Gesch.

d.

A T ,

Bd.

3 ) ;

Steinthal

Buch

Mose

1879, pp.

Stucke

Buche

1880,

also separately (Berlin,

Valeton,

Stud.

5

39-56,

F.

Del. Pentateuch-kritische Studien,’

Ebreo

suo

(

84) ; Cheyne,

Jeremiah,

his

chaps.

Baudissin,

Gesch.

des

A T

A. Westphal,

Les sources

Pent.

2

Staerk,

sein

seine

(‘94) ;

Der

des

(‘94) ;

;

Havet,

Le

See

18-20

27

16

14

24

26

et

ses

3

32

(‘78);

de

(‘86)

and

Deut.

Vernes,

sur

et

reprinted in

L.

Horst

Etudes

le Deut.

de

des

16

17

18

23

184-zoo

27

(‘93);

Kuenen

De jongste

der

van den Hex.

C.

Piepenbring,

Reo. de

des

24

37

‘La

et le code de

(‘94);

the

H e x . 2 (‘98).

See also Introductions

to

the OT :-Eichhorn, 4th ed.

De Wette

(‘17

ed.

’52,

8th ed.

E. Schrader,

’69);

unaltered in later edd., E T by Venables

(‘69));

S.

Davidsoii

;

Kuenen,

ed. entirely rewritten

ET

by

The

(‘86);

Reuss,

Gesch.

’des

ed.

(‘91

znded.

’92);

Driver,

6th ed.

cp ‘Deuteronomy

in Smith‘s

Konig

(‘93)

Wildeboer

De

des

;

(‘93).

On the relation of Dt.

to

Jeremiah, see Kueper,

Jeremias

et

4-45

Das Deut. und der Prophet Jeremiah,’ A

T

2

Zunz,

ZDMG

(‘73)

;

Colenso,

App.

pp.

cp

In defence of the Mosaic authorship

Hengstenberg,

des Pent.

ET

Genuineness

the

2

Havernick

das

A T

1

E T

’ t o

the

;

Keil,

das A T , 1853,

3rd ed.

by G. C. M.

Douglas,

etc.

1869

The Pentateuch,

and

(‘85);

G .

Vos,

The Mosaic

the

Codes (’86);

Martin,

la

crit.

de

1

(‘87) A. Zahn,

Das

Deut.

(‘go).

G .

F.

M.

DEVIL.

For Dt.

3 2 1 7

etc.

etc.

Mt.

31

etc.

see D

EMONS

,

for

Lev.

7

etc.

see S

A

TYR

;

and for Mt.

4

I

etc.

see

(Lev.

EV,

I

2 0 4 2

RV,

etc.).

DEVOTED,

AV

sometimes,

RV

usually, for

See

B

AN

,

‘Dew’ is a theme which

kindles the enthusiasm of the O T writers

;

but what

does ‘dew’ mean in the

OT?

and are the common

explanations of the biblical references altogether correct ?

During the spring and autumn the phenomenon which

we call dew is, at least in the intervals of fine weather,

as

familiar in Palestine

as

in western

countries

:

the moisture held in suspen-

sion in the atmosphere during the day is

deposited, in cloudless nights, owing to the cooling of
the surface of the ground, in the form of dew.‘ It is
not, however, simply this phenomenon of spring and

that excites the enthusiasm of the Hebrew

writers for it is not the dew but

former and the

latter rains that are in these seasons of vital importance

to the agriculturist (see

R

AIN

).

During the summer

season, however, from the beginning of May to the
latter part of October, there is

an

almost unbroken

succession of cloudless days,

vegetation becomes

parched, and would altogether perish but for another
phenomenon which has a prior claim to the descriptive
Hebrew name

(

sprinkled moisture

uniformly re-

presented in the EV by the word

dew.’ During the

but more especially (when the need is greatest)

in the latter part of August and during September
October, westerly winds bring

a

large amount of mois-

ture from the Mediterranean (see

W

INDS

).

This moisture:

becomes condensed by the cool night air

on

the land

into something not unlike a Scotch mist, which, though
specially

on the mountains, is yet abundant

enough everywhere to sustain with its moisture the
summer crops, and to keep some life in the pastures of
the

Coming only in the night, and being

so

much finer than

ordinary rain, this beneficent provision of nature received

a

special name

to

which the Arabic

‘fine rain

sponds.

Greek poetical terms

and

seem more adequate than the simple

DEW

The true meaning of

most clearly set forth by Neil,

pp.

to

whom this article

its

central idea.

background image

DEW

and but for the shock to our associations, night mist

would

be preferable rendering to

This explanation clears up certain otherwise obscure

passages.

It also enables us’to identify with consider-

able probability the season to which any important

passage mentioning

refers. The miracle of Gideon’s

fleece,

was presumably placed by the writer in the

summer. At the same time, when perfectly general
language is used respecting

(

dew

’),

it may be open

to us to suppose that a confusion exists in the writer’s
mind between the genuine dew of winter (spring and
autumn) and the night mist of summer, which is not,
in our sense of the word, dew at all. since the vapour be-

comes condensed in the air before it reaches the ground.

I n illustration, see Lane’s

Lexicon

One

example given is

The sky rained-small-rain

upon the

earth.’

defined as ‘light or weak

drizzling) rain,

or the lightest and weakest of rain ; or dew that descends from
the sky in cloudless weather.’ Cp also Koran, Sur. 2

267

‘And

if no heavy shower

falls on it, the

( a ) Where

dew’

comes

from.

-Job

38

28

is, prob-

ably enough,

a

scribe’s insertion

Duhm) but, if

so,

the scribe gives an invaluable early

of what precedes. H e states

that what is said of the rain in

25-27

refers not only to the winter rains or to the

occasional thunderstorms but also to the night mist.’

Has the rain a father?
Or who has begotten the streams2 (not ‘drops’) of

By his (God’s) knowledge the depths were opened

a t

And the sky drops down ‘dew.’

T o this question a wise man replies (Prov.

creation),

So

Dt.

Hag.

1

Zech.

812

cp also

J u d g 54

and

complete answer

is given m Enoch, where the treasuries’ of snow and
bail (Job

and also of dew and rain are described.

If

Job did not come to those treasuries Enoch did,

according to the current legend. The statements are
important : The spirit of the dew

has

its dwelling at the

ends

of

the heaven, and is connected with the chambers

of the rain, and its course is in winter and summer
and its clouds, and the clouds

of

the mist are connected,

and the one passes over into the other’

Charles).

In chap. 76 the twelve portals of the winds are described. From

eight of them dew and rain are said to proceed ; the winds are
not,

however, always beneficial. The author is

no means a

good observer, and his statement is of value only as confirming
the statement of GO

that dew’ and rain are connected.

Preciousness

land of Israel is called

a

of

corn and wine yea, his heavens drop down

dew (Dt.

33

The blessing of Jacob says

:

God

give thee of the dew of heaven, and of the fatness

the land (Gen. 27

28

;

contrast

v.

39,

himself resembles dew’

I

will be as the dew

Israel (parched up, desolate Israel), Hos.
preciousness of the dew’

is

shown by its effects,

next described.

Perhaps, however

here includes rain.

Dew is ar

emblem of

‘ A

dew of lights is thy dew, and to

shall the earth bring the shades’ (Is.

From tht

world of perfect light where Yahwi: dwells a supernatural ‘dew
will descend

the dead Israelites.

‘The dew of resurrection

is a Talmudic phrase

on this prophecy.

the Koran, also

Sur. 41

rain is referred to

a

sign o

the resurrection.

Probably, too, Micah 5

also should

mentioned here. The traditional text, as it stands, is unin

T h e remnant of Jacob among the nations

be at the same time like showers of night

on the earth

like a lion. The upright line (Pasek) placed after ‘And shal
3 e ’

warns us (as so often) that there is something douhtfu

i n the text. Possibly

‘upon’ has dropped out. T h e

It had

This is the first rendering

in

BDB.

by Che.

his

Zsaiah and Book

who followed Neil,

M T reads

generally rendered ‘drops’

Keservoirs would be more defensible ; hut this does not sui

‘begotten.’ The obvious emendation is

Rain is

in Ps. 65

The scribe is thinking of the

channel

Heb. text has only dropped.

DIAL

AND SUN-DIAL

reads thus,

And there shall be on the remnant of Jacob

. .

as it were “ d e w ” from Yahwi:

.

.

.

which tarries not for

which independent

effort. Reluctant

s

one may he to deviate from a n unquestioned tradition, i t

necessary to do so, when even the acute Wellhausen

dmits that the point of the comparison in the present text is

to him.

( c )

Other

dew (night mist),

ike the rain, comes by the word of a prophet

( I

17

I

).

t falls suddenly

S.

and gently, like persuasive

(Dt.

it lies all night (Job

but

disappears like superficial goodness

(Hos. 64).

a

night mist is to be expected in the early summer,

ti

the settled hot weather of harvest (Is.

but, on

see V

INE

,

It bas a healing effect on

(Ecclus.

4 3 2 2 )

for

a

man to he exposed

it is a trying experience (Cant.

5

It is all-pervading

Gideon asks, as a sign of his divine mission, first,

:hat the fleece which he has put on the threshing-floor
may be wet with a night mist

when the floor itself

IS

dry, and next, that the fleece

be dry when the

floor is wet.

abundant is the moisture of the night

mist that in the morning after the first experience
Gideon is able to wring out of the fleece a whole bowlful
of water (Judg.

6

36-40).

Ps.

if the scribes have

transmitted the text, there is a condensed comparison

a

king’s youthful army to the countless drops of dew: a

highly poetic figure, adopted by Milton

speaking of the

hosts.
(‘dew’ is not

by the L X X , though the other Greek

translators all have

are probably corrupt (see Che.

The other passage

133

3) appears to state

that it is the dew of Hermon that comes down on the moun-
tains of Zion. Some (so Del.) have thought that a plentiful
dew in Jerusalem might he the result of the abundance

of

vapours on

others (so Baethg.), that ‘dew of Hermon

is a proverbial expression for a plentiful dew. Robertson Smith

suggests that the expressions may he

the gathering of pious pilgrims from all parts a t the great feasts
at Jerusalem was

if the fertilising dews,

of great Hermon

were all concentrated on the little hill of Zion

but the passage,

as

it stands, is incapable of a natural interpretation. T h e text

came into the editor’s band in a n imperfect condition. Hermon
and Zion can by no

he

into connection either

here or

the equally corrupt passage,

Ps.

426

T. K.

Strictly

to

bind round)

is no more than

a

rich fillet or head-band.

It was

worn around the Persian royal hat (see M

ITRE

,

2 ) ,

and, as distinguished from

(see C

ROWN

), the

badge of royalty; cp

I

Macc.

814

etc., Rev.

(RV, AV crown,’ and so EV in

I

Esd.

4

It is probable that fillets of a more

or

less ornate

character are referred to in the Heb.

(see

C

ROWN

) and

(see M

ITXE

).

I

.

is used by

to

render

Esth.

and

S.

1

IO

Sym. Theod.] (see CROWN,

Esth. 8

(see

M

ANTLE

), and

Is.

6 2 3

(cp

I

).

The words however, ‘thou

the dew of thy youth

DIADEM.

.

Ecclus. 47

see

Diadem in E V represents the following words :-

p i ~ ~ : ,

Bar.

E;

(EV,

in Judith

E V ‘tire,’

Ezek. 21 26

AV ; see

I

.

4.

Is. 62 EV, Zech. 3 5

Job 29

E V

‘turban ; see

T

URBAN

,

a plait

weave),

Is.

25

or

etc.

[Aq.

[Sym.]).

In Ezek.

7

7

IO

(RV

according

to

Co.,

means ‘crown’ (cp

‘crowning time’);

text perhaps faulty, see

Co.,

Bertholet.

DIAL

and

SUN-DIAL

literally ‘steps,’

;

Tg.

‘hour-stone’

in

IS.

388

IS.

388.

The term occurs in the account of Hezekiah’s illness.

I n point of fact, however, the narrator says nothing of a dial’

and of degrees but only of steps

where AV says, The sun

returned ten degrees,’ RV mnre correctly says,
ten

steps,’

though immediately afterwards it uses the Incorrect

term ‘dial’ (with a marginal note, ‘Heb. steps’). Hence both
in AV and in RV the account is more obscure than it need have
been.

It is true, the parallel accounts in

K.

20 and

I s .

38

differ,

which produces some difficulty.

,


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