DIAMOND

DIANA

On the whole, Is.

is

probably nearer to the

original text than

I t is not, however, free

from awkwardness.

Explanatory words have evidently

been introduced, after removing which we get something
like this : Behold,

I

will cause the shadow to go back

as many steps as the sun has gone down on the steps
of Ahaz.

So

the sun went back as many degrees as it

had gone down.'

The date of this part of the narrative

is long after the age of Isaiah, who was ordinarily no

of

miracles (see

and cp

I

Cor.

1

and, if Duhm is correct, the phrase on the steps

of Ahaz' is the awkward insertion of an editor.

The

reference is, therefore, of very small

value.

Still, we may fairly ask what the late writer meant, and
the most usual answer is that the steps were those which
led up to the base of an obelisk, the shadow of which
fell on the

steps a t noon, and on the lower in the

morning and the evening.

W e may suppose the

monument to have been near enough to the palace for

Hezeliiah to see it from his chamber.

This, however,

is quite uncertain, and, nothing being said of such
heathenish objects

it is scarcely probable.

(see

Is.

388, and cp Jos.

Ant. x.

thinks that the

steps were those of the

This has been too

hastily rejected.

I t

is

perfectly possible that

house

(of),' fell out of the text before

Ahaz.'

W e must

at any rate abandon the view that a dial with concentric
circles and

a

central gnomon is meant.

Ahaz might no

doubt have borrowed this invention from Assyria

Herod.

There is no evidence, however, that

can mean 'degrees,'

it must be repeated that the

narrative appears to be a glorification of Isaiah (cp
Ecclus.

based on no ascertainable tradition of

either as regards the wonder or the 'steps.'

Steps was the simplest word to

in such a context,

in speaking of

a

comparatively remote age.

DIAMOND

see below,

The

name diamond

is

merely

a

modification of

adamant,

T.

c.

though, unlike the latter word, it has a

quite definite meaning, designating the

well-known

composed of

carbon, with traces of 'silica and earths.

is

usually colourless,

is often tinged white, gray, or

brown more rarely yellow, pink, etc.

T h e diamond does not appear to have become

to the Greeks till the time of Alexander's successors,
when the Greek kings had

intercourse with India,

the only place in the ancient world where diamonds are
known to have been obtained.

Delitzsch has, indeed,

ascribed to the Assyrians an acquaintance with the
diamond

with Ar.

this

is

precarious.

Nor

is

it any more likely that the

diamond was known to the Egyptians

the cutting

point used by them in working hard stones was more
probably corundum (Petrie,

and

W e need have little hesitation, therefore,

in deciding that it was not one of the stones known to
the Hebrews of the sixth century

B.

c.

(Ezeli.

28

13

EV).

Much less could it have been an inscribed gem

the

high-priestly

'

breastplate of

(Ex. 28

39

EV)

for neither

nor Romans could engrave the

diamond.

I t was not until the sixteenth century

A

.D.

that the wonderful

skill of the cinque-cento engravers succeeded in producing

upon the diamond. N o doubt, even many of the works

celebrated under this name may have been in reality cut in the
white topaz or the

sa

but

a most

competent judge declares not

that Clement

had

engraved on a

the portrait of Don Carlos as a betrothal

present to Anna, daughter of the emperor

II.,

but

also

that he had

seen it during his stay in Spain in

1564. Birago had engraved the arms of Spain as a

Paolo

Cp Duhm, Cheyne.
Obelisks were characteristic of Egyptian sun-worship (cp

Jer. 43 13).

3

3

37) explained the

phenomenon

as

the disturbance of the shadow during the solar eclipse of

Jan. 689

B.C.

It

is needless to discuss this. Cp C

HRONOLOGY

,

dorigia, too says that Torezzo discovered the method and

thd

of Charles V. on a diamond, whilst Jacobns

is said to have engraved on a diamond the arms

of

England, for

Mary of England, Philip's consort.

Diamond occurs four times in EV-once (Jer.

o

translate the Heb.

which was almost

certainly corundum (see

A

D

A

M

AN

T

,

3),

the only substance used by the

Greeks to engrave gems down to the

:nd of the fourth

B

.c.,

and thrice (Ex.

Ezeli. 28

to translate the Heb.

T h e

feature of the early religion of Asia Minor

was the worship of a mother-goddess

whom was adored the mystery of

Nature, perpetually dying and perpetu-
ally self-reproducing.

She

her

home in the mountains, amid the undisturbed

of Nature, among the wild animals who continue

Free from' the artificial and unnatural rules constructed
by men (Ramsay,

1 8 9 )

the lakes with

their luxuriant shores also were her favoured abode;

generally, in all the world of plants and

her power was manifest.

It was easy to identify such

goddess with the Greek Artemis, for the latter also

was originally the queen of nature and the nurse of all
Life

but from first to last the Ephesian goddess was a n

divinity.

Under different names

with essential identity of

character, the great godddss was worshipped throughout Asia
Minor, and the various modifications of the fundamental con-
ception often came into contact with, and influenced, one
another,

though they were originally distinct.

I n northern

and

eastern Phrygia the great Nature-goddess was worshipped

as Cybele.

Lydia

she was invoked as

Artemis, and also by the Persian name

introduced

perhaps by Asiatic colonists planted in the Hermos valley by
Cyrus (Rams.

Hist.

As.

She was known

there also as Leto, which

is her title a t Hierapolis and

As Letoshe is traceable through Lycia and

a

to the Pamphylian Perga, where again she is

also

called Artemis (Str.

667).

T h e name Leto is the Semitic

cp

Herod.

and points to Semitic

influence, radiating perhaps from Cyprus (Rams.

Hist.

P

RECIOUS

S

TONES

.

W.

R.

DIANA

[Ti. WH],

T h e world-renowned seat of this worship was Ephesus

(Acts

:

the

festival in her

was called

The fame

of the Ephesian shrine was primarily due to the fact
that 'the Asian mead

streamsof the Cayster'

was the natural meeting-point of the religious

ideas brought westwards by the expansion of the
Aryan kingdom

Minor (Sayce,

and of the foreign, Semitic, influences which penetrated
the peninsula a t various points on the coast where
intercourse with the Phcenicians was active.

Thus

must we explain the peculiar composite features of the
hierarchy which early grew up round the temple on the
bank of the Cayster.

It consisted of certain vestals

under the presidency of a eunuch-priest,

bearing the titular name Megabyzos (Str. 641).

,

Some

have understood the passage in Strabo to assert the
existence of

a

College of Megabyzoi; but probably

merely a succession

is

meant (one only in Xen.

6

and App.

5

Persia was probably

the source of supply. There were three grades among
the vestals, who seem to have had, besides, a
superintendent (Plut. A n

795

34

Reislie). There

is no evidence (Hicks,

Brit.

3

p. 85)

that they were called

though the statement is

usually made (after Guhl,

certain

priestesses of the Great Mother were so called, however,
according to Lactantius

and the bee was

the regular type on the coins (Head,

Coins

of

).

There was also a college of priests

T h e

popular derivation of the name was from

For

the meaning of this word

connection with the

system, see Ramsay,

Hist.

196.

1098

DIANA

DIBRI

it to

a

radius of

a

stade from the temple, and again by

Mithridates.

doubled it, taking in

part of the suburbs. This extension

in favour of the criminal classes (Strabo,

Ann.

so

that Augustus in

6

narrowed the sanctuary

area, and surrounded it with a wall (Hicks,

no.

There was a further revision by Tiberius in

A.

D

.

Ann.

Connected with this security

was the use of the place

as

a

national and private

of deposit (Dio Chrys.

Or. 595

see also

333

Strabo,

640).

From the deposits,

loans

were issued to individuals or communities (Hicks,

M a n u a l

Gr.

Hist.

no.

205).

It

is noteworthy that the opposition to Paul did not

originate among the priests (see

E

PHESUS

).

T h e

energies of the priests of the great shrines must have
been largely directed to the absorption of kindred
elements in the new cults with which they came in con-
tact, or at any rate to the harmonising of the various
rival worships.

In this they were assisted by the

tendency of the Greeks to see in foreign deities the
figures

of

their own pantheon.

That very definite steps

were taken in Ephesus to avoid conflict with the cult of
Apollo is proved by the localisation there of the birth-
place of Apollo and Artemis (Str.

639,

Ann.

361

;

cp

T h e teaching of Paul would

seem but another importation from the

E.,

to

effect a revival redounding to the advantage of the
temple. This blindness of the priesthood to the real
tendencies of the new teaching is well illustrated a t

where the priest of Zeus Propoleos is

in doing honour

to

Paul and

1413).

Not until a later period was this attitude exchanged for
one of hostility the earliest pagan opposition was based

on

lower grounds than those of religion (Rams. Church

in

131,

zoo).

[See especially Zimmermann,

DIBLAH

(

W.

W.

RV.

See R

IBLAH

.

DIBLAIM

see G

OMER

DIBLATH

in M T the statement that the

true

reading is

is weakly attested

[Ea.]

[BAQ]),

Ezek.

AV (RV D

IBLAH

), where

the toward

of

EV

demands

an

emended text.

See

R

IBLAH

.

DIBLATHAIM

Nu.

see

DIBON

so

thrice

[Ba.

ad

Is.

else-

where in O T and on

stone

and so

the true pronunciation is

probably

Meyer,

in

Josh.

I

.

A

city of Moab

(Is.

Jer. 481822

[Q]),

the modern

about

3

m. N.

from Aroer and

4

from the Arnon.

A

fragment of an

ancient song preserved by J E in Nu.

21

commemorates

the conquests of the Amorite king Sihon over Moab

'from Heshbon to Dibon'

(v.

30).

According to Nu.

it was built' by the Gadites, and it is alluded

to as

in

Nu.

Josh.

gives it to the Reubenites. I n Is.

the name is

written

I t was at

that the

famous stone of

Mesha was discovered in

1868.

In list of Judahite villages (E

ZRA

, ii.

15

[

I

]

a ) ,

om. BA) perhaps

the

of Josh.

DIBRI

P s

story of the son of Shelomith who blasphemes the

bears a close family likeness to the incident in

So

MT. T h e original text no doubt had

DIBLATHAIM.

father Of

,

I]

36)

but it is perhaps wrong

to

follow Lightfoot

(

p.

94)

in denying all

connection with the name of the Jewish sect of the

These priests were the connecting link between

the hierarchy and civic

they cast the lot which

determined the Thousand and Tribe of a newly created
citizen (Hicks,

no.

447,

etc.

).

Neither their number

nor the mode of their appointment is known, but they
held office only for a year and

the feasts at

the Artemisium following the sacrifices at the Artemisia,
or annual Festival (Paus.

13

I

).

For minor sacred

officials see Hicks,

The analogous establishments of the goddess Ma

in

the remote

E.

of Asia Minor, a t the two Komanas (Cappadocia, Str.

show us the system in a more

form Straho's words

that the grosser features of the cult had heen got

rid of a t Ephesus. I n the eastern shrines we have a presiding
priest allied in

to

the reigning family, and second only

to him in honour, ruling the temple and the attendant

in number), and enjoying the

vast revenues of the sacred

estates.

The cultus-statuewas thoroughly oriental inform, being

a

cone surmounted

a bust covered with breasts

Like the most ancient

of Athena at Athens

26

6)

the statue-of

at Tauris (Eur.

and that of the allied Cybele of Pessinus, it 'fell

clown from Jupiter'

(so

AV and

RV

in Acts

19

35 :

that fell from heaven

').

Such

was her form

wherever she was worshipped

as

Ephesian Artemis but

on

the coins we

the purely Hellenic type.

The silver shrines' (Acts

1 9 2 4

were offered by the

rich in the temple : poorer worshippers would dedicate
shrines of marble or terra-cotta.

Numerous examples in marble and some in terra-cotta, are

1880)

the series shows

continuous development from the earliest known representation
of

the Mother-goddess (the so-called

'

Niobe' a t Magnesia near

Mt.

such as that figured

in Harrison, Myth. and

Rams.

1882, p. 45). Such shrines

were perhaps also kept in private houses (Paus.

31

8

Similar shrines were carried

sacred processions which 'constituted an

part of

ancient ritual (Ignat. ad

9

Metaphr.

1769

in the festival called

Brit.

3

no. 481, referring

to

the thirty gold

silver

presented by

C . Vibius Salutaris in

A

.D.).

In

the manufacture of these shrines many hands and

much capital were employed (Acts

1 9 2 4

T h e characteristic formula of invocation was

(whence we must accept the reading of D

as

against the

of the other MSS). The

epithet

is

applied in inscriptions

(CZG 2963

C,

id.

Its use in

has been detected at other centres

of the allied cults.

This was the case, for example, a t the

of Artemis-Leto

and Apollo-Lairbenos a t

(Rams. Hist.

n. 49,

see

Stud.,

1889,

p.

;

n.

In

inscription from the

(mod.

and

where Artemis of

the lakes was revered, we have the formula
(Rams.

AM,

The Artemis of Therma

Lesbos

is invoked

the phrase 'Great Artemis of Therma

which appears on a stone still standing

the road between

1880, p.

T h e

Artemis of Perga also affords a parallel (Rams. Church in

138 cp also id.

Geog.

All these examples show that

of the goddess

was a prominent idea in the cult,

give point to the

reiteration of the formula by the mob (Acts

Cp

Xen.

One of the secrets of the popularity of the temple was

its right of asylum.

Whatever the fate of the town, the

temple and all within the precinct were
safe (Paus. vii.

2 8

also Herod.

1 3 3

Strabo,

641).

The peribolos-area was several

times enlarged-by Alexander the Great who extended

Nu.

There the marriage

of

Zimri ( a name

not unlike

with a

is the cause of sin,

and here the offender is the sou of a mixed

union.

Zimri belongs to the tribe of Sirneon which, according

to

Gen.

46

had Canaanite relations, and in the person

of

the tribe of Dan is pilloried (see D

A

N

,

8).

I n both stories the prevailing principle is the necessity

of

cutting off Israel from all strangers cp

1330,

and see Bertholet,

147.

DIDYMUS

[Ti.

etc.

see

T

HOMAS

.

DIKLAH

(

om.

son

of Joktan (Gen.

I

Ch.

The name is obscure it has been supposed by

Bochart and others to designate ‘ a palm-bearing
district (cp Ar.

a sort of palm tree,

see

BDB).

Hommel connects it with the name of the

Paradise river

(see P

ARADISE

).

Pesh.

an unidentified city in the

of

Judah (Josh. 1538).

I t occurs with

(Tell

in a group apparently

of

the group comprising Lachish and

(T

O

A

NISE

DILEAN,

Dilan

DIMNAH

one

of the cities of Zebulun theoretically assigned to the
Levites (Josh.

21

P). It is mentioned together with

The form, however, seems incorrect

we should rather read Rimmonah, with

.

Berth.,

Bennett.

Cp

(I

Ch.

662

and ‘see

R

IMMON

, ii.

3.

twice,

once,

once]

[once

a town of Moab mentioned only

in Is.

(twice). According to Che.

is

a corrup-

tion of

N

IMRIM

it is

no

objection to this

view that

has already been mentioned in

6

M

ADMEN

in Jer.

482

is still more plainly a corruption

of

Those who adhere to the traditional text

suppose that

the former with

being

chosen

on

acconnt of the assonance with

blood,’

or else that some unknown place is referred to (accord-
ing to Duhm, on the border of Edom

;

cp

and see

T h e former view is

more prevalent one.

If

may not

be equivalent to

Dibon?

Jerome in his commentary says,

Usque

hodie indifferenter et Dimon et Dibon hoc oppidulum
dicitur,’ and in the

itself we find

and

used for the same place. If Dibon be

meant in Is.

15,

the waters of Dimon may, according

to Hitzig and Dillmann, be a reservoir such as many
cities probably possessed (cp Cant.

but see

H

ESHBON

). The Arnon

too far off from the

town to be meant.

Still the text may be admitted to

T.

K.

C.

DINAH

ever, when Simeon and Levi fell upon the people

of

Shechem, as the Danites fell upon Laish, their attempt
to carry Dinah away was successful.

explanations

are possible. Dinah may have disappeared as a tribe
later along with its rescuers

1

-there is, however, a

difference: the brother tribes left traces (see

the success of the raid may be an element

of exaggeration

in

the story : Dinah may

e been

absorbed into Shechem. Indeed the question suggests
itself, as it does in the case of the other wives in the
patriarch stories (see Z

ILPAH

,

R

ACHEL

,

L

EAH

),

Have we here really a distinct tribe? or does

Dinah simply mean Israelitish families (of whatever
clan) that settled in Shechem ?

Unfortunately

story

is

incomplete

:

we are not

told what the dowry demanded of Shechem was, or
why the city was attacked.

A

later age forgot that in

Canaan only the Philistines were uncircumcised (see

3 ) ,

and thought that Israel could

never have consented to settle in Shechem unless that
town adopted the circumcision rite.

J cannot have

meant this.

Unlike the raid on Laish, that on Shechem

to

have been condemned by

sentiment.

Cursed

be their anger,’ says the Blessing of Jacob,’

‘for it was fierce, and their wrath, for it

was cruel

but according to

J

the chief

of this

disfavour was that the safety of Israel had been im-
perilled. The judgment that overtook the perpetration
of the

is clearly indicated in the Blessing : they

should be divided and scattered.

One instinctively

asks, How does this ‘judgment stand related to the
name

Does one explain the other? and, if

so,

which ?

The Dinah story may be regarded as an explanation

of the ‘judgment either on Shechem or

on

Simeon-

Levi.

It

is

also, however, fitted to serve as a popular

explanation of the name Jacob, which it assigns to the
immigrant people : Jacob was a wily people and he
paid

an injury done

Stories are easily

worked up so as to explain several distinct points.

I t was a common belief

the days of the monarchy

that the Leah tribes had been in the highlands of

Ephraim before they settled in the south
(see I

SRAEL

,

7,

D

AN

,

2).

T h e point that concerns

here

is

whether some

of them settled in Shechem. Unfortunately the earliest
traditions that have

down to

belong to an age

when there was

no

distinct memory of the real course of

events. Every one knew that there was a time when

Israelites had planted themselves in the hill-country

but had not yet incorporated Shechem-the belief of

a

later age, that it was the resting-place of the remains

of Joseph, had not arisen-but as to how it became
Israelite there were already various theories. One story
told of deeds of sword and bow (Gen.

Judg. 945)

another made more of a treaty or contract of some kind

(connubinm ? circumcision

a sale of property ? an

alliance

33

34).

I t might perhaps be sug-

gested that the

with the

(Judg.

831)

points to a third story, a story

of

an

Prof. Cheyne thinks that the disappearance of the

is

actually recorded in

that what

E

wrote

not ‘and

there died Deborah

‘and there died Dinah.

There are

certainly, as he

difficulties in the text as it stands : the

connecting of a

tree with a nurse the preservation

the name (contrast Gen. 2459, where moreover

read

for

:

:

cp 31

the presence of

nurse in the train of Jacob; the whole Jacob-clan making a
solemn mourning over her

the geographical discrepancy

between Gen.

358

and Judg. 4 3.

He

proposes to

emend

into

and to

read ‘And Dinah

eldest daughter died and was

a t the foot of [the hill

Bethel, and was

the Tree ;

so

its name is called

(see

T h e

destruction of a tribe would certainly fully account for the
mourning

Both

J

(Gen.

and

P

(Gen.

467)

re-

present

having more than one daughter.

be doubtful.

H.

W.

H.

a

Judahite city

on

the border of Edom (Josh.

Perhaps the D

IBON

of Neh.

11

25

(cp Dibon and

Dimon in Moab).

and others suggest the modern

or

m.

NE.

of Tell

but this is quite uncertain. Pesh.

presupposes

a

form

cp the variation given under D

ANNAH

.

DINAH

‘daughter’ of Leah

and sister of Simeon and Levi.

Whilst

left behind it some memorials (see

B

EN

-

ONI

), the disappearance of Dinah, to judge from

the absence of all later traces, seems to
have been absolute.

I n

story,

Zimri in old Ar.

is

(see

i.,

and for interchange

of

6

and

cp

Z

A

BDI

,

n.

Note

reading above.

DINAITES

rite settlement in Shechem. T h e idea of the covenant,
however, may be simply a popular attempt to explain

the name B

AAL

-

BERITH

the story connected

with the name Jerubbaal (see G

IDEON

). T h e warlike

story, though early, may have to be classed with others
of the same type.

T h e peaceable settlement theory is

historically the most probable but it is hardly necessary
to question the occurrence of a Dinah raid, less success-
ful than the Danite.

See, further,

DINAITES

mentioned with the

T

ARPELITES

and others, in the

Aramaic letter from

to Artaxerxes (Ezra

4 9 ) .

I t is improbable that the word is an ethnic name (so

[Vg.]), and we should rather

point

'judges'

( s o

I t is the Aramaic

translation of the Persian title

Cp

Hoffmann,

1887,

p.

5 5 ;

Schrader,

in

Gram.

DINHABAH

;

[ADEL]), the

city of the Edomite king

Gen.

Almost beyond a doubt

is a corruption of

(cp

37).

See

and cp Che.

May '99.

I t is a mere accident that several names can be
quoted somewhat resembling Dinhabah.

Thus

in

the

Amarna tablets Tunip or Dunip is mentioned as in the
land of

Tnnipa also occurs in the list of the

N.

Syrian places conquered by Thotmes

There was a Danaba in Palmyrene Syria

(Ptol. v.

1 5 2 4 ;

Assemani,

32,

606,

quoted by

and a Danabe in Babylonia (Zosim.

Hist.

There was also a Dannaba in

N.

Moab

( O S
is

to be found

NE.

of

the

map calls it

el

Toneib,

the Beni

knew not

b a t ' (Gray Hill,

PEFQ,

1896,

p. 46). With this place

Dinhabah is identified by v. Riess,

and

DINNER

Mt.

etc.

See M

EALS

,

J

UDAH

.

H. W. H.

Tomkins,

PEFQ,

1891,

p.

T. K. C.

esp.

disciples of the wise '), and found once

258,

where the contrast between b

and

(for which cp also Mt.

is expressed by

' a s well

. . .

the teacher as the scholar'

[BAL],

at

The 'apparent parallel in 'master

and scholar Mal. 2

AV (MT

e t

is untrustworthy

;

the passage is rendered in many different

ways, and is

the

LXX

occurs only,

in A, for

'friends' (as if from

' t o

teach'),

in

Jer. 20

where

B

(and in 40

see

Hatch-Redpath, Concordance)

correctly redds

On the

subject generally see

In the N T

(fem.

Acts

though limited to the Gospels and Acts, is of frequent

occurrence.

Here it sometimes agrees

with the usage in Attic (cp especially

Plato) and designates merely the pupil. one who

is

taught

another (Mt.

640):

I t is then

applied to the followers of a particular teacher, or sect :

as,

for example, of Moses as opposed to Jesus (Jn.

of the Baptist (Mt.

9 1 4

of the Pharisees

(Mt.

it is also used of Jesus and

his teaching

6 6 6

and often). As referring to the

followers of Jesus

find that

is appiied

( a ) ,

widely, to all his adherents and followers (Mt.
and esp. in Acts

6

7

only once followed by

including, even, those who had been

baptized only 'into John's

(Acts

and

( b ) ,

in a more restricted manner, to denote the nucleus
of which the Twelve were chosen, who, themselves,

are also called

in addition to the more

name of

(Lk.

compared with Mt.

101,

cp also

etc.

)

see

Finally, in ecclesiastical language, the term disciple

is applied (in the plur.

)

more particularly to the Seventy

who were sent out by Jesus to preach the

The

number varies between seventy

(so

Text.

Pesh. KACL) and seventy-two (Vg.

Cur. B,

D

etc.

see

more fully

Variorum

Bible

and

'Lists of the names are extant in various

forms and are ascribed to Dorotheos, Epiphanius,

Hippolytus,

and Sophronius.

They comprise the

names in the Acts and Pauline Epistles but variations
are to be found in each list. See

Die

DISCUS

the Greek game played a t

the

introduced by Jason among the Hellenistic

Jews of Jerusalem

Macc.

see H

ELLENISM

,

4

also CA

P

.

I t is mentioned alone, either as the chief, or

perhaps only as an example,

of

the games played.

On the discus (a circular plate of stone or metal [cp

see

S.V.

'Discus 'Pentathlon.'

T h e

which the writer displays

this Hellenizing innovation

is paralleled in later times

the abhorrence the Jews felt a t

the introduction of the Grecian game of 'dice'
see

and cp Schiir. G V I 233, n.

O T terms for diseases are, as might

be expected, vague (it is still a widespread practice in
the East

to

refer euphemistically to any illness of a

severe nature rather than to give it

a

name), and the

nosological explanations which will presently be given
are but plausible

or

probable conjectures.

Not to

spend time

general terms such as

(rendered sickness, disease

'),

or

on

terms implying a

theological theory of disease, such as
(words which are often rendered plagne,' but properly
mean 'stroke,' cp Is.

we pass to special terms for

pestilence.

Such are

(cp Ass.

(properly

is

Torrey's correction is plausible-to read

'root and

branch' (cp

For the same

cp Tertullian

Marc.

3

Cp Ante-Nicene

ix.

For these we have to &knowledge

to

Dr.

Kingdom of Heaven

DISEASES.

Creighton.

DIONYSIA

Macc.

6 7

EV

DIONYSIUS THE AREOPAGITE

[Ti. W H ] ) , one of Paul's Athenian

converts (Acts

See D

AMARIS

.

bishop of Corinth who flourished about

A

.D.

that

the Areopagite

first bishop of Athens.

ecclesiastical

tradition he is sometimes confounded with

Denis, the first

apostle of France, a confusion which was greatly

of

Denis (834

in

his

which made large use of spurious documents. T h e
writings of the Pseudo-Dionysius Areopagita, first mentioned in
the sixth century, do not fall

the scope of a Dictionary

of

the

Eusehius ( H E 3 4 423) tells us on the authority of

DIONYSUS

[VA]),

Macc.

6 7

EV

[Pesh.];

Macc.

11

see M

ONTH

, 4.

DIOSCURI

CASTOR

AND

POLLUX.

DIOTREPHES

[Ti.

is the subject

of

unfavourable comment m

3

Jn.

Beyond what is

there stated, nothing is known concerning him.

DIPHATH

I

Ch.

and R V ; AV

and

DISCIPLE.

One who learns

from

as opposed to one who teaches

see

T

EACHER

.

DIOSCORINTHIUS

and RV both give 'disciples'

Is.

and

in

and 5413

In

each case this represents

'those who

A synonymous word

are taught or trained.'

from the same root is

common in late Jewish writings

1103

DISEASES

DISPERSION

Herod the Great died, one feature of which was

and of that which

Macc.

59)

asserts to have caused the death of Antiochus

One is almost led to think that, in the

leficiency of evidence, narrators imagined such a fate

s

this for wicked kings.

Sir

R.

Bennett conjectures,

on

the ground of Josephus’ statement

(Ant.

xix.

that the cause of Herod Agrippa’s death was

of the bowels by intestinal worms

(Diseases

used for

a

fatal sickness, such as the plague, in Jer.

4311

Job

2715.

(6)

originally

a

boil

is the

distinctive term (see,

Ex.

9 3

Dt.

2821).

Possibly,

too,

in

the phrase

rendered ‘an evil disease’ (Ps.

we

should point

(with Lag. Che.).

(c)

and

cutting-off (Dt.

32 24

91

6

Hos. 13

and

(d)

(properly ‘flame,’ cp

Dt.

32

24

Hab.

3

are

poetical words. See P

ESTILENCE

.

The following terms, which are of a more specific

character, occur chiefly in the threatenings of Lev.

22

26

Dt.

28

:-

I

.

Dt.

‘extreme burning,’

RV ‘fiery heat,’ may refer

to

some special fever, such

as

typhus

or

relapsing fever.

Dt.

28

probably inflammation.

3.

Dt.

the itch, probably some

eruptive disease, such as the

4.

(‘accretion

Lev.

EV

is, according

to

Jewish tradition,

the Egyptian herpes.

5.

‘one suffering from warts

(so

Jew. trad.), Lev.

AV

‘having

a

wen’;

‘having

from

‘to

flow,’ hence ‘ a sup-

puration ; see translation of Lev. in SBOT.

6.

Lev.

Dt.

fever

(AV

in Lev. ‘burning ague

’).

Under the last of these

may be included

malarial or intermittent fevers, which are met with in
the Jordan valley, but are not specially a disease of
Syria and Palestine, owing to the equable climate and
the moderate variation of temperature.

It was at

Capernaum ( a place liable probably to malaria) that
Simon’s wife’s mother was taken with a great fever
(Lk.

expression which

is

thought to indicate

medical

Certainly

and Hippocrates

use the phrase, as Wetstein has pointed out.

There

are parallel cases in Acts

2 8 8

(see

9

IO

).

Accord-

ing to Ramsay

the

cp

Expositor,

July 1899, pp.

the thorn (stake) in the flesh’

spoken of in

2

Cor.

means the severe headache

(‘like a hot b a r ’ ) which follows an attack of the

malarial fever of Asia Minor.

7.

Lev.

Dt.

‘consumption,‘

perhaps to be understood as the wasting of marasmus which

may attend various sicknesses, Pulmonary consumptiod is not,

however, frequent in Syria (Pruner,

283).

8.

Lev.

2222

Dt.

2827,

AV

Dt.

’).

The reference seems to be

to

some chronic skin

disease such

as

eczema

a

sense in which ‘scurvy

scor-

butic were once used.

(so

the best MSS), Acts

288;

RV ‘dysentery.’

The last of these terms, ‘dysentery,’ occurs in Acts

where the combination of relapsing malarial

fever

(

with dysentery is carefully noted.

According to Josephus

(Ant.

vi.

11)

the disease of the

Philistines in

I

5

was dysentery, a view which, if the

traditional Hebrew readings of the text may be accepted,
has some plausibility.

The more usual biblical ex-

pression for dysentery is the falling out of the bowels,
implying either painful straining as if the bowels would

fall out, or some shedding of the

membrane,

a degree of prolapse, such as occurs normally in
horse, mule, etc.

There is

a

singular combination of the idea of bursting

asunder with that of falling out in Acts

1

but the

art of this passage will not bear the stress

of

critical treatment

the conventional fate of traitors

apocryphal legends

is assigned

to

Judas. The statement must if this view

correct, he classed with the less historical portions

A

C

ELDAMA

.

IO.

eaten of worms

gives us

only detail as to the disease by which Herod Agrippa

I.

was carried off (Acts

I t reminds

us,

however

of

the disease of which,

to Josephus

(Ant.

xvii

Wetstein

remarks Lucas

morbos accuratiu.

describere

Cp

The

Medical

Luke,

Dublin,

Cp

a

contagious eruption consisting

Cp the use

of

Rev.

fi8

188.

f

the

B i b b ,

103).

On

affections

of

the sight, see E

YE

; on other diseases see

L

EPROSY

. L

UNATIC

, P

ESTILENCE

, T

HORN

IN THE

F

LESH

,

MEDI

C

INE

.

:RUSE

and M

EALS

,

9.

DISH.

See

C

HARGER

[ADEL], see

:.

A

Horite clan, reckoned as the seventh and youngest

of Seir. The name occurs in Gen.

(om. B,

Ch.

( M T

Gen.

3 6 3 0 .

The name is practically identical with

and

perhaps be emended after

to

Gen.

EV

[ I

Ch.

[ I

Ch.

pointed

[Gen.

[Gen.

6 8 ;

[BADEL]).

Twice

as the fifth

son

of Seir (Gen.

I

Ch.

once (Gen.

3 6 2 5

(L)])

as the

of

.he son of Seir.

His sons are enumerated in Gen.

36

26

following present MT),

I

Ch.

[BAL]).

D

UKE

,

I

.

spite of his genealogical phraseology, the writer is

that he

is

dealing not with individuals but with clans.

like

and the other names, belongs

to

a Horite

Its

meaning seems

to

be some sort of mountain-goat (see

As Di. and WRS agree, the Horite genealogy is full

animal names.

DISPERSION.

so

rendered by RV of

Macc.

1 2 7

Jn.

7 3 5

Ja.

1 1

I

Pet.

1

I

,

is used partly to

the process itself, the gradual distribution of

Israelites among foreign lands, and partly as a collective
term for the persons so dispersed or for their surround-
ings.

In

the present article it is proposed to treat

the origin of the Jewish Dispersion

1-14),

its

legal standing

and its inner and outer life

16-22).

occurs in

of

Jer.34

for Heb.

‘tossing to and fro’

In Jer.

13

is apparently

a

corruption for

[so

BA, etc.].

It renders

(a

collec-

tive)

and

and

(‘ouicasts’

-‘dispersed ones’), and in

Is. 496

(Ktb.

‘the preserved of Israel.’

It also

occurs in

Jer. 15 Dan. (cod.

87)

12

I. Permanent settlements

of

Israelites in regions out-

side Canaan had their origin in one or other of two

causes-the exigencies of commerce and the

The regular commercial

relations into which Solomon and his successors entered
with Egypt, Phcenicia, and the countries of Middle and

Northern Syria

( I

K.

must of necessity have

led to the formation of small Israelite colonies outside
of Palestine.

These enjoyed the protection of the

foreign prince under whom they lived, and had in the

city

of

their choice a separate quarter of their own,

where they could follow their distinctive customs with-

disturbance or offence (cp

I

K.

2 0 3 4 ,

and see

D

AMASCUS

,

7 ;

I

SRAEL

,

Prisoners of war, on

the other hand, either remained under the power of their
captors or were sold as slaves all over the world (Am.

1 6 ) .

Obviously it was only in the first of these cases

that the prisoners could by any possibility have formed
the nucleus of a permanent Israelite community living
abroad; but we know of no actual instance in which
this happened.

T h e forced migrations arising out of the conquests of

chances of war.

DISPERSION

DISPERSION

the Assyrian and the Babylonian kings were of a quite

.

different character. T h e first was brought
about in 734 by Tiglath-pileser

at a later date Sargon deported

27.280 inhabitants of Samaria to

and Media

K. 176).

These

large colonies

to

have become completely absorbed

history furnishes

no

clear trace of their continued separ-

ate existence.

Still, there is no improbability in the

supposition that many of the banished Israelites sub-
sequently became united with the later exiles from Judah.
These later exiles were transported by Nebuchadrezzar

to Babylon in 597, 586, and

to

Jer.

to the number of

4600

souls.

They

did not readily accommodate themselves to the ar-
rangements made by the king in their behalf, having

been ied by their prophets to expect a
speedy return to Jerusalem (Jer.

Ezek.

13).

This view,

as

we know, was not

shared by Jeremiah and Ezekiel; and hence it is that
the first-named prophet has left

us

a

clear utterance

with regard

to

that (for Israel) perplexing event-the

exile.' For him the Babylonian Exile is

a

prolonged

punishment from God.

I t must be submitted to with

resignation and patience, and relief will come only
to those in whom the chastisement has fulfilled its pur-
pose.

Hence he admonishes the exiles to settle quietly

down in Babylonia, to think of the welfare of their
families, and to seek their own good in that of the
foreigners among whom their lot is cast (Jer.
On the other hand, in his view the intention of those
men of Judah who were proposing of their own proper
motion to forsake the land of

and remove to

Egypt was against the will of God : it was the road to

ruin (Jer.

This view of the prophet did not,

however, turn them from their purpose (see J

ERE

-

MIAH

).

Nor did the distinction made by the prophet

between involuntary and voluntary exile, however ob-
vious in itself, affect the theorists of

a

later age, whom

we find expecting the return of the Israelites indis-
criminately from all the lands of the dispersion (Is.

Let

us

now seek to trace the subsequent history of

the

in the various lands of its abode. T h e

deported to Babylonia con-

stituted, alike in numbers and in worth,

the vert. kernel of their

K.

24

12-16

25

Jer.

They carried-

accordingly,

as

we learn from the Book

of

Ezekiel,

their new home all the political and religions tendencies
of the later period.

In particular, there was

in

Baby-

lonia no want of persons who cherished and developed
the ideas of the prophets of the eighth and the seventh
centuries. For proof we have only to look at the great
zeal which was shown in preserving and adapting the
older historical and legal literature, or to call to
mind the many prophetical utterances belonging to
this period. Those who cherished these ideals did not
constitute any close community they mingled freely
with those who were opposed to them, and the pro-
phetic conception always had much to contend with.
Still, there were certain centres for Israelitic piety at
which fidelity to the Law and hope in the return of the
exiles were sedulously and specially cherished.

(Ezek.

the river

(Ezek.

and

are the only

names of such places that have come down to u s ;
but doubtless there were others. When we find Ezra
fetching Levites from

we have evidence

enough to mark the place as a centre

of

legalism. The Babylonian

was by

no means entirely deprived

of

these

devoted religious workers in the sixth
and fifth centuries. The return under
Cyrus must not be construed exactly

as we find it represented in

(see I

SRAEL

,

E

ZRA

,

T h e command of Cyrus to

rebuild the temple of

in Jerusalem and the

mission of Sheshbazzar in 538 led to the return of but
few families to the ancestral home; the tidings that

the restoration, of the temple had been accomplished

led only to the sending of deputations and

of gifts to Jerusalem (Zech.

it was not more

than some

5000

or

6000

persons that Ezra led back

to

about

B.C.

All this abundantly proves

that the inclination to return was not very strongly
felt by the exiles.

Many of the

exiles were indifferent in religious matters some had
in the interval adapted themselves too closely to the
new conditions in which they found themselves others
held the return to be premature, deeming that the
times of fulfilment had not yet come.

In

accordance

with prophecy, the last-mentioned were expecting some
special divine interposition to put an end to the exile
and to give the signal for the beginning of the glori-
fication

of

Israel (Jer.

Ezek.

Is.

Mic.

5 2 ) .

Just as, in Jerusalem, men hesitated

as

to whether they should proceed with the building of
the temple and not rather wait for

manifesta-

tion of himself in glory (Hag.

so

in Babylonia

they hesitated as to whether they ought to return forth-
with and not rather await some special divine inter-
position. I t is possible that a few additional families
may have migrated to Jerusalem after the post-exilic
community there had been reconstituted under Nehemiah
and Ezra

but in any case it is certain that

a very considerable body of Jews who still adhered to
the law remained behind in Babylonia, and thus that
the same tendencies which had led to the great changes
in Jerusalem brought about through the help of the
Persian

continued to be influential in Babylonia

also. T h e Babylonian Diaspora received an accession
under the reign of Artaxerxes

Ochus (358-338) when

he transported Jews to Hyrcania and Babylonia (Georg.

ed. Dindorf,

1486).

T h e Persian overlordship may be assumed to have

helped to open the way for the Jews of Babylonia

towards the

E.

and the N.

(The case of

Nehemiah [Neh.

is

a

clear example

of the kind

of

thing that must often have

happened

compare also Tobit

Wherever a Jew had established himself in some
advantageous position there were never wanting others
to press forward and follow this up for themselves.)

From Babylonia (and Hyrcania) the Jews advanced to

(Is.

11

11

),

Persia, Media, Armenia, Cappadocia,

and the Black Sea. T h e relations which Herod the Great
had established with the princes of the Upper Euphrates
were

we may be sure, by the Jewish Diaspora.

Their centre of radiation for the whole of these Eastern
countries, however, continued always to be in Babylonia,
where the Euphrates and the Tigris begin to merge.
Here was situated Nehardea

where

the temple tax levied in these parts was annually
collected (see below,

16).

In the same neighbour-

hood two Jews named

and

in the

time of Caligula, founded

a

sort of robber state which

held its own for sixteen years (Jos.

Ant.

xviii.

91).

Another important focus of Judaism was the city of

in the upper basin of the

The Jewish community in Babylonia could boast

of

the

conversion of King Izates of

on

the

upper Tigris, along with his mother and the rest of his
kindred, in the reign of Claudius

Ant.

xx.

2-4).

The development of the Diaspora in Egypt followed

a

different course from that which has iust heen

For this there were various causes.

sketched. Whilst the
lonia maintained its Oriental character
with considerable strictness, in Egypt,

or

(to speak more precisely) in Alexandria, it entered upon
that remarkable alliance with Hellenism which was

DISPERSION

destined to have such important effects

on

the history of

religion. Whether

I.

B

.C.

)

actually

had Jewish mercenaries in his service (Letter of Aristeas)
may be left an open question. W e know, however,

that in 609

condemned King Jehoahaz to exile

in Egypt, and that in 586

a

body of Jews, including

Jeremiah the prophet, under the leadership of Johanan

b. Kareah, migrated to

(

cp

Jer. 42

According to Jer.

4416

(an insertion

dating from about the fifth century) Jews settled also in

M

IGDOL

,

(Memphis), and

(Upper

Egypt). Their settlement in Alexandria is assigned by
the

by Aristeas, and by Josephus to

the period of Alexander the Great or Ptolemy

I.

It has

been shown by

H.

however, that the state-

ments

of

these writers must be taken with great caution.

I n his own view there was no considerable Jewish

element in Alexandria until the second century

B

.C.

Against this theory two objections can he urged.

First,

the Statement of Apion that the Jews settled to the E.

of

the harbour of Alexandria (Jos.

can he

understood only with reference to the time of the rise of
the city.

Secondly, the statement of Josephus

;

cp

78

7)

that the Jews in Alexandria received the

honorific name of Macedonian can hardly he doubted.
Josephus indeed exaggerates the Jews in Alexandria
were in the first instance under the protection of the

phyle' of the Macedonians, and the Jewish quarter

formed

a

part of this phyle' in the limited sense only

they to be called Macedonians.

As

later

Ptolemies, especially from the time of Ptolemy

VI.

Philometor onwards, favoured the Egyptian more than

the Grecian element in Alexandria, it is not to be sup-
posed that the Jews reached this privileged position so
late as the second

This being so, they can

have obtained it only under the first Ptolemies, and in
that case it is very far indeed from improbable that

Jews were included among the earliest inhabitants of
Alexandria and thus acquired special privileges there.
They had

a

separate quarter of their own, known

as

the

A

(Delta) quarter (Jos.

ii. 188). T h e repeated

struggles between Ptolemies and Seleucids, and the
preference of the Jews for the former dynasty, may he

presumed to have led in succeeding generations to

further Jewish migrations into Egypt, especially to
Alexandria, partly even

as

prisoners of war (cp Jer. in

b a n .

We are told of Ptolemy

11.

Philadelphus

Ant.

2

I

)

that, a s a fitting prelude to the Greek translation of the
Hebrew Scriptures he redeemed some

Jewish prisoners

of war. The

doubtless a fiction but it throws light on

some of the circumstances which had to

do with

increase of

the

population

in

Egypt.

Ptolemy

VI.

Philometor

also

is mentioned in history a s a friend to the Jews

Ptolemy

VII.

(see

a s a relentless enemy.

For the

former see Jos.

xiii. 3

for the latter Jos.

c.

2

5 .

We

may take it that Euergetes for some years regarded the Jews a s
his political opponents siding as they did with his rival Ptolemy
Philometor hut we have evidence of papyri

inscriptions

that he also showed them various marks of favour (Willrich,

In

time (40

A.

D.

)

the Jews in Alexandria were

so

many

as

to occupy two entire quarters, besides

furnishing a sprinkling over the rest of the city

8,

ed. Mangey,

An exceptional position

taken

by

the Onias

colony in the

of Heliopolis. T h e high priest

son of Simon the Just, had

taken refuge from his adversaries, the
children of Tobias, and from Antiochus IV.

Epiphanes, in

or

170,

by flight into Egypt.

H e

was accompanied

a

body

of

his adherents-among

them D

OSITHEUS

who is named in the

to the Greek version of the Book of Esther.

From

Ptolemy VI. Philometor he and his people received

Griechen

d.

DISPERSION

permission to settle on the eastern border of the Nile
delta in the

of Heliopolis. Here Onias built

a

fortress, and within this a sanctuary (on the pattern of
the temple of Jerusalem), in which he established a legal
worship of

Philometor endowed the temple

with laud (cp Jos.

5 1

97

xiii.

also the recent discussions of the date

of this exodus and the persons engaged in it in Willrich,

op.

64

126

Wellh. G G A , 1895, p.

also

I

SRAEL

,

7).

T h e temple of Onias, however, did not receive

universal recognition

in Egypt (not to

of

Palestine).

I t had, indeed, the legitimate high priest,

of the family of Aaron

but it did

not

occupy the

legitimate site. Thus the Diaspora in Egypt was brought
to a state

of

schism, which is alluded to in a veiled

manner in

Ant.

xiii.

3 4

and elsewhere, as Willrich

has

no doubt correctly. At

the same time, the antagonism between Leontopolis

(as

the city of the

was called) and Jerusalem

does not seem to have been very intense : otherwise the
allusion to the temple of Onias

in Is.

(hut cp

H

ERES

,

CITY O

F)

would hardly have been allowed to

pass.

Moreover, national feeling appears on repeated

occasions to have overridden religious or ecclesiastical
differences (Jos.

Ant.

xiv.

8 1

94).

Peculiarly noteworthy is the readiness for war and the
ability for self-defence to which Josephus frequently calls
attention in the followers of Onias

2

5

Ant.

xiii.

9 4

Ant.

xiv.

81).

T h e temple a t

Leontopolis

destroyed

73 A.D. by Lupus and

by order of

(Jos.

Jews penetrated also into Upper Egypt and Cush

(Is.

as

we learn from lately published papyri.

Mahaffy,

The

of

the Ptolernies,

Cp Lumhroso,

Greci

e

.

They were strongly represented
naica also

(c.

2 4 ;

Jer. on Dan.

Strabo

Tos.

Ant.

writing of 85

the inhabitants of the city of

into four classes-citizens, peasants, settlers

and Jews.

I n the city of

the inscrip-

tions show

a

special

of the Jews dating from

13

B.C.

(cp

CZG

iii. no.

T h e Diaspora in Egypt did not owe its origin entirely

-as, in the first instance, did that of Babylonia-to

external compulsion. I t owed its
and its reputable standing

to the

great changes produced throughout the

East generally by the conquests

of

Alexander.

The greatly enlarged channels of com-

merce, especially by sea-routes, attracted many from
the interior to the coasts. The newly-founded Grecian
cities, rendered attractive by all the achievements of
Greek art and civilisation, became favourite resorts.
Henceforth trade relations, the desire to see the world,
soon also political considerations and (we may well
suppose)

a

certain conscious or unconscious craving for

culture, became operative in promoting the dispersion
of the Jews over the

world. .

things seem to have been specially influential

in bringing about the settlement of Jews in Syria.

It

is quite possible, indeed, that the old
Israelite

in Damascus (see above,

I)

may have maintained

an

uninter-

rupted existence and gradually developed into the Jewish
community to the largeness of which Josephus bears
witness

ii. 202 vii. 87).

some of the Phcenician

cities also, as, for example, in Tyre (cp Ezek. 27) and
Sidon, Israelites may have settled from a very early
period

as

at the main points on the great trade route

between Jerusalem and Mesopotamia, such as

(Is.

11

T h e Syria of the

however, seems

first to have become thoroughly accessible to Jews only
after the reign of Antiochus IV. Epiphanes.

I t was his

successors, for example, who first conceded to them the
right of free settlement in Antioch (Jos.

Ant.

33).

The later

had abundant occasion for showing

DISPERSION

DISPERSION

consideration to the resident Jews

:

in the frequent

struggles for the crown, the support of the Maccabees
became important (Jos.

Ant.

xiii.

53).

T h e opposite

statement of Josephus that it was Seleucus

I.

B

. c . )

who granted to the Jews the rights of citizenship

in Antioch

or even equal rights with Greeks

in

all the cities founded by him in Asia and Lower

Syria

(Ant.

is probably to be understood only as

meaning that the Jews ultimately received the rights of
citizenship in all the places named.

I t is easy to under-

stand how the astonishing increase in numbers, power,
and influence, which the Jewish commonwealth gained
under the rule of the Maccabees, should first have made
itself felt in the neighbouring kingdom

of

the Seleucidae.

T h e Maccabees had subjugated and converted the

in the south as well as the

in the north

Galilee and Peraea also became Jndaised during their
supremacy.

What was the little community founded

by Ezra and Nehemiah, either in extent or in numbers,
in comparison with this? Jerusalem bad become so
strong that-reversing the prophetical prediction-it

could lend to the Dispersion from the abundance of its
own forces. From this time forward it was, we may
plausibly conjecture, that the Diaspora

in

Syria became

so

strong as to exhibit the largest admixture of the

Jewish element known anywhere (Jos.

33).

Precise details regarding the individual localities are,

however, lacking.

T h e immigration

Jews to Asia Minor and its

islands was partly overland

way of Syria and Meso-

potamia, and partly by sea from Egypt

and Phcenicia, but for the most part not

It is possible,

however, that Jews may have been sold

before the Grecian period.

as slaves into these regions at an earlier date (cp

Joel

I t is interesting that Clearchus of

Soli (circa

320

of a meeting between his

master Aristotle and an already Hellenised Jew (Jos.
c.

i.

In

the passage in question the Jews are

represented

as

descendants of the Indian philosophers

which shows that at that time and place the Jew was
looked upon with wonder as a new phenomenon-the
educated Jew, at least.

Josephus

(Ant.

xii.

will

have it that

a

colony of

Jewish families was trans-

ported by Antiochus

the Great

from

Mesopotamia and Babylonia into Lydia and Phrygia.
T h e form and the substance of the statement alike
arouse suspicion (Willrich,

Here again we are

in ignorance as to the details of the migration.

In any

case, it was to the advantage of the Jewish Diaspora

when Greece and Asia Minor in

146

and

130

B.C.

became Roman provinces and the kings of Eastern Asia
Minor accepted the supremacy of Rome.

From the

days of Simon, the Maccabees had been in friendly
alliance with Rome, and the Jews very

soon

began to

realise that under the

they enjoyed greater

freedom in the exercise of their religious customs than
they had found in the Grecian kingdoms (cp

Jos.

Ant.

xvi.

below). Accordingly, as early

as

the first

century

B.

we find them making use of their good

relations with the Romans to secure any doubtful or
disputed rights in the cities of Asia Minor and Syria by
decisions of the supreme authority (cp decrees and the
names therein mentioned as given in Jos.

Ant.

xiv.

10,

xiv.

xvi.

for Cyprus,

Ant.

xiii.

Acts

for Crete,

ii.

also Acts

13-21

Jews arrived in Greece and Italy in the second century

B.C.

if not earlier. Between

and

we find an

emancipated Jewish slave named in a
Delphi inscription (Willrich,
and Valerius

(1

32)

mentions

that in

certain

Jews were ex-

pelled from Rome. T h e fabulous assertion of kinship
between the Jews and the Spartans

(

I

Macc.

pre-

supposes for the time of its origin (see

a

mutual

acquaintance.

Jewish inscriptions, moreover, occur in

Greece, and the apostle Paul found firmly organised
communities there (Acts

In

63

B

.c.,

Jewish

captives were brought to Rome by Pompey and sold

as

slaves. Soon emancipated, they acquired the Roman
citizenship and founded the Jewish colony upon the
right bank of the Tiber (Philo. ed. Mangey,

2568).

Caesar conferred

the Jews

favours : compare

the decree of the senate in Jos.

Ant.

xiv. 8 5 , and the

immediately preceding narrative.

Herod the Great,

who always interested himself in the welfare of the Jewish

Diaspora

(Ant.

xvi.

6

cultivated

with Rome assiduously, and greatly promoted the Jewish

settlements there.

in

the course of the first

Christian century the Jews had already been able to
establish themselves

on

the left bank of the Tiber

the Porta

3

12-16),

and at a some-

what later date

on

the Campus

and even in the

I n connection with events in the year

4

Josephus

speaks of a Jewish embassy to

Rome as having been supported by more than 8000

Jews there.

Under the same year he incidentally

mentions

the existence of Jews

in

Dicaearchia

The friendship of the two Agrippas with the

imperial house, the relations of Josephus with the
the love of Titus for

all testify to the progress

which Judaism had made in the highest Roman circles
and no one will imagine the Jews of that day to have
been

so

self-forgetful

as

not to utilise such favouring

circumstances, as far as they possibly could, for their
own advantage.

T o complete the present survey, Arabia also ought to

be mentioned

as

one of the fields of the Jewish Diaspora.

From Acts

2

and Gal.

the inference that in the first

century there were Jewish communities there is certain
but as to their origin we are left entirely to

Philo

(in

6,

ed. Mangey,

estimates the

of

living in

alone in the time of

Caligula at a

If to this figure

we add the total of the other groups
mentioned above, we shall not be far

wrong in putting the figure at three or four millions.
T h e violent breaking-up of the Jewish population in

Palestine in consequence of the war of

66-70

A.D .

(cp

Jos.

vi.

93)

raised this number still further

and

the expression of Dio Cassius

(693)

in speaking of

the Jewish insurrection under Hadrian-that all theworld,

so

to say

was stirred-is intelligible enough.

11. T h e legal standing of the communities of the

at first varied

in

the various lands.

T h e colonies

in the Assyrio

-

Babylonian empire were

crown possessions, under royal protec-

The lands they tilled were

tion (Ezra

4

14).

grants from the king, on which they were free to live

in

accordance with their own laws and customs (cp the
counterpart in Israel

K.

If the colonists

flourished they gradually established their independence
if otherwise, they ultimately lapsed into a state of serf-
dom (cp Gen.

In this respect it is not to be

supposed that any considerable change came about
under Persian or Greek supremacy as long as the aliens
continued to be members of the colony.

In Egypt the

same course was followed by the rulers or pharaohs, as
Gen.

47

shows : to shepherds a pastoral region was

assigned, and the pharaoh was their master

;

Ex.

I t must be borne in mind, however, that in this

case Israelites came into Egypt not only as prisoners,
hut also as refugees.

Brighter prospects opened

before Israelites in

foreign parts as Alexander and his successors founded
new cities in the east.

I n Alexandria they received

important privileges they came into a fellowship' of
protection with the Macedonians

-

the phyle which

probably was considered the foremost of all and was
therefore named after Dionysus (see above,

7).

What

use the Jews made of this privilege is shown by Josephus,

I112

DISPERSION

DISPERSION

who asserts that they had equal rights

with the Macedonians and even the right

to bear this honorific name (c.

Ap.

18

As

Alexandria never attained the characteristic constitu-
tion of a Greek city with a

but continued to be

governed directly by royal officials. it is probable that
the special administration and special jurisdiction in civil
matters which the Jews enjoyed within the bounds of
their own quarter of the city were of ancient standing.
At a later period,

as

the Ptolemies came to take more

account of the Egyptian population, it

is

possible that

many of the Jewish privileges may have been curtailed
(cp Mahaffy, The

Empire

the

76,

381

Lumbroso.

Greci e

1895,

In Strabo's time, however, they still

had an administration of their own under the special

jurisdiction of an ethnarch (Jos.

xiv.

7

In any

case, they again received full rights of citizenship in
Alexandria from

Ant.

xiv.

10

c.

24).

I n Cyrenaica also they enjoyed special privileges (Jos.

Ant.

xiv.

7

The Onias colony doubtless enjoyed the

special protection of the sovereign (see above,

8).

In the Greek cities properly so called the Jews were

not so favourably situated.

I n these a

of

foreigners could keep

up

the observance of its ancestral

customs, especially its religious

only

as

a

private society or club

cp

E.

Ziebarth,

1896). T h e Jews in this

,respect followed the lead

of

the

in Athens

and

W e do not possess definite evidence of the

fact, though it

is

interesting to note that in the Roman

decree preserved in Jos.

Ant.

xiv.

10

8

the Jewish com-

munities without prejudice to their privileges are placed
upon a level with

In particular cities, such as

Ephesus and Sardis. they no doubt sooner or later

acquired the rights of citizenship

(Jos. c.

Ant.

xiv.

1 0 2 4 )

but whether they already had it under the

Seleucidae, as Josephus asserts, or whether they first
received it from the Romans, is not quite clear (see
above,

It frequently happened that their citizen-

ship became in turn a source of embarrassment.

In

the Greek cities, by ancient custom, community of place
was held to imply community of worship in many
places the fact of citizenship found its expression in some
special cult, such a s that of Dionysus. Hence a demand
that the Jews should worship the local god-a demand
which they were compelled by their creed to resist (Jos.
c.

26). Even in

their

did not secure them full protection (Jos.

Ant.

xx.

8

7

ii.

13

7

1 4

18

I

).

I t was not till the time of Julius

and Augustus

that the Jews of the Diaspora received a general recogni-
tion of their legal standingthroughout the Roman Empire.

Josephus

(Ant.

xiv.

8

5

1 0

12

3-6

xvi.

6

2-7)

quotes a

series of enactments from 47

by which

the Jews had secured to them the enjoyment of religious
freedom, exemption from military service, special rights
in the administration of property, and special juris-
diction (in civil matters).

Damascenus, in his

apology

for the Jews before

M.

Agrippa in

Lesbos, in 14

says: ' T h e happiness which all

mankind do now enjoy by your means we estimate by
this very thing, that on all hands we are allowed each
one of

us

to live according to his conviction and to

practise his religion (Jos.

Ant.

xvi. 2

4).

In Roman

law the Jewish communities came under the category
of

(Tertullian,

After 70

A.D.

this held only for the Jewish religion, not for the

Jewish nation.

From cases covered by these general

regulations we must distinguish those in which individual
Jews had obtained for themselves the Roman citizenship

(Acts 22 25-29 Jos.

Ant.

xiv.

10

16

See G

OVERN

-

MENT

,

§

The great difficulty of Jewish social life in the

Diaspora lay in the fact that community of place and

community of worship

no

longer coincided. The case

1113

had been quite otherwise in Palestine, and the Jewish
laws

in

their original framing had contemplated

Communities

of some sort, however, had to be formed
abroad, if Judaism was to maintain

itself there at all. Thus the attempt to secure local
separateness was abandoned. Attention was concen-
trated

on

the effort to maintain the bond of union by

means of a separate, if restricted, jurisdiction, and ad-
ministration of property ; the sacrificial worship was
given up and the means for a new spiritual worship
were sought in regularly recurring meetings for prayer,
reading of the scriptures, and preaching (see S

YNA

-

GOGUE

).

For the central sacrificial worship there re-

mained the high honour of being the expression of the
connection still subsisting between Jerusalem and the
outside communities every Jew of twenty years old

or

had yearly to pay a half-shekel or didrachma to

the temple for the maintenance of the sacrificial system
still carried on there. This tax

was

collected yearly in

the various districts, and transmitted to Jerusalem by
the hands of persons of repute (Philo,

de

under carefully framed regulations (Jos.

Ant.

9

I

).

Further, the pilgrimages to the three principal feasts,
particularly that of Tabernacles, annually brought vast
crowds of Jews of the Diaspora to the religious capital.
Josephus

gives the number of persons-

natives and strangers together-present at the Passover,
according to a census taken in the time of Cestius
(63-66

as

having been 2,700,000.

After the

sacrificial system had been brought to an end in 70

A.

D

.,

it was by the forms of religious fellowship which had
been developed in the Diaspora that the continued
existence of Judaism was rendered possible.

T h e individual community was called

(lit. 'con-

gregation' ;

In towns with a large Jewish

population (Alexandria, Antioch, Rome)
there were many synagogues. The heads
of the communities are usually spoken of as

I n Alexandria an

was at the head

of the entire Jewish community (Jos.

Ant.

xiv.

:

it

may be added that he had nothing to do with the
office of the Alabarch or Arabarch (cp ALEXANDRIA,

Under Augustus the direction of affairs was

handed over to a

with

at its head.

In Rome each of the many synagogues had its own

with

and a

over all.

T h e building in which the meetings were held-on
sabbaths and feast days especially-was called

in Gr.

or

less frequently

See, further,

S

YNAGOGUE

.

T h e contact brought about by the Diaspora

between Judaism and the

culture

was of great consequence to the history
of civilisation.

Here again it is the

Western Diaspora that principally

claims our attention; the Eastern, in

Mesopotamia and Babylonia, had little share in this move-
ment, and indeed hardly comes under observation at
all.

It was not until comparatively late in the day, it

would seem, that the Greeks began to take any but the
most superficial interest

in

Judaism and the Jews.

Willrich (43-63) has collected all that Greek writers
had to say about them down to the time of Antiochus
Epiphanes, and remarks (170) : In the period before
Antiochus Epiphanes the Greek regarded the Jew with
feelings of mingled curiosity and wonder, astonishment
and instinctive antipathy.'

In these circumstances it is

not surprising that, down to the date in question, the
intellectual importance of the Diaspora was slight.
Traders, freedmen, and prisoners of war constituted the
majority of the Diaspora of these days that such people
should excite the interest and attention of educated
Greeks was not to be expected.

An

educated Jew

1114

tinian conditions alone.

DISPERSION

DISPERSION

acquainted with Greek is spoken of as a rarity by
Clearchus

of

Soli

(c.

Ap.

T h e question of the rapidity or tardiness

of

the

change in this respect that ultimately came depends on

whether we date

production of the

Greek translation of the Pentateuch
from the

of Philadelphus

246

or, as has

been done

(ut

sup.

from that of Philometor

B

.c.).

Whatever its date, this attempt to make the Law

speak in Greek conclusively shows that

it was

made the Jews of Alexandria had already assimilated

so

much of what was Greek that they could no longer

get on with Hebrew alone, either in their synagogues or
in their courts. Their sojourn abroad made it impera-
tive on Jews everywhere to complete their

with Hellenism.

In the process many may well

have become lost to Judaism altogether.

T h e Greek

version of the Pentateuch, however, evinces the fixed
determination of the majority not to allow themselves to
be robbed of the old faith by the new culture. As the

influence of the

trade and public life gener-

ally, advanced-in Egypt and Syria in the first instance
-it became increasingly necessary for the Greeks to
decide definitelywhat their own attitude towards them was

to be. This led to struggle, but also to friendly dealings.

Antipathy to Judaism manifested itself both in coarse

and in refined ways. T h e uneducated masses scoffed

a t the Jews for their outlandish customs,
plundered them at all hands. and occasion-
ally gave expression to their hatred in

massacres.

Civic authorities tried

to

infringe Jewish

privileges or to hinder the transmission of the temple
money to Jerusalem (see the decree in Jos.

Ant.

xiv.

10).

Roman emperors even more than once

sanctioned measures that pressed hardly on the Jews.
Tiberius in 19

A

.

D.

expelled them from Rome, and

forced

4000

of them upon military service to Sardinia

(Jos.

Ant.

similarly

Ann.

2 8 5

Suet.

36).

They seem soon afterwards to have been re-

stored to the enjoyment of their rights.

Caligula gave

free course to a bloody persecution of the Jews in
Alexandria in 38

A.D.

Petitions and embassies (Philo,

Apion) to the emperor proved of no avail.

It was

not until Claudius had come to the throne that the old
privileges were again restored

to

the victims

of

persecu-

tion (Philo,

in

and

Leg.

ad

Jos.

Ant.

xviii.

8

I

xix.

Later, Claudius intervened in Rome

in a hostile sense (Acts

18

Suet.

25

Dio Cassius

lx.

6).

T h e Jews defended themselves as best they

could, not

so

much by force as by money or writings,

and by cultivating friendly relations with those in high
places.

T h e controversy carried on with the pen is worthy of

remark.

Gentile writers made it

a

reproach that the

as

a

people had done nothing for

civilisation and had produced no men
of distinction

(so

Posidonius, Polybius,

Strabo, Apion). These and 'similar charges the- Jews
answered in innumerable apologies-some of them (such
as thoseof Nicolaus Damascenusand Philo) with adignity

and earnestness worthy of the cause, though others (such
as that of Josephus in many cases) showed a disposition
to confound the convenient with the

and others

did not hesitate

to

resort to misrepresentation and

positive

(Pseudo

-

Hecataeus, Eupolemus,

Artapanus, Aristobulus, Aristeas, etc.

T h e most

incredible fables were gravely set forth.

was the founder of astronomy Joseph the founder

ofgeometry and the inventor of agriculture Moses the author of
the division of Egypt into nomes, and even of the Egyptian
worship. Jews and Spartans exchanged salutations as descend-
ants of Abraham

(

I

Macc. 12

; cp Ant. xiv. 10

Such things could be written only by Jews who had

become familiar with the activities and intellectual life

of Hellenistic circles, by men for whom the
Roman culture had become an indispensable element

of

1115

life. They were only unconsciously proving

.he respect which they themselves cherished for foreign

when they tried to trace the origin of culture to

.heir own forefathers. Such literary phenomena could

be produced in Jerusalem, the home of Judaism

.hey prove that Judaism abroad, although still wearing
.he garment of the Law, carried a very different nature

that old-fashioned vestment.

It had now found

large range of activities which it shared with

humanity at large.

This struggle-itself an evidence of the power to

which the Judaism of the Diaspora had attained-does

not exhaust the history.

There were

many points of friendly contact between
Judaism and the

world.

For the

more educated circles of the Gentile world the Judaism

the Diaspora had, in fact, a great attraction.

In it

men felt themselves face to face with

a

power which had

new forces-unflinching self-sacrificing fidelity

the maintenance of religious customs which

the outsider meaningless-sabbath observance,

laws of purity.

Through

they

became acquainted with

a

conception of God which,

strange in its severity, enlightened by its simplicity,
and attracted religious natures by its purity and its
sincerity. T h e popular polytheism of Greece and Rome
had been shattered by philosophy; in the Oriental
religions, which at that time were advancing in triumph
westward, the idea of a supreme God found many
supporters Judaism in its monotheism presented the
explicit conception for which

so

many were

Inseparably connected with it was the, thought of

a

divine creation

of

the world, of the original oneness of

the world and

human race, as well as that of the

providential ordering of the world-thoughts which
promised to provide fixed formulae for the cosmopolitan
tendencies of the time, and were welcome on that

N o one has set forth the contents

of

Judaism

from this point of view more nobly than Philo. the
contemporary of Jesus in Alexandria. T h e confidence
with which he handles these conceptions makes it
probable not only that he had literary predecessors

in

this style but also that an appeal to practical experience
gave a powerful support

to

his teaching (cp Strabo ap.

Jos.

Ant.

xiv.

also Jos.

2363941

also P

ROSELYTE

,

3).

T h e

Diaspora of the Mediterranean, and especially in Alex-
andria, thus not only led the way to the breaking of the
narrow bonds of the Jewish Law, but also was the first
to make the heathen world acquainted with a spiritual
conception of God and a spiritual worship presented in
a positive religion, and thus paved the way for the

of Christianity.

Schiirer

2

0.

Ende des

d.

Stade,

2

0.

Literature.

('95)

H. Willrich,

v o r

(see also We.

in

1895,

9 4 7 3 and Schiirer in

1896, no.

Th.

Mommsen,

Gesch. 5 489

Th. Reinach,

e t

et

1895 ;

De

deductis,

Schiirer, 'Die Alabarchen in

in

Z W T ,

(cp Marquardt.

1446

d.

class.

Lumbroso,

Greci

e

1895, Ricerche Alessandrine'

d.

d.

ser. ii. t. a7

sc. mor.

e filol.

J.

P.

Mahaffy,

The Empire o the

1895 ;

The

ed.

by

Mahaffy,

and ii.

Ulr. Wilcken,

vor

Kaiser Claudius' in

Th.

Reinach

Claude et les

Alexandrins

nouveau Papyrus' in

B.P.

Grenfell,

A n A

Erotic Fragment and

other

Greek

1896

Revenue Laws

ed. B.

P.

Grenfell,

J. P.

Mahaffy, 1896:

Schiirer

Die

der

in

in

der

den

1879

A.

Berliner,

Gesch.

in Rom

der

wart ('95)
('96);

Bertholet,

Die

der

den

1896

;

E.

Schhrer, ' D i e Juden

1116

DISTAFF

DIVINATION

of the way,’ and to have shaken the arrows to

fro.’ T h e doubtful point was whether he was to

narch from Babylon to Egypt by Jerusalem or by

As

(quoted by Rosenmuller)

ong ago pointed out, belomancy was much in use

the Arabs (see also We.

132).

For

he Babylonian practice, see Lenormant,

La Divination,

:hap.

as

this able though sometimes uncritical writer

ruly points out, belomancy had but

a

secondary

Nebuchadrezzar had certainly consulted the

;tars and the regular omens in order to ascertain
whether the right time had come for the campaign

Egypt.

Arab tradition tells how Imra-al-Kais

belomancy before setting out against

He did so by shuffling before the image of the god

a

jet of arrows.

These were here three in number, called

the Commanding,”

the Forbidding,”

“ t h e Waiting.”

He drew the second, and there-

upon broke the arrows, and flung them in the face of
the idol.’ Mohammed forbade the use of arrows,

as

an

abomination of Satan’s work’ (Koran, Sur.

T h e

arrows were special, pointless arrows (originally rods).

The Babylonian king, however, did more than

shake the sacred arrows the passage continues,

he

looked in the liver’

( W e omit the refer-

ence to the

because no new point is indicated

by it

the king consulted the teraphim

by

shaking the arrows

it,

as

was always done also by

the heathen Arabs.) T h e liver, which was regarded

as

the chief seat of life (Prov.

was supposed to give

warning of the future by its convulsive motions, when
taken from the sacrificed victim (see

L

IVER

).

That

application for oracles was accompanied by sacrifices
we know from the story of

Lenormant

(op.

cif.

refers to two Babylonian fragments relative.

to the inspection of the entrails, giving some of the
features which had

to

be watched for. The Greeks,

too, practised

iv. T h e objects used for lots in Arabia were

as

we have seen, pointless arrows. Among the
however, the principal objects employed were probably
stones of different colours, one of which gave the
affirmative, the other the negative answer to the question
put

(so

Wellh.,

H. P. Smith, in connection with the

classical passage,

I

S.

Other passages in the

historical books in which the phrase

to inquire

of’) occurs should probably be explained on the

T

ERAPHIM

.

v. Passing over such omens as Gideon’s in Judg.

636

and Jonathan’s in

I

S.

and reserving astrology

for subsequent consideration (see S

TARS

), we pause

next at the most

of all the modes of divina-

tion that linked the Hebrews with other peoples-

(vi.

)

The method of dreams

(oneiromancy).

Jacob may

have sufficient reason for making good his escape from

but he will not take the decisive step without a

direct revelation (Gen.

31

I n other cases the divine

communication is such as exceeds the power

of

human

reason to discover instances are the dreams of
lech (Gen.

and especially those of Joseph (Gen.

3 7 5

cp

408

Other noteworthy instances of

divinely sent dreams are Gen.

28

31

24

Judg.

13

I

3 5 J

Mt.

Notice

fondness

for relating dreams. T h e author of the speeches of

Elihu also attaches great importance to dreams

as

a

channel of divine communications (Job

33

I t

would almost seem

as

if the belief in the symbolic

character of dreams should be reckoned among other
revivals of primitive beliefs in the period of early
Judaism (cp the dream-visions in Enoch chapb.

8 3 - 9 0 ,

and

the dreams in the Book of Daniel also Jos.

7 4

8 3 ) .

Men were oppressed by constant anxiety

as

to

the future, and there was no prophet in the great old
style to assuage this.

They looked abont, therefore, for

artificial means of satisfying their curiosity. Prophets

of this passage.

AND

Reich

die Genossenschaften der

ebendaselhst in

1897,

p.

H.

G .

DISTAFF.

See F

LAX

.

DISTRICT

[once

Neh.

RV), the name given

to certain administrative divisions of

in

Nehemiah’s time, each of ‘which was under

a

ruler

or

chief’

These districts comprise Jerusalem

and Keilah (each with two rulers), Beth-haccerem,
Beth-zur, and

(BKA om.

[L

for Vg.

see above]).

It is not impossible that the list was

originally much fuller.

From the character of the

names of the rulers Meyer

166

)

has con-

cluded that they were Calebites (see

§ 4).

T h e organisation of the Calebites in the genealogies

I

Ch.

2 4

suggests further that the

was

a

tribal

the head of which would correspond to

the

(in Gr. inscr.

the

of the

later

kingdom (cp

Cor.

and see

E

THNARCH

).

District in Acts

RV

also translates

which here represents, apparently, the Latin
See M

ACEDONIA

, P

HILIPPI

.

A.

C.

DITCHES

K. 316, etc.

I

(3,

5 ) .

P

I

T.

DIVINATION.

Men instinctively wish to know the

future, and among all

there have been those

See C

ONDUITS

,

who have, from certain omens, claimed
to be able to

it.

Such know-

ledge could only come from supernatural beings.
When beasts or birds, by their movements, or other-
wise, gave

intelligible signs, it was because they

were

by beings that were supernatural, or

because they were supernatural themselves.

Omens

are not blind tokens; the animals know what they
tell to

( W R S

is a kind of divination, not a thing

distinct in itself (see below,

It is difficult, if not

impossible, to indicate the boundary line between
divination and

prophecy.

I n both the same general

principle obtains-intercourse of man with the spiritual
world in order to obtain special knowledge. I n divi-
nation, this knowledge is usually got by observing
certain omens or signs but this is by no means always

the case, since sometimes the beings consulted possessed
the soothsayer. Divination, as practised in this last
method,

differ

prophecy of the lowest

kind-that of the ecstatic state-as distinguished from
that higher species of prophecy which in Riehm’s happy
phrase is psychologically mediated.

T h e ancient Greeks, Romans, Arabs, etc., had

modes of divining that apparently were unknown to the

Hebrews of the

by observa-

tion of the flights and cries of birds,

inspection of the entrails of animals, etc. (see Freytag,

but there are mentioned in the

O T

many signs or omens that resemble or are identical
with those in use among other nations.

(divination by rods) appears to be

referred to in

Hos.

4

My people

ask

counsel at

their “wood,” and their “staff” declares unto them’ (cp
Herod.

The higher prophets of course forbade

this; but we may perhaps assume that it was
demned in earlier times.

(divination by arrows), a development

of

rhabdomancy, is mentioned

Ezek.

where the Babylonian king

is

said to have stood

‘

at the

T h e word is no doubt the

Ass.

‘border,’ ‘district’; cp probably Phmn.

‘district

of

Laodicea,’

CIS 1, no.

On

the Heb.

see also Dr. on

2

Cp

Judg.

5156 (if correct, see Moore),

3

Messianic

45

3).

See P

ROPHECY

.

1117

DIVINATION

like Isaiah, however, never refer to their dreams, and
it is even a question how far the visions of which they
speak are to be taken literally (see

P

R

OPHECY

).

vii. On a possible divination by means of sacred

garments, see D

RESS

,

8.

W e

now

consider briefly the various terms

applied to divination and diviners, and endeavour to
define their application.

I

.

a general term for divination of all kinds

(cp the Ar.

and see

P

RIESTS

),

on the derivation of

which see M

AGIC

,

3

(

I

).

Thus E V renders

'divination '(once 'witchcraft,'

I

15 23 EV),

'diviner'

S.

Zech.

also

'soothsayer' (Josh.

EV) and 'prudent'

(Is. 3 2 AV); and

gives the more

general terms

Ezek.

2 1 26

however, shows plainly enough that the word had

the distinct sense of obtaining an oracle by casting lots by
means of arrows (see above,

T h e one selected by

chance was supposed to represent the divine decision

.

on the

other hand, in

Saul is made to ask the

to

divine for him

means of the

;

see below,

4,

;

and cp M

AGIC

.

T h e etymology of this word is much

disputed (cp Del. on

Is.

26).

Two interpretations deserve

mention :

(a)

is one who divines by observing the

clouds (denom. from

a mode of divination well known

among the ancients

;

or perhaps, one who brings clouds, or causes

storms

In the passages in which the word occurs

however, there is nothing to suggest that the

has

thing to do with the sky.

(6) One who smites with the 'evil

eye (denom. from

but,

from otherconsiderations, the

Targ. rendering

appears to he decidedly against this view.

In the absence of further evidence it is best to follow

WRS

cp also

who com-

pare the Arabic

'to emit a hoarse, nasal sound.' The

fact that so

of the words connected with magic and

divination denote low subdued mournful speaking, favours this

surmise though there must ever remain much doubt about

the exact

and meaning.

renders by a word which

means primarily to take an omen from the flight of birds
examples of which practice may be found in Arabia (cp

T h e

usually rendered by 'observers

Judg. 9 3 7

regarders') of times' (AV) or

augurs'

(Dt.

1 4

Lev.

in

2 6

5

E V soothsayers' (so also Jer.

RV, where AV

enchanter'): once

'sorceress'

573).

An oak near

famous in divination, bears the name 'Oak of

(Judg. 937).

For other examples of sacred trees cp

I

DOLATRY

,

and see N

ATURE

-

WORSHIP

.

3.

' t o

enchantment'

21

Ch. 336

Lev.

cp

'enchantment' Nu.

or 'to

divine' (Gen. 445

E V : and Gen. 3027

R V

where AV ' t o

learn by experience'. cp

I

K. 20

diligently

'

'

take as an omen

probably used to include

kind of

divination (WRS).

I n Gen. 445

the same word is used for

divination

a

probably

where a

vessel is filled with water and the rings formed by the liquid
are observed. Was

originally used in a special sense, and

connected with

'a

serpent'?

So

a t least Bochart,

and

1287)

; see

S

ERPENT

,

1, 3,

M

AGIC

,

3.

4.

is found only in Daniel (2 27 4 4

5 7

E V 'soothsayers'), and may be rendered 'prognosticators,'
properly those who determine [what is doubtful]' ; cp

ad

T h e root means ' t o

but whether the 'cutting

the

heavens' by Babylonian astrologers

meant, is uncertain

(see

S

TARS

5).

Perhaps (cp Ar.

' t o

slaughter') the

originally offered a sacrifice in

with the art

(cp Vg.

occur in the Heb. (1

2

See 2, iii.

5.

DIVINATION

7.

For

(Gad)

and

in

Is.

see

F

ORTUNE

Necromancy, to which we turn next, is, as the

D

ESTINY

.

See also other terms under M

AGIC

.

and

Aram. (2

4 7

etc.) parts of Daniel respectively, and

are rendered astrologer,' R V

The word is of

(S

TARS

.

I t is difficult

to

whether

and

other

were meant

represent';

class or whether the writer

these terms

(Bev.

Dan.

63).

6.

in Dan.

2

IO

(5

7

means the caste

of wise men. This usage (well known from classical writers)
arose

after the fall of the Babylonian empire, when the only

known were

and soothsayers.

Possibly the Teraphim were similarly employed; see

T h e so-called

Cp Joseph's divining-cup

with the famous goblet of Jemshid, and see Lenormant

L a

Divination,

For a parallel French superstition:

B.

Thiers,

des

Paris,

1

logy of the word implies, divination by
resort to the spirits of deceased persons.

Three terms or expressions

to be

all

of

them met with in Dt.

18

W e shall begin with that which occurs last in' the

verse, viz.

(one who resorts with an inquiry

to the dead), rendered by EV 'necromancer.'

I t is

Is.

that this is a general description

the kinds of necromancy indicated by the

two words next

to

be considered and other kinds (see

Dr. on Dt.

1811)

: the conjunction with which it is

introduced is simply the explanatory

answering

to

the

Gk.

epexegetic

The

word

is generally found

(see below,

like which, from meaning the spirit

of

a

departed one,

it came to stand for the person who possessed such

a

spirit and divined by its aid.

The full phrase

(the possessor of an

is found in

I

S.

28

7,

where

it is applied to the witch of

explains the expression by

'ventrilo-

quist

in the

OT

passages, one who, by throwing

his voice into the ground, where the spirit was supposed
to be, made people believe that a ghost spoke through

and Lenormant

161

(Hist.

ET,

and others

so

explain the phenomenon

but

the writer of Samuel, and other biblical writers who
speak

of

this species of divination, evidently regard it

as being really what it claimed to be.

Lev.

2 0 2 7

is the

only possible exception.

Other sug-

gestions may be passed

for the field seems to be held by

two principal views,

H.

Smith's view

being

not very probable. ( a )

has been connected with Arab.

and explained ' a

which returns (from

.

cp French

So

and KO. (on

Is.

8

1

and Schwally

nach

69).

also

suggests a connection with

'father' (note

of

both

in

Van Hoonacker

9

objects that in Dt.

18

the

is

from the dead

but if

the latter clause of the verse is simply a

of the

two foregoing clauses, this objection falls.

(6) The pther view (Ges., Del.,

the word

' a

bottle, literally 'something hollow.

A similar word

Arabic

means a hole in a rock,' a large and deep

somethipg

the assumption that the fundamental idea of the

word

is hollowness, many explanations have been suggested (see
Van Hoonacker as above).

Of these, two may be noted as

probably

most nearly to the

Kau. (Riehm,

'), and Di. (on Lev. 19 31) hold that the spirit is called

on account of the hollow tone of the voice-such a tone a s

might be expected to issue from any empty place.

Other terms

for practising magic and divination lend some support to this
view.

T h e idea of hollowness has been held to apply in the first

place to the cave or opening in the ground out of which
spirit speaks. Among the Greeks and the Romans, oracles de-
pending on necromancy were situated among large deep caverns
which were supposed to communicate with the spirit-world.

If the Hebrew

is parallel to the Greek chthonic deities and

to

the Arabian

or 'earth-folk,' with whom wizards

have intercourse, it is conceivable that, by a
tained for container, and

vice versa-the hollow cavern may

have come to be used for the spirit that spoke out of it.

See

W R S Ril.

The English word 'wizard,'

by which this Hebrew term

is

rendered, means a very

wise one,' and agrees with

(in Dt.

Syriac

Arabic

and with

Ewald's rendering

Like

is used, in the first instance, for the

spirit of a deceased person then it came to mean him

Namely, that the '66 was originally a skull

by

superstitious rites for magical purposes ;

H.

A.

on

the other band, suggests that the

was one who spoke

of

a

hollow mask or domino.

I n Job

seems to mean

one who consults an

T h e etymology of the word

is very uncertain.

iii.

DIVORCE

or her that divines by such

a

spirit.

Robertson

(I.

Phil.

followed by Driver (on' Dt.

distinguishes the two terms thus :-

is a familiar spirit, one known to him that consults

it. The '66 is any ghost that is called u p from the grave to
answer

to it (cp

I

S.

The

speaks

through a personal medium ;

that is, through the person whom

possesses. T h e

speaks directly, as for example

of

the grave (cp

I

S.

Rashi

(on

says that

differs from

in that he held in his mouth a

bone which uttered the oracle.

It is hard to establish these

distinctions, the data for forming a judgment heingso slight.

Is it

certain, however, that the words are to be

held

standing for distinct things? Why may we

not have in them different aspects of the same spirit?

So

regarded, '86 would convey the notion that the spirit

bas returned from the other world, while

would

suggest that the spirit so returned is knowing, and
therefore able

to

answer

questions of the inquirer.

The fact that in all the eleven instances of its occurrence

is invariably preceded by '86 is in favour of

its being a mere interpretation of it.

on the other

hand, is often found by itself

(

I

S.

2 8 7 8 I

Ch.

10

13

etc.

).

I t is probable, therefore, that these two characters

are at bottom one, the ' a n d '

Dt.

joining

and

in the way of a hendiadys : he who

seeks

a

departed spirit that is knowing,' just

as

the

remaining part

of

the

is, as we have seen already

3,

simply a repetition in different words of the

same thought.

This is in complete harmony with the

usages of Hebrew parallelism. The whole compound
expression might be rendered as follows

H e who

inquires of the departed spirit that is knowing, even
he who seeks unto the dead.'

To

the expressions considered already may be

added

Is.

EV 'charmers.'

prefers whisperers

cp

Ar.

to emit

a

moaning

or creaking sound

or perhaps rather Ass.

dark-

ness.'

Though condemned in the O T

(

I

S. 28

Is.

8

cp Lev.

2 0 6 2 7

Dt.

necromancy among

the Israelites held its own till a late period.

T h e

leaders

of

religious thought were opposed to both witch-

craft and necromancy ; but the influence of habit and
of intercourse with people around was too strong to be
wholly overcome. See Schultz,

2

322

(ET).

WB

s.

Todtenbeschworer

see refer-

ences) shows that

the ancient world divination

calling back the spirits of the dead was very widespread
among the Greeks, the Romans, and the other ancient
nations.

Cp B

ABYLONIA

,

31

and see M

AGIC

.

apparently renders by

For the literature see

M

AGIC

.

T.

W.

D.

DIVORCE, DIVORCEMENT

[BKAQ]), Jer.

3 8

Is.

50

I

.

See M

ARRIAGE

,

6.

DIZAHAB

BAFL),

[Vg.]),

in the topographical

description Dt.

'If it be the name

of

a place in

the "steppes of Moab" the situation is unknown'

(Dr. in Hastings'

) on

the identifications, cp

Dillmann. The explanation place of gold is difficult

to

justify (see Dr.

ad

T h e name corre-

sponds to 'Me-zahab' in Gen.

3639

(as Sayce,

Oct.

and Marq.

Fund.

IO,

have observed), and

like

is no doubt a corruption of

came from

the N. Arabian land of

or

which adjoined Edom (see

26,

and cp Che.

Or.

May

1899).

I t was perhaps

premature to identify

before the correctness

of the reading had been investigated.

RV

called by Josephus

Dagon

Ant.

xiii.

81

;

a

small for-

tress near Jericho, in which Simon the Maccabee was
treacherously murdered by Ptolemy his son-in-law

(I

Macc.

The name, doubtless, still survives

the mod.

'Ain

m. N. of Jericho, where there

traces

of

ancient substructions and remains of a

T. X. C.

36

DODANIM

line aqueduct (Rob.

BR

2309

3173

Kasteren,

Rev.

p.

This group of compound

names comprises with certainty only Dodavah and
Dodiel (see D

ANIEL

,

I),

and virtually David,

Dodo. T o these Gray

would add

(Eldad),

(Bildad).

I n all these names he in-

terprets

as meaning

<

uncle

on

the father's side,'

which is no doubt a perfectly legitimate sense of

or

(see K.

24

First,

as

to Eldad and Bildad.

The objection to admitting that these names are com-
pounded with the divine name Dad is obviously pro-
visional.

T h e god

w-as so well-known in

Canaan that we may expect to find a t any rate isolated
names compounded with Dad, which

was

one

of

the

names of this deity

(Wi.

A T

69,

n.

I

) .

In

the Amarna letters, it is true, the form we find in

compound proper names is Addu but the equivalence
of Addu and Daddu is admitted.

( 6 )

Next,

as

to the other names. That Dod is not the name of
some one special deity, is admitted

but whether it is,

or is not, a term designating some degree of kinship,
is disputed.

I t is undeniable that

(=Ass.

means 'beloved,' and also, by a natural transition,

'divine patron' (cp

used

of

God, Job

The

present writer contends that it is more natural to give
this second sense to Dod in the few Hebrew names
compounded with it than to adopt the theory (Gray,

60) that

as well

as

proper names has

the sense of uncle or kinsman.

is not affected by the discovery that there are some

S.

Arabian names compounded

and some others

both meaning 'uncle.

Nor need we enter into the

question whether the

S.

Arabian name

(so

gives the name) really means

' M y cousin hath blessed

(Hommel,

A H T 85). See

T

.

c.

5 2 ;

but Ginsb. in

2

points Kt.

another form of

D

O

D

O

pre-

sumably shortened from

a

form

: see under

D

ODAVAH

is patron' (Marquart,

Fund.

(RV following Kt. but AV

D

ODO

cwc.

[A],

L]) and

I

Ch.

(AV

and

[L]),

where the words

'

Eleazar, sou of,' found

I

are wanting, but are supplied by Kittel

( S B O T )

from

I

Ch.

11

see D

ODO

E

LEAZAR

.

DOD, NAMES WITH.

DODAI

DODANIM

or R

ODANIM

Gen.

Vg.

(cp Pesh.),

EV,

Rodanim' after

and Sam.

;

I

Ch.

R V 'Rodanim' after

but

many

cp

whence

AV

'Dodanim.

I n Is.

13 Aq. Sym.

for

A

son of J

AVAN

son of Japheth, Gen.

I

Ch.

17.

The same

either

or

possibly be restored for Dedan

in Ezek.

[BQ;

[A];

so

Pesh. but Aq. Sym.

Theod.

The -merchants there referred to

brought to Tyre the ivory and ebony which they had
themselves procured from Africa or India. Two views
are held.

( a )

Stade,

Bertholet are strongly for

and naturally hold a

opinion as to the reading

in Gen.

I t is, however,

no means certain that

M T is

not right

in

reading

sons of Dedau,' in

Ezek.,

Edom

(so

all [except Aq.] read for

Aram') follows in

16.

As to Gen.

1 0 4 ,

the most

prevalent opinion certainly is that

is the better

reading, and that this term designates not only the

Rhodians properly so-called (on whom cp. Hom.

but also

many islands' being also

mentioned) the people of other

islands.

( S o

Hal.,

Ball,

This view is geographically plausible, but the short o
in

must not be overlooked.

1122

DODAVAH

Another view,

so

far

as

the name goes,

is

more

satisfactory. T h e Rodanim of the text of Chronicles
(if we

most MSS and

may be as inaccurate

as

the

which it gives for

(I

Ch.

and Dodanim itself may be incorrectly

given for Dardanim (Tg. Jon., Luzzatto, Ges.,

Franz Del.).

T h e name Dardan,

as

inscriptions of

Rameses

11.

show, comes down from early times; it

designates properly a people of Asia Minor, not far

the

(see WMM,

As.

I t

is

not impossible that for

(Ch. reads

the

original source of

P s

information read

(cp

T

OGARMAH

),

and it would be natural for writers and

scholars

of

the Greek period

and perhaps Ch.)

to convert Dardanim into Rodanim, and to understand
the Rhodians.

It

has been proposed elsewhere to

identify another

son of

Javan (Tarshish, or rather

with another people mentioned in the Egyptian

inscriptions (see

T

IRAS

).

The author of the list used

by

P

may have known Dardan

as

well as

If

is

the correct reading in Ezek. we should perhaps

pronounce it

not

Recent critics

however, have been too hasty

in

rejecting

reading

Dedan. T h e ‘islands’ are not necessarily those in
which the merchants spoken of resided they may very
well be the coast-lands with which Dedan had com-
mercial dealings.

C p D

EDAN

, and, on Ezek.

as AV, or rather D

ODAVAHU

as

RV

perhaps for

is

friend or

patron,’

47-whence come the

forms

;

Pesh. implies the reading Dodo

’),

the father

of a prophet called Eliezer

( 2

Ch.

DODO

52,

with which cp

D

ODAI

, and

D

AVID

). The fuller form

is

probably

[cp

which means ‘Yahwb is friend or

patron’

[so

Marq.

loci,

is

rightly restored by Wi. in Am.

and there appears

to

be an allusion to the

‘

divine friend in Is.

5

(where

note that

and

are parallel).

The Dodah

of

Ataroth is mentioned in the Mesha

May we also compare Dudu, the name of

a

high

Egyptian official in the Amarna tablets ( A m .

cp Wi.

I

A Bethlehemite father

of the renowned hero

)

;

S.

I

Ch. 11 26

see

E

BONY

.

T. IC. C.

D

ODO

,

T

.

K.

C.

T. K.

C.

DOG

[BK],

[A],

[L]).

An

father of David’s warrior Eleazar,

S. 23

see A

HOHITE

,

I

Ch.

11

(AV following

but see

D

O

D

A

I

.)

Ah ancestor of

of

one of the Judges,

Judg. 10

I

,

if we should not rather follow eight cursive MSS of

and

for son of Dodo,’ son of his

uncle

Kareah.

See

1881,

p.

has

(so Pesh. Vg.). See

DOE

Pr.

5

RV.

I

but

I

S.

Ps.

but

Jos.

An Edomite

(for the reading

Syrian,’ presupposed [except in

Ps.

by

[but not

and Jos.,

is

certainly

wrong) who filled some minor post among the servants
of Saul most probably he

‘keeper of the saddle

asses’ (cp Judg.

I

S. 93

S.

I

Ch.

He had been detained

( s o

one tradition

tells

us)

before

in the sacred precincts at

Nob (or

see

some obscure religious

prescription (see

and had cunningly watched

David in his intercourse with the priest Ahimelech (see
D

AVID

,

3).

Soon after, he denounced the latter to

the suspicious Saul, and when the king commanded his

‘runners’ to put Ahimelech and the other priests to

See also under D

ANIEL

,

4.

1123

See G

OAT

.

leath, and they refused, it was this foreigner who lifted

his hand against

(I

The two passages in which Doeg’s office is referred to are no

their original form in MT. I n 21

8

[AV

he is called

the mightiest of the shepherds’

a strange

ion

of

a shepherd, and still stranger when we observe that

occurs nowhere else in Hebrew narratives. The conjecture

the mightiest of the

Dr., Ki., Bu.) gives

n easier

still not a natural phrase, and disregards the

of

in 21

There

a n be little doubt that

3

is right in

eading

which h e renders ‘driver of the mules,’-

less natural rendering than. that given above, but still possible.

Nords like

and

are flexible.

For the

see

; for the latter, see A

BEL

. Almost as certainly

should also read

for

in 22 (see

ection to following @ here ( T B S

125)

falls to the ground

it is recognised that 2 1 7

is a later insertion in the

The reference to Doeg in the title of Ps.

52

is

due

o

the thirst of later Jewish readers for biblical

ion of their idealising view of David. T h e

was

mitten for use in the temple (see

8).

DOG

a name, of unknown origin, common

to

Semitic dialects

[hut Mt.

dogs of any noble type are mentioned

the Bible.

The Israelitish kings were not, like

.he Assyrian,’ great hunters, and even the Hebrew

egend of Nimrod the hunter

is

‘hunter’ meant

iterally? see N

IMROD

) in Gen.

says

nothing of his

According to

EV

the greyhound is referred

to

Prov.

3031

as

one of the four things which are

‘statelyin going’ but this

is

doubtful (see

C

OC

K

,

HOUND

).

The shepherds dog is mentioned in Job

30

I

,

dogs which guard the house may be intended in

but neither passage vouchsafes the dog any

words. The O T references are in fact almost

sntirely to the pariah dog, such as

be seen

in

any

the ‘Bible lands’ to-day.

They seem to have gone

in packs round the city at night (Ps.

596

it was dangerous to stop one of them (Prov.

26

17).

Doubtless, however, they were useful as

They were ready to devour even human

bodies

(

I

K.

Jer.

153

cp

I

K.

21

2238

Ps.

and to them

flesh that men might not eat was thrown (Ex. 2231;
contrast Mt.

76).

From Mk.

7 2 8

(Mt.

1527)

some

have inferred a sympathy between men and dogs in the
time of Christ; but this is hazardous.

Paul has no

such sympathy (Phil.

and a certain Rabbi dissuades

from keeping fierce dogs in the house, apparently
because they would frighten away the poor

6 3

a ) .

Most dogs, then, were fierce.

Yet Tobit,

according to the Greek text, makes

a

companion of his

dog

on

his journeys (Tob.

516

see

T

OBIT

.

T h e pariah dog referred to above

is

a

variety of the

cosmopolitan

dog

(Canis

though the breed

T. K.

c.

..

probably been intermixed by cross-

The dogs

ing with

or wolves.

live

in

companies, each ddg having its own lair (some-

times two), to which it returns for rest during the day.
Those that frequent the towns act as scavengers, living
on offal;

in

the country they are trained by the

shepherds and farmers to act as sheep-dogs (cp Job

30

I

).

Not much good, however, can be said of the latter:

they

a

mean, sinister, ill-conditioned generation,’

whose use consists in barking at intruders and warning
the

of any possible

In

appearance

they resemble the Scotch collie, and are said to be

On the breeds of hunting dogs known in Assyria, see

four ‘dogs’ of Marduk

see below. So

Heracles (or Melkart) is accompanied

Thomson,

(ed.

; cp Doughty,

Des.

Houghton TSBA

in some legends the T
by a dog

DOG

intelligent, and sagacious when trained.

Rabies is

almost, or entirely,

among them.

The stress laid

in

Judg.

7 5 - 7

on the way in which

Gideon’s three hundred drank,

with their

DOR

points bo Marduk and his four dogs.

It

is

possible that the dog may have been among the animals
worshipped by the earliest

as a totem (as,

among some

N.

Indians and in Java).

Robertson Smith refers to

I O ) ,

who states

that

forbade the Carthaginians to sacrifice human

victims and to eat the

of dogs (in a religious meal,

it is implied). There seems also to be an allusion to
something

of

this kind in post-exilic Palestine-to

a

custom,

prevalent perhaps among the

Samaritan

of sacrificing the

on

certain

DOLEFUL CREATURES

Is.

13

see

DOMINIONS

(

or

rather lordships,’

cp Eph.

Jude

8

2

Pet.

See A

NGEL

,

I

.

haps from

,‘

to swing,’ or cp

Ass.

‘

to

bolt, bar’).

T h e Hebrew

is used of the doors of a chamber (Judg.

3

or

of a

(

I

21

and even of the gate itself

(Dt. 35,

E V

‘gates’). The difference

which

may be any opening or

of the ark, Geh. 6

:

LATTICE,

and

is

illustrated

Gen.

where Lot s t a n d i

to

keep hack the men of

from approaching the

(cp also

I

K.

631).

For

(‘door’ Ex. 35

38

AV)

see G

ATE

.

However necessary for ventilation doorways were in

the East (see

L

ATTICE

,

I

),

the doors themselves were

not employed so much as in less tropical regions.

‘ T h e lock was doubtless like those now in use in

the East, so constructed that the bolt

Cant.

5 5

Neh.

3

3

RV

lock,’ AV) was shot ‘by the hand

or

a thong; the key

‘opener’) was only

used for unlocking the door’ (Moore,

SBOT

Judges,

60).

For descriptions of keys and

see

Wilk.

Moore,

99

Che.

SBOT,

The Hebrew terms for the component parts of the doorway

are

(

I

)

the threshold

etc.,

Jer.

Aq.

Theod.), also

I

S.

see

T

HRESHOLD

,

and cp T

EMPLE

.

door post,

Dt.

11

;

on derivation cp Schwally,

52

see

F

RONTLETS

.

(3)

lintel,

Ex. 1 2 7,

cp M H

(4)

hinge,

Prov. 26

; cp also

I

K.

(if correct,

See

DOPHKAH

[BAFL],

[A

after

in

v.

one of the stages in the wandering in

the wilderness

(Nu.

See W

ANDERINGS

,

12.

DOR

A w p [BAL];

Josh.

[A]; Jndg. 127 and

I

Ch.

7

Gwpa

[Lj

;

also written

cp Ph.

Josh.

17

1.

Name.

more fully

(

I

K.

[A],

represented by

[B],

and

o

Josh. 1223

for variants see

and

Naphoth

Dor

(Josh. 11

the modern

lay on the Mediterranean coast about

Compare also such

(Nab. and

Sin.

inscr.),

Doc.

plur.

and dim.

among

tribal names, and the Heh.

(cp Kin.

Phil.

though

1886, 164,

n.

I

,

throws doubt on the

identification of Caleh and

: see N

AMES

.

occasions

(Is.

63

3).

T.

C .

3.

DOOR

There is still, however, some obscurity.

tongues, like dogs, probably

that they

men

(Moore.

The mention of

,

dogs in company with lions in

as typical of

the fierce enemies of pions Israel, is surprising. There
is no O T parallel for the use of the pariah

dogs

of

Eastern cities as symbolic

of

the enemies of Israel.

In

later times the Gentiles were called ‘dogs’

77

a ;

49

a ,

etc.) ; but the Talmudic use

has no biblical authority

27

does not

express what may be called

doctrine.

More-

over in Ps. 2221 only

and wild oxen are re-

ferred

to.

Aq.,

Theod., and Jer. evidently read

hunters’

this is a clever attempt to get over a real

difficulty.

In

v.

17

(EV

16)

we should certainly read

and

The sense then becomes,

Greedy lions in their strength surround me,

A

troop of wild oxen encircles me.

Similarly in

v.

(EV

we should read

and render (reading

for

Snatch my soul from the young lion
My life from the clutch of the greed; lion.

We

now pass

on

to

a group of five passages which

have been much misunderstood.

I

.

K.

8 13

What is thy servant

has ‘the dead

that he

this great

RV, paraphrasing!

incorrectly,

Is thy servant a dog,

etc.

S.

1 6 9

‘Why should

dead dog

this cursed

dog ’j curse my lord the king?

3.

S.

9 8

‘What

thy servant that thou

look upon

a dead dog like me?

4.

S.

‘After whom

thou pursue? after a dead

dog?

5.

S.

38

‘Am

I

a

dog’s head that helongeth to Judah?’

which is hut a dog.

humility towards

as

Assyrian

are the king’s

dogs,’

his

I n

‘dead dog’

cannot be right, as

indicates hy the substituted epithet (see

above).

text must he incorrect.

We want some word

which will he equally suitable in

(3)

and

and if possible

some word which will make

sense than ‘dead’

even

(3)

and

where it has hitherto been plausibly

as

an

Oriental exaggeration.

The word which we seek

is

‘unclean’ ‘dead dog should be ‘unclean, despised, pariah

dog.’

To

explain

his see Doughty’s striking description of the

treatment of their hounds

the Bedouin, who ‘with blows

cast out these profane creatures from the

As to (5) the

text is evidently not quite correct (see

Klo.); there seems to

he a play on the name of Caleh the dog-tribe (see 1025 n.

I

N

ABAL

). T o read ‘Am

I

a dog’s head (omitting

words), with Prof.

H. P.

Smith,

can

hardly be called satisfactory.,

This idiom may cast

upon

Dt.

where ‘dog

appears to be applied to the class of persons elsewhere called

It was natural to explain the word as a term of

(see I

DOLATRY

, 6). If, however, ‘unclean dog’or some

similar phrase was a common circumlocution indicative of
humble deference used in addressing superiors, as

is

in

Assyrian (especially in the Amarna letters),

need not,

as

applied to

temple servants, have been a

contempt :

it may have been their ordinary name (so

The word

appears in fact in Phcenician, applied to a class of servants

attached to a temple of Ashtoreth in Cyprus

1

no.

86

1.

There are not wanting indications that the dog was

held in religious veneration.

river running into the

sea a few miles N. of

is called the

Dog river
and al-Nadim informs us that the dog

was sacred among the Harranians.

‘They

sacrificial gifts to it, and in certain mysteries dogs were
solemnly declared to be the brothers of the
This seems

to

be connected with primitive Babylonian

mythology

my lord with the

d o g s

( a divine title at

T h e explanation

of

therefore, is not quite correct.

Des.

1337.

3

referring to

326,

and

other passages.

.. ..

,

,

See Che.

367,

and cp

357,

and (on breaking

the neck) Kin.

3

Note that both

Sam. text and the Sam.

of Ex.

omit the cootemptuous’reference to the dog, and

simply of

away.

is the

word in N T ;

cp

5

23

etc.

On the origin of the name cp Ges.

DOR

way between the promontory of Carmel and
at a distance of about eight miles from the latter.

The fuller form of the name is

by Sym.

as

the

of Dor,

or

as

Awp

rapahia

(cp

2 8 3 3 ,

it probably includes the undulating

plain of Sharon lying inland. The exact meaning of

(RV

'height,'

'region, coast, border,

country')

as

well as that of

is very

Outside the O T the shorter form of the name is usual.
I t is frequently mentioned by Greek writers and appears

as

in

I

Macc.

15

AV,

Dora),

also

(Polyb.

(Pliny), and

(Tab.

Peut.

).

In

Ass.

(by the side of Megiddo) occurs

only once,

a

geographical list

( 2

R.

5 3 ,

no. 4,

57).

T h e meaning of the name is obscure (see E

N

-

DOR

, and

see

Dor is first mentioned

the Pap. Golenischeff (temp.

circa

where

belongs to the

DOTHAN

From Pompey's time it was directly under

rule.

restored the town and harbour

56

B.

C.

and it enjoyed autonomy under the emperors

4 4

xv.

5 3 ) .

possessed

a

synagogue in 42

A.

D.

Ant.

xix.

6 3 ) .

At

a

comparatively early date after

his

its prosperity declined, and in the time of Jerome

it was already deserted, and

soon

carcely

was left but its ruins-which were

an object of admiration-and the memory of its

ormer greatness (cp

5 1 7

: memoria

Down

o

at least the seventh century it continued to give its

to

see.'

Its prosperity was largely

to the abundance of the purple-yielding murex on

ts rocky coast, and to its favourable position (but sea

xv.

9 6 ) .

The modern village consists merely of

few hovels.

The ancient remains

lie to the

N.

of the

village are inconsiderable

(Baed.

271

2 6

the most conspicuous object, to

travellers, being the ruins of a tower (of the

time of the Crusaders) which crowns a rocky eminence.
The tower (el-Burj cp

in Foulcher

Chartres) has since collapsed

1895, p.

DORCAS

[Ti. WH],

the Greek name of the Christian disciple

at

Joppa,

Peter, by prayer, raised from the dead

(Acts

She

manifestly a Jewess, her Greek

name being simply a translation of that by which she
was known in Aramaic,

gazelle,'

see G

AZELLE

).

A handmaid of

R.

was called Tabitha

(

19).

In the so-called Acts

dating from about the

middle of the fifth century, Tabitha figures a s the hostess of
John and Prochorus during their three days' stay a t Joppa on
their way to Egypt.

DORYMENES

[AKV]; in

2

Macc.

father of Ptolemy Macron [see

I

Macc.

3 3 8

Macc.

DOSITHEUS

( A

wc

I

S.

A.

C.

I

.

A

captain under Judas the Maccahee ; he and his

officer Sosipater had Timothens in their power after the action

hut allowed themselves to he persuaded to let

him off

Macc. 12 19 24).

A

mounted soldier who distinguished himself in

a

brave though unsuccessful attempt to take Gorgias prisoner

Macc. 12 35).

3.

A renegade Jew in the camp of Ptolemy Philopator (3 Macc.

'

Said to he a priest and Levite,'

with his son Ptolemy,

to

Egypt the (translated) letter of Mordecai respecting

the feast of Purim (Esth. 11

I

,

;

RV

See

[A]), Judith

3 9

AV

DOTHAN

Gen.

2

K.

6 1 3 ,

and

Gen.

r7

[NAMES

; Di. (in

thinks the latter a vocalic

modification

the former. This is doubtful (cp

Ba.

c.)

;

in any

the termination

is very ancient, occurring

in the Palestine lists of Thotmes III., sixteenth century

(WMM

As.

88).

It is possible, therefore,

that

is merely a defective form of

in Judith

3

9,

;

;

has

Jerome

placed it

1 2

R.

N.

of

(Samaria).

The site was identified by

de Velde

(1

)

with

IO

N.

of

I t is a

green

lying on the

S. of

a

plain, sometimes called after it

(Judith

4 5

Dothaim),

and sometimes called Sahl

which lies some

500

feet above sea-level, and drains to the Mediterranean

by the

Selhab, afterwards

and is

connected with Esdraelon by the wide descending valley
of Bel'ameh, the ancient

Thus it carries

is

mentioned in the Acts of the

Council

of

a

race which entered-Palestine

along with the

and occupied

the sea-coast (cp

WMM

Eur.

388, and see

4 P

H I L I S T I N E S

) . ~ Their

prince bears the name Ba-d-ira, which appears to repre-
sent a theophorous name (Ahd-il, 'servant of

El'

or

Bod-el). That Dor continued to remain in the hands

of

a non-Israelite people seems highly probable.

Later writers, with Deuteronomic sympathies supposed that

joined the northern coalition against

(Josh. 11 z),

and they include its king among those

fell

1223).

the same spirit Dor is assigned to Manasseh (Josh.

17

A

more historical view is presented

in Judg.

1 2 7 ,

where Beth-shean, Ibleam, Megiddo, and Dor (in M T the

order is disturbed) form a

of Canaanite towns stretching

from

E.

to

W.,

which must

separated Ephraim from the

more northerly tribes. I n the time of Solomon, it is true

'heights of Dor' was under one of

commissaries

;

is

hardly probable that the town of Dor was itself included

(

I

K.

4

;

see

B

EN

-

ABINADAB

).

For the next few centuries Dor drops out of Jewish

history.

I t was well known, however, to the Greeks,

the earliest authority in which the name
occurs being

of

(circa

I t is not improbable that it

to be identified with the

which, in the fifth

century, was tributary to the Athenians (Steph. Byz.

and this agrees with the view that the

(the earliest known occupants of Dor) were

from Asia Minor, and, therefore, might have been in

close touch with Greece. At the beginning of the fourth
century

relates that Dor

and Joppa

rich corn-lands

in the field of Sharon

were handed over to Sidon by the king of

Persia (Artaxerxes Mnemon ?), probably (as Schlottmann
conjectured) in return for their help in the battles

of

(394) and

Hence perhaps

arose the belief of later Greek geographers that Dor
was originally a Phcenician -colony.

It successfully

resisted two sieges, one by

the Great

OC

HUS,

I

)

during his war with Ptolemy Philopator in

B

.

C.

(Polyb.

and the second by Antiochus

Sidetes (A

NTIOCHUS

,

5)

in

when the siege

was

raised in consequence of the flight of Trypho

(

I

Macc.

I t was afterwards held along with

Strato's tower

I

)

by a tyrant named

Zoilus, on whose subjugation by Ptolemy Lathyrus it
became part of the

dominions

(Jos.

Ant.

Wholly obscure is

Josh.

which

. . .

. . .

treats

as a place-name (note

gives only

three

names). Sym.

here again has

Slav. Ostrogothic adds the

gloss

On the identification of the

town Dor with the Ass.

R

34

no.

45)

see Hommel, PSBA

('95)

B

.c.).

A H

236.

Jndg. 127. See also

T h e passage in Josh. is hardly sound

;

corrects after

4

cp Schlottmann,

Die

assigns Dor

and see

CIS

1,

no.

and Ashkelon to Tyre daring the Persi an period.

See further for

etc., Schiir.

3

a few days later, by 'Robinson

Rabbi

had noted it in the fourteenth century;

see

s

o f

1128

1127

DOUGH

DOVE’S

DUNG

the great caravan road from Damascus and Gilead to
Egypt, which is still in use, as it was when the story of
Joseph and the company of Ishmaelite traders passing

with spices from Gilead for Egypt was written

(GASm.

356). Van de Velde found the

a

Jewishroadcrossing from Esdraelon to Sharon.

At the

S. foot

of the Tell is a fountain called

there is a second fountain and two large cisterns (cp
cistern

into which Joseph‘s brethren are said to have

lowered him). There is very fine pasturage on the

sur-

rounding plain, which the present writer found covered
with flocks, some of them belonging to a camp of nomad

Arabs.

From its site on

so

ancient a road through the

country, and near the mouth of the main pass from the

N. into the hills of Samaria, the Tell must always have

been

a

military position of importance; note the de-

scription in

2

K.

6

and the frequent mention of it

in the

Book

of Judith (advance of Holofernes). Cp

2169

Thomson,

LB.,

ed. 1877, p.

For Nu.

Neh.

‘coarse meal’), see

F

OOD

,

I

,

and for

138

R V

cp B

READ

,

I

.

The word dove is somewhat loosely applied

to certain members of the suborder

or pigeons

as no sharp distinction can be drawn,

is

proposed to treat the doves and pigeons

together in this article.

Three Heb. words come under consideration :

(I)

probably derived from its mournful note

(probably onomatopoetic, cp Lat.

E V ‘turtle-dove’ and (3)

E V ‘young pigeon’

(Gen.

properly any young

bird; cp Dt. 32

(with reference to the

Apart from its occurrence in P and Gen.

(see

below).

is found onlv in Cant.

allusion is

Buhl,

P a l

G.

A.

DOUGH.

DOVE.

made to its voice

‘),

in Jer.

8

(a

migratory

bird; cp

4

below; EV in

both

I n

‘turtle’), and in Ps.

(not

the last-quoted passage

as the harmless, timid dove

(cp

Hos.

Mt.

is usually thought

to

be symbolical of Israel.

The text-reading, however, is

Elsewhere it is to the

dove’) that Israel

is compared (see

JONA H,

ii.

3).

This is the most

common term, which appears notably in the Deluge-
story, Gen.

88-12

(D

ELUGE

, §

Allusion is made in

Ps.

556

to its plumage,

Is.

to its

mournful

Its gentle nature makes the dove a

favourite simile or term of endearment in love poems

(Cant.

52

69).

That doves were domesticated

among the Hebrews may be inferred from Is.

6 0 8

(see

F

OWLS

,

and

it

is of interest to recall that

pigeons were well known in Egypt, and that at the
coronation ceremony four were let fly to carry the
tidings of the newly-made king to the four corners of
the earth (Wilk.

Eg.

3320).

Are there reasons for supposing that among the

Hebrews the dove ever enjoyed a reputation for sanctity ?

Conclusive evidence in support of this view

is

absent: but it

is

remarkable that the

dove, although a

clean bird, is never

mentioned in the

O T

as

an article of diet.

It was a

favourite food

of

the Egyptians, and is commonly eaten

in Palestine at the present day.

Moreover, we have to

note that the

and

are mentioned in

an

old cove-

nant ceremony by

E

(Gen.

and that in

P’s

legis-

lation

‘

turtle-doves ’

and

‘

young pigeons ’

are frequent sacrificial victims in ceremonies which,

‘Deliver not the

soul

of thy turtle-dove’ is a strange ex-

pression. Sym. Tg. Jer. find an allusion to the Law (Tg. the

Gunkel, Che. : ‘Deliver not the soul which praises thee,’ be.

souls of the teachers of thy

hut

Pesh. read

comes the sense.

Cp also Nah. 2

7

the text of Ezek.

see Co.

do

not

involve

a

sacrificial meal (Lev.

5 7

128

in N T Lk.

This exceptional treatment of

he dove suggests that originally the Hebrews

wont

ascribe to the bird a sacrosanct character, similar to

hat which it has obtained among other branches of the

Semites.

In Palestine the dove was sacred with the

Phoenicians and Philistines, and on this superstition

s

based the common Jewish accusations against the

Samaritans that they were worshippers of the dove.’

were holy doves at Mecca (the custom is hardly

ndigenous), and according to Lucian

Syria,

54,

14) doves were taboo to the Syrians, he who

them remaining unclean a whole

On

:he symbolism of the dove in N T (Mt.

316

etc.) and in

Christian times, see Smith’s

Christ.

Ant.,

v .

T h e following species occur in Palestine :-

the ring-dove or wood-pigeon, common

in England and throughout most of Europe.

Large flocks

of these assemble in the winter months and do

4.

Species.

much damage

feeding on the young leaves of

cultivated plants some migrate in the autumn

but many pass the winter in Palestine.

C.

the stock!

dove, smaller and darker than the above and rarer in Palestine.
unlike

C.

it does not build on branches of trees,

lays its eggs in holes or in

C.

the

dove, is abundant on the coast and uplands; it is ‘the parent
stock from which the domesticated varieties have been derived.

C.

closely allied to the preceding, which it takes

the place of,

the interior and along the Jordan valley.

It

is

elsewhere found in Egypt and in Abyssinia. I t nests in crevices
and fissures of the rock (cp Jer. 48

(v.)

or

turtle-dove, which probably represents

(see

is a migratory species whose return is very constant (Jer. 8 7
Cant. 2

about the beginning of April, when they become

plentiful and are to be found in every tree and

This

species is the most abundant of

all

the

in Palestine.

(vi.)

the

or collared dove, which extends

from Constantinople to India. Around the Dead Sea this species
is a permanent resident, being found

a

rule in small flocks of

eight or ten.

the palm turtle-dove, has

been regarded by lristram as the turtle-dove

of

the Bible, I t

lives amongst the courtyards of houses in Jerusalem and seems
to he half tame ; it especially frequents palm groves.

A.

E.

A.

C .

DUN

G

or

[Ginsb.],

I n

a

graphic account of the siege of Samaria, side by side

with an ass’s head’ appears the fourth part of

a

kab

of dove’s dung’

as

a

food only to be

bought at a very high price

( 2

K.

625).

Much

has

been

written to account for this strange-sounding detail
Josephus

(Ant.

44)

even suggested that the dung was

a

substitute for salt ! T h e reference

to

it, however, is

doubtless due to an error of an ancient scribe, which
is precisely analogous to one in Ps.

(MT).

In that passage a questionable word (rendered in E V ‘ t h e

proud is represented in the mg. as being really two words, one
of which is

I t is more than probable that ‘an ass’s head

’ 4

should be

‘a

‘doves’

dung

’in)

should be

pods of the carob tree (see

H

USKS

).

That the ancients agreed with M T and that the correct-

ness of the reading can be defended (see Post in Hastings’

by observation of the habits of pigeons is no reason why

we should acquiesce in it similarly we might defend the painful
figure of the

in Ps.

(see

S

N

AIL

,

For the

attempts of modern writers to mitigate the unpleasantness of
the expression

‘

dove’s dung

finding some plant which might

have been so called, see articles in Smith’s and Hastings’
dictionaries. Two illustrative passages

K.

27

Is.

have,

we may believe, been recovered by similar corrections of the
text, one certain, the other highly probable. See

H

USKS

.

T.

C .

In N T times doves for such purposes were sold in the temple

itself (Mt.

21

Mk.

15

Jn. 2 14

16).

On the whole subject see Bochart

1

I

and

Kin.

n.

294,

etc.

also, for ‘dove’ oracles,

Frazer,

4

white dove was especially venerated;

1 7

sancta

Some authorities recognise

‘doves,’ as an element in the phrase (so

2

others take

to be simply a termination (Ginsh.

a euphemistic substitute.

346

‘decayed leave‘s’).

even during a siege.

‘unclean‘ food was not likely to be exposed for sale

And why specially the head7

1129

1130

DOWRY

DRAGON

DOWRY.

For Gen.

3412 Ex. 2217

I

S.

;

[in

see M

ARRIAGE

,

I

.

For Gen.

see

Z

EBULUN

.

DRACHM,

RV

Drachma

Tob.

DRAG

Hab.

See

F

ISH

,

3.

DRAGON

Macc.

1 2 4 3 .

See M

ONEY

.

For Dt. 32 33 E V Ps. 91 13 (RV ‘serpent see

S

ERPENT

,

I

and for

Ps. 148 7

sea-monsters’ or waterspouts’),

S

ERPENT

,

For the

[sing.

:

Lam.

4 3

AV sea-monsters,’

sea-calves ‘)of Mal.

1 3

etc. see

J

ACKALS

(so

RV).

In addition to the passages in which the term

is used of

a

natural species of animals (such as Gen.

1

sea-monsters’,’

AV

WHALE

Ex.

7 9

EV S

ERPENT

there are various longer or

shorter passages in which a mytho-

logical or semi-mythological explanation of the term
may be reasonably supposed.

of these have

been, with more or less fulness, treated elsewhere, and
may therefore be here considered more briefly.

The passages are a s follows (for discussion, see

I

(see

B E H E M O T H

A N D

L

EVIATHAN

,

3

(6) Is. 51

(see

R

AHAB

) (c)

Jer. 51 34 (see

JONA

H

,

4)

;

Ezek.

29 3-6,

I

will attack thee, Pharaoh king of Egypt, thou great

which

in the midst of thy streams which

said, Mine are the

I

have made them.’

I

will put

hooks

in thy jaws, and cause the fish of thy streams to stick to

thy scales.

I

will bring thee up out of thy streams

. . .

I

will

hurl thee into the desert, thee and

all

the fish of thy streams

upon the open

shalt thou fall ; thou shalt not he taken

nor gathered.

.

.

.

( e )

Ezek. 32

. .

.

a s for thee thou

wast like the

in the sea, tho; didst break forth) with

thy streams, didst trouble the water with thy feet, and didst
foul its streams.

Thus

I will

spread my net

thee and bring thee up into my snare.

I

will lay thy flesh

upon the

and

fill

the valley with thy corruption.4

. . .

I

will

heavens a t thy setting, and clothe its stars in

Job

7

‘Am I the sea or the

that thou

watchers against me?’

Neh. 2 13, before

the dragon-well.’ These are probably all the passages in the
Hehrew O T ; for Ps.

to hy Gunkel in this

connection, is certainly corrupt; hut

Esth.

1 1 6

Bel and the Dragon, and

Ps.

Sol.

have to he

grouped with them (see

3).

The N T references are all in Revelation,

in

1 2 3-17,

These last require to be treated separately, but with

due cognisance of that old Babylonian dragon-myth,

uncomprehended fragments of which
circulated in the eschatological tradition
of A

NTICHRIST

The dragon

which sought to devour the child of the woman is the
very same development of Babylonian mythology which
lies at

of Jer.

5 1 3 4 .

From

a

Jewish point of

view the woman (cp Mic.

is either the earthly or

the

Zion, and the dragon (originally

with its seven heads is

or

the

one

cp

2

Thess.

8 ) ,

Rome, the new Babylon,

which is identified with ‘ t h e ancient serpent,’

(cp Rev.

and see Weber,

218).

The storming of heaven by the dragon is also Baby-
lonian; it is the primeval rebellion of

(see

C

REATION

,

transferred to the latter

Eph.

the spiritual hosts of wickedness

The additions of the apocalyptic writer

do not concern us here.7
to a Greek

see H

ELLENISM

,

.

On the affinities

of

Rev.

Reading

for

of

MT.

Reading

Gunkel).

(AV ‘whale,’ R V ‘sea-monster’).

Reading

Pesh., Rodiger, Gunkel).

Cp the ‘great serpentofseven heads’ in a primitive Sumerian

Cp Charles,

Enoch,

(note’on chap.

I

)

7

Cp Bousset,

Der

7

173,

and the same writer’s

poem (Sayce,

(the latter cited

Bousset).

conimentary on

Apocalypse see also

A

POCALYPSE

,

1131

We pass

to

Esth.

10

7

11

6.

Two dragons come forth

to fight against

‘righteous people,’

the Jews (cp Jer.

5134).

These are interpreted in the story a s

Mardocheus and

and the justification

of this is that they

together, as Mordecai

contended with

This is evidently

late modification of an uncomprehended traditional story.

connection of the dragons with water

is

evidently an echo

the

myth. T h e writer, however, did not understand

t, and explained the much water

of

Esther.

Bel and the

Dragon strikes us a t once by its Babylonian colouring. That

t is Daniel, not a god, who kills the Dra on,

an alteration

to Haggadic stories, to which, a s

has shown, this

belongs.

N o trace remains of the old myth beyond what

s

found in Jer. 51 34.

(k)

Ps. Sol. 2

is a picture of the

of

Pompey, the profaner of the temple, which would be

if

it were not obviously coloured by a

Resuming the consideration of

Is.

27

I-we

that the two Leviathans and the Dragon in the

Sea

are distinctly mythical forms (the

two former, differentiations

of

the latter,

husband)

are identified by the

(see

the three great powers hostile to the

Babylonia, Persia, and Egypt.

The reference to the

confirms the mythological origin of the expression,

is the personification of the primeval ocean.’

3 n

sword

see

Gen.

and cp Mardulc’s

weapon, called in Creation tablet iv.

49,

storm (cp

39).

As

to

note again the two

conquered monsters (Rahab and the Dragon), and the
connection with the sea in

The old myth is ap-

plied to the passage of the

through the Red

Sea ; but the application would have been impossible had
not the destruction of Rahab and the Dragon been
equivalent to the subjugation of the sea. The poet
does not say, but obviously supposes, that Rahab and
Pharaoh are in some sense identical, just

in Rev.

12

the impious power of Rome

is

identified with the

Dragon.

The shattering of Rahab is repeated) from

the Babylonian myth.

Of (c) nothing more need now be said (see J

ONAH

)

but ( d ) and ( e ) require to be clearly interpreted.

It is

not to an ordinary crocodile that Pharaoh is
The hyperholical’ language would, in this case, be
intolerable. It is the despotic and blasphemous dragon

The blasphemy is at once explained when we

remember that

was originally a divine being-

in fact than the gods. T h e denial of burial

to

Pharaoh is of course explicable out of mere vindictive-
ness ; but it is

a

worthier supposition that we have here

a somewhat pale reflection of the outrages inflicted

on

the body

of

by the young sun-god Marduk. The

‘

hook reminds us

of

Job

41

I

[40

(Leviathan) the

net,

of

a

detail in Creation-tablet iv.,

95,

T h e ‘setting’ of the dragon implies that there was

a constellation identified with the dragon

(cp

146).

In

the

tion of

sea’ and

‘

dragoq,’ and the occurrence of

references elsewhere in Job to Rahab and Leviathan,
sufficiently prove the mythological affinities of the
passage.

The Dragon was, according to one current

version of the old myth, not destroyed, but placed in
confinement

Job

3 8 4 1 ) .

Cp the stress laid in Job

3 3 6

on

the long-past subju-

gation of the sea by

The term ‘dragon-

well’ suggests a different class of myths-those in
which the supernatural serpent is

a

friendly being.

Primitive sanctuaries were often at wells (E

N

-

ROGEL

),

and serpents love moist

Serpents, too, are the

Rashi,

on Is. 27

I

,

remarks that the ‘coiled’ Leviathan

encompasses the earth

Griinhaum,

275.

‘coils’

of

the Egyptian Leviathan

(Apapi)

were in heaven (Book of Hades,

R P

12 13).

seems ulti-

mately identical with

hut the details of the myth are

One passage only remains

(g).

Egyptian.

Cp Lyon,

14

3

Schick and Baldensperger (PEFQ

23

p.

57)

state that long worms and serpents abound

and

near

the

DRAGON

of

healing (cp

Nu.

2 1 5 - 9 ) ,

and sacred wells

are often

also

healing wells.

The intermittent character

of

Mary's Well (connected with the lower Pool of

is accounted for in folklore by the story that a

great dragon who lies there makes the water gush forth

in

his sleep. Cp also the dragon-myth connected with

the Orontes, the serpent's pool, Jos.

BY

v.

and the

serpent myths of the ancient Arabs (WRS

and see

Z

OHELETH

.

Thus we have two views of the dragon represented,-

as

a friendly and as a hostile being.

Into the wider

DRAM

mythology will account for all the details of the biblical

which an accurate exegesis will

W e

need not suppose a reference to the myth of the daily
struggle between the

and the serpent.

T h e

Tiiimat story, as known to the Jews, was briefly this.
At the commencement of creation, Tiamat was, accord-
ing to some, destroyed, according to others, completely

and confined in the ocean which encompasses

the earth. Without God's permission he can henceforth
do

nothing.

Only the angelic powers, commissioned

God to keep watch over Leviathan, can 'arouse'

him and even they 'shudder' as they do so (see B

E

-

HEMOTH AND

L

EVIATHAN

).

This form of the story

became popular in later biblical times,
because it

the requirements of

lyptic writing. I t was a necessity

of

biblical

idealism to anticipate

a

return of the first

things,' of Paradise and its felicity.

Evil seemed to

have been intensified the reign of Tiiimat was renewed,
as

it were, upon the earth.

A deliverance as great as

that wrought by

( a greater Marduk) of old must

therefore be anticipated, and the struggle which would
precede it would be as severe as that which took place
at the creation. Then would ' t h e old things pass
away, and all things become new.'

It is

not

improbable,

as

Budge long ago pointed out

6),

that Tiiimat in course

of

time acquired a

symbolic meaning

certainly the serpent of Egyptian,

and not less of Jewish, belief acquired one. T h e
inoralisation of the old dragon-myth is recorded in the
mysterious but fascinating story of A

NTICHRIST

On

the twofold representation of

(dragon and

serpent), see S

ERPENT

,

Into the' dragon-myths of non-Semitic peoples frequently

adduced to illustrate

38,

it is not necessary to enter. T h e

Semitic material has been growing to such a considerable mass
that it is wise to restrict ourselves a t present to this. Otherwise

we might discuss

a

striking passage in

The Times, Jan.

on the cry for

s

in Hindu quarters for the recovery of

sun from the

the dragon

Jan.

1898,

was the

day of a solar eclipse. Cp

T h e fullest English investigation of the different forms taken

the mythic dragon is to be found in W. H. Ward's article

'Bel and the Dragon'

(Am.

of

7.

Literature.

Sem.

and

Lit.,

Jan. 1898, p.

In early Babylonian art the dragon does not

represent

the chaos-dragon, but a destructive

of

pestilence or tornado. The

of the dragon is not a s a

indicated in the primitive representations, even when the dragon
is given together with a god (or goddess); an exception however
is figured

Ward in which the dragon appears to he male.

I n the Assyrian

to which the representations of the

conflict

Marduk and the Dragon belong, the dragon is

of the male sex, which reminds us that the evil serpent
in Persian mythology is male. It

is very possible that in the

oldest

representations the dragon was female (cp

D

E

EP

, T

H

E

).

With regard to the view (implied in parts of the

OT)

that the chaos-dragon was not slain, hut only subdued

the Light-god, we may compare some Babylonian cylinders,
older than

which represent the dragon as harnessed

in a chariot and

Bel while a goddess stands on his

hack and wields the thunderbolt ; or else the

stands on the

hack of the dragon. T h e Assyrian

do not it is

true, show that the dragon was slain hut
is that the conflict ended

his destruction.

See also Gnnkel

u.

Chaos; Toy,

and

Christianity,

zoo

375

; Maspero, Struggle

the

Nations; Brugsch, Religion

der alten

Wiedemann,

Religion; Bousset,

pp. 94, 97 and, for a popular summary of facts on the
myth, A. Smythe Palmer,

the

T.

K. C.

TOY

[L];

Neh.

2

For topography see

G

I

HON

,

J

ERUSALEM

, and for folklore see D

RAGON

,

DRAM,

RV

The rendering of two late Hebrew

words

:

I

Ch.

Ezra

ap-

parently

(Syr.

MH

pl.

or cp

Ass.

(pl.

'piece of money'

and

4

subject suggested by this result we
cannot enter now (cp S

ERPENT

). I t

is more important to consider the

question, How came these

half-understood myths,

represented by Behemoth, Leviathan, Rahab, and the
inclusive appellation Dragon, to be so prominent? W e
have already seen that they are not of native Palestinian
growth, but (apart from the myth of the Dragon's Well)

of Babylonian origin.

Not that every important

Dragon-myth in Asiatic countries must necessarily be
derived ultimately from Babylon-this would be an
unscientific theory-but that for the myths now under
consideration the evidence points unmistakably to a
Babylonian origin.

If we ask how these myths

came to be

so

prominent, the answer is that a great

revival of mythology

place among the Jews, under

Babylonian influences, in exilic and post-exilic times.

Jewish folklore became more assimilated to that of the
other nations, and the leaders of religion permitted what
they could not prevent, with the object of impressing
an orthodox stamp on popular beliefs. This has long

since been noticed, especially by the present writer in a
series of works (see also C

REATION

,

where it is

pointed out that the Dragon-myth comes from
Semitic (Babylonian)

and where several explana-

tions are indicated as perhaps equally

Like

other interpreters who used the mythological

how-

ever, he was not clear enough as to the

of the

conflict between the God of light and the serpent, referred
to in Job

Is.

5 1 9

Continued study of the

new cuneiform material

done much to clear up his

difficulties, one of which

be expressed

The

Babylonian epic spoke of Tiiimat as having been de-
stroyed by the God of light, whereas certain biblical
passages appeared to describe the dragon as still existing

in the sea,' as capable of being aroused' by magicians,

and as destined to ,be slain by

sword.

Hence

it seemed as if there

was

a Hebrew myth (of

Hebraic origin) which represented the war between the
God of light

the serpent of darkness as still going

on, and Egyptian parallels seemed to teach us how to
conceive of

The defeat and destruction of the

gigantic serpent

and his helpers, when chaos

gave way to order and darkness to light, was not
absolute and final. They still seemed to the Egyptians
to menace the order of nature, and in his daily voyage
the sun is threatened by the serpent, and has a time of
anguish.

When they see this,

seek to

frighten the monster by a loud

and

so

to

help the sun. The sun's boatmen, too, have recourse
to prayers and spear-thrusts.

At last, paralysed and

wounded,

sinks back into the abyss. Gunlcel,

however, has

for the first time that Babylonian

Birket

the latter writer suggests that this may have

helped to fix

to

the locality.

For a Phoenician dragon-myth, see

and Eus.

1

IO

(ap. Lenormant,

Is.

2 37 ;

and

76-78

;

cp

Rev July

and

cp Maspero,

90

Book of

Dead, 15 39 ;

Book

Hades, transl.

RP, 12 13.

4

Chaos, 41-69. This is not the place to discuss

the points in which the present writer differs from Gunkel (see

p.

whose general view of the earlier

of

is perhaps too much in advance of the

evidence.

DREAMS

Ezra

2

69

Neh.

Possibly

a

loan-word (Asiatic) in both Heb. and Gr.,

see Ew.

GGA,

1855,

7 9 8 ;

and cp

T h e

give

[Pesh. except

I

Ch.],

in Neh.

drachma]. But in

I

Ch.

[HP

Targ. (see Lag.

Hug.

Pesh.

apparently connected

with

‘lead.’ I n Ezra

. . .

agree in presupposing

6;

I

Esd. 857

BAL om. Ezra 269

I

Esd. 545

Neh.

om., hut

and

v.

72.

According to the

accepted view

a and

are

identical and mean ‘darics.

Against this two objections may

be urged

:

(I)

the

in

6 is left unexplained, and

the form

a ,

which alone supports this meaning, is untrustworthy.

In

I

Ch.

it is doubtful

may he a gloss : the amount of gold

has been already mentioned), and in Ezra 827 the better
reading is

(see above). The form

is

preferable, not for this reason alone, hut also on account of its
identity with the Phmn.

which, as the analogy

from Gk. inscriptions shows, must represent

T h e

occurrence of this

Gk.

(or

Asiatic?) word in Ezra-Neh.

is

due

perhaps to repeated glosses : cp Ezra 8 27 with

I

Esd. 8 57 and

observe that in some of the passages (above) BA omit.

See

further

WEIGHTS

A N D

A. C.

DREAMS

Zech.

etc.

see D

IVINA

-

TION,

2

(vi.).

DRESS.

A complete discussion of the subject of

ancient Israelitish dress (including toilet and ornaments)
is impossible with our present limited knowledge. I t
is true, the Assyrian and Egyptian artists had keen eyes
for costume but trustworthy representations of Israelites
are unfortunately few.

It might be tempting to fill

up

this lacuna by noting the usages of dress in the
modern East.

This, ,however, would be an uncritical

procedure.

W e might presume on obtaining more

than analogies from the customs of the present but
common sense shows that to look for a Hebrew equiva-
lent to every modern garment

be unnatural.

Consequently, in spite of the scantiness of detail in the
OT, we must base our conceptions upon

evidence

(viewed in the light of criticism) treated by

com-

parative method.

There are several general terms in Hebrew for

‘dress,’ ‘garments,’ ‘attire.’

I t is needful to give

there are distinctions of some

importance which could not be brought
out otherwise.

I.

(cp perh. Ar.

we cannot assume

a

root meaning to cover

the verb

known to

us

means, ‘ t o deal treacherously’; it is perhaps a verb

may be used for a garment of any kind

from the filthy clothing of the leper to the holy robes

of the priest,’ for the simplest covering

of

the poor

as

well as the costly raiment of the rich and noble’

for women’s dress (Dt.

2417

cp Gen.

for royal robes

( I

K.

and apparently once for

the outer robe or M

ANTLE

( 2

K.

also for the

coverlet of a bed

(I

S.

1 9 1 3

I

K.

and for the

covering of the tabernacle furniture

46-13

P.).

Ezek.

AV clothes,‘ RV wrap-

pings,’ mg.

‘

bales. ’ Prof. Cheyne writes

:

‘

The exist-

ence of an old Hebrew root

“

to roll together ’’ is not

proved by

K.

Ps.

both passages are very

doubtful, and can be emended with much advantage.

Cp,

Torrey,

:

the one obviously

corresponding to

the other to

A Phcenician

of

the first century

B

.

C.

from the

: see

See also Meyer, Entst.

Prince,

Daniel 265

From Ezra 269 (Neh.

[see

compared

I

Esd.

545

it would seem that 61

(cp

the royal

maneh of

60

shekels). In

however, the Heb.

is repre-

sented by

and

represents

or

shekel; cp Gen.

Ex. 3826.

The verb

is found

only in E, and later. See,

Ex.

217

Judg.

I

is

probably no exception.

DRESS

in

Is.

which Peiser identifies with

Bab.

a kind of garment’

17348).

C

HEST

.

3.

a

word of the widest signification, is (like

the German

used of garments in Dt.

2 2 5

4.

‘covering,’ Ex.

2226

etc.,

restored by

Ball, and Cheyne in Gen.

49

I T

( M T

and

Cheyne in Ps.

Prov.

( M T

EV ‘garment,’ ‘attire’).

Cp

Is.

23

18

( E V clothing

see A

WNING

.

5.

(the root

to wear, put o n ’ is

found in all the Semitic languages), a general term (not
so

frequent as

I.);

used of the dress of women

( 2

S.

124

Prov.

etc. Cognates are

2

K.

(EV ‘vestment’) etc., and

Is.

59

clothing.’

W e turn now to the Hebrew terms denoting particular

articles of dress. I t is one of the defects of the EV

that the same English word is often used
to represent several distinct Hebrew terms,,
and that, vice

the

Hebrew term

is rendered by different English words (promiscuously).
This is due partly to the difficulty of finding an exact
equivalent for many of the Hebrew terms, partly to our
ignorance of their precise meaning, and the uncertainty
of tradition as represented by the versions, Rabbinical

etc.

Of the numerous Hebrew terms denoting articles of

dress, those referring to the feet are discussed under
S

HOE

. For the various head-dresses

etc.

)

see

T

URBAN

.

One of the special terms for garments worn

about the body is

‘kilt or loin-cloth (see

Out of this an evolutionary process has

brought breeches (cp Ar.

which, however,

among the Hebrews appear first as a late priestly
garment

see B

REECHES

. For the ordinary

under-garment worn next the skin

see T

UNIC

.

The over-garment (corresponding

to the Gr.

and Roman

varied in size, in shape, and

in richness, and had several distinct names
etc.), for which see M

ANTLE

.

Certain classes and certain occasions required special

dresses. T h e clothine of ambassadors is called

.

Special

2

S.

I

Ch.

EV

garments.’ A kindred word

‘

mad’

(fem.

if the text of Ps.

is

is used of the priestly garb in Lev.

Ps.

of the outer garment of the warrior (plur.

in Jndg.

3

( E V

raiment

’),

I

4

( E V

clothes’),

‘armour,’ RV ‘apparel’),

(AV ‘garments, RV ‘apparel’), and

2

208

‘garment,’ RV ‘apparel of

in all

passages

except

I

where

The

mad

of the .warrior was perhaps some stiff garment

which was a (poor) substitute for a coat of mail.

In

Ps.

109

mad

is used

of

the dress of the wicked tyrant

Others cp Ph.

and Heb.

(Ex. 3433 where Che.

reads

Others’ vocalise

(ZDMG

37

535

properly

which

is set’ upon

3

So

for the obscure Aram.

(Dan. 3

we find such

remarkable variant renderings as hosen

tunics’

(RV),

and ‘turbans

We may compare the

of

camel‘s or goat’s hair which

like other primitive garments, long continued to form a garb
mourning. T h e

was perhaps identical with the kilt of the

ancient Egyptians, for which see Wilk.

Che.

reads

‘on the surface

of

the

desert.’

On

S.

see next note.

7

In

S.

should probablybe cancelled note the Pasek,

so

often placed in doubtful passages.

Read

See

and cp We.

ad

For other views see Klo.,

H. P.

Sm.

1136

DRESS

DRESS

who is cursed (but the whole passage is in disorder
see Che.

In the Talm.

is

a

robe distinctive

of the

or prince.

On

the priestly head-dress,

see M

ITRE

the priests in later times indulged in

sumptuous

In Talmudic times Rabbis wore

a

special dress, and were crowned

the death of

Eliezer b. Azarya

In Babylonia

a

golden ordination robe was used at the conferring

of the Rabbinical dignity. A festive garb was worn
at the creation of an Elder

the

had a

special mantle, the Exilarch a

For the king’s

regalia see CORONATION, CROWN,

On the

warrior’s dress we can add very little.

finds

the military boot

in Is.

9 4

and a reference to

the distinctive outer garment

of the warrior,

and to his shoes, has been conjectured in

2 4 a

For bridal attire (cp

Is.

Mt.

see M

ARRIAGE

,

3,

and for the garb of mourning

Is. 61

see MOURNING CUSTOMS.

With the exception of the swaddling-clothes of the new-

born babe

Job

389

;

cp verb in Ezek.

;

Wisd.

7 4

cp Lk.

children seem to

have had no distinctive dress. The boy Samuel wore

a

a

small

(see M

ANTLE

), and if the lad Joseph

possessed a special

(see

T

UNIC

),

it was

regarded by the narrator in Genesis

as

exceptional. I n

Talmudic times boys wore a peculiar shirt

In ancient times, dress depended to a large extent

on climatic considerations. The simplest and most

primitive covering was the loin-cloth (see
G

IRDLE

), a valuable safeguard in tropical

climates, adopted perhaps for this reason rather than
from the feeling of shame to which its origin was after-
wards traced

3 7 ) .

T h e use of sandals in early

times was not looked upon as an absolute necessity (see

S

HOES

),

and although the T

URBAN

in some form or

other may be old, the custom of wearing the hair long
was for very many a sufficient protection for the head.

I t is impossible to say how early the ordinary Israelite

assumed the two garments (tunic and mantle) which
became the common attire of both sexes.

T h e

garments of the women probably differed in length and
in colour from those of the men-Dt.

leaves no

doubt as to the fact that there was some distinction.
Several terms are

to the dress of both sexes

etc.

)

for some distinctive

terms see V

AIL

, and cp

T

UNIC

,

M

ANTLE

.

The Jewish

prisoners pictured on the marble-reliefs of Sennacherib
are bareheaded and wear short-sleeved tunics reaching
to the ankles. This costume differs

so

markedly from

the Assyrian, that the artist seems to have been drawing
from life.

Jehu’s tribute-bearers on Shalmaneser’s

obelisk wear Assyrian dress and headgear, due probably
to the conventionality of the artist.

The Syrian envoy

in a wall painting in the tomb of Hui at

wears

a dress

so

unlike the Egyptian that we seem once

more in presence of an authentic record.

The over-

garment of this envoy, which is long and narrow, and
is folded close to the body, is of blue and dark-red
material richly

he has yellow underclothes

with narrow sleeves and wears tight breeches. In the

OT,

however, there is no indication that such a costume

The exact meaning

of

Ex. 31

IO

35

39 41

of service’

RV

wrought garments’) is

veryuncertain; see

ad

I t

is

possible that

the words are a gloss to

for which cp Ex.

28

Lev. 16

32,

and the enumeration in Lev.

Cp Briill,
Che.

See also H

ELMET

.

where

or

is detected

in

the obscure

and

on their shoes,’ in

4 Possibly the Israelite

shaved their hair and only left

curls hanging over the ear. This was done in ancient Egypt

and the custom prevails a t the present time among the
boys

of

Yemen.

.

was ever prevalent among the Israelites.

For

simplicity

attire it would not be easy to surpass the dress of the

Bedawin (see WMM

As.

and

this simplicity once doubtless marked the garb of the

Later, life in cities and contact with foreign

influences paved the way to luxury. The more elabor-
ate dress of the Canaanite would

soon

be imitated.

Several signs of increasing sumptuousness

dress are

met with in the later writings. The dress at the court

Solomon is aptly represented as an object of ad-

miration to an Arabian

I

One

notes that it is in the later writings that several of the
names for articles of dress appear for the first time.
Extra garments and ornaments were added and finer
materials used.

The traditional materials of garments

were wool and flax woven by the women; but now
trade brought purple from Phcenicia, byssus from
Egypt, and figured embroideries from Babylon (see

E

MBROIDERY

).

That silk was known in the time of

Ezekiel (Ezek.

13)

is doubtful (see C

OTTON

,

L

INEN

, S

ILK

, W

OOL

). New luxurious costumes (cp

23

are a

frequent’ subject of denunciation in the later prophets,
partly because of the oppression of the poor involved

the effort to extort the means of providing them, and

partly because of the introduction of alien rites and
customs encouraged by contact with foreign merchants.

I n later times intercourse with other peoples led to the

introduction of fresh articles of apparel and new terms.
Such for example is the essentially Grecian

(if

correct) of

Macc.

(see C

AP

). Three obscure

words denoting articles of dress,

probably of foreign

origin, are mentioned in the description of the three
who were cast into the fiery furnace (Dan.

For

times Schiirer

notes the mention

of

worn by labourers and soldiers,

see N

APKIN

),

Among under-garments are the

according to Epiphanius

worn by scribes ; and the

of which

the equivalent

is used in the

Vers. for

To

these may

an

outer garment,

a fringed garment

of fine linen (see

F

RINGES

).

Gloves are mentioned

etc.)

but they were

by

workmen to protect their hands (cp also

Targ. on

Ruth

Increased luxury of dress among the Israelites was

accompanied by an excess of ornaments.

Ornaments

of

kinds were worn by both sexes

-primarily for protective purposes (as
A

MULETS

), at

a

later time (when their

original purpose was forgotten) to beautify‘and adorn
the person.

T h e elaborate enumeration of the fine

lady’s attire in Is.

3,

though not from the hand of

Isaiah (see

I

SAIAH

,

is

im-

portant.

Here the Hebrew women (of the post-exilic

period?), following foreign customs, wear arm-chains,
nose-rings, step-chains, etc., in great profusion.

For

these cp O

RNAMENTS

, and see the separate articles.

On

the manner of treating the hair, see B

EARD

,

C

UTTINGS O

F

THE

F

LESH

,

3 ;

H

AIR

, M

OURNING

C

USTOMS

.

Women crisped their hair, bound it with

veils (see V

AIL

) and G

ARLANDS

etc.

Later, the

Roman habit of curling was introduced (Jos.

9

Washing the body with water was usual on festal

occasions, at bridals (Ezek.

at meals

Lk.

before formal visits

(Rn.

before

In the Roman period

of

attire (almost amounting

t o

nakedness; Talm.

was enforced in the case of

criminals. whilst

on trial were

to dress verv

soberly (Jos.

94).

For a discussion of the terms see

Cook,

Phil. 26

3

On these points see Briill,

and Levy

under

the various terms. For later Jewish dress’ see Abrahams,

in

chap.

and entries

in

Index, 440.

1138

DRESS

officiating in the temple, in ritual purifications, and

so

forth.

Rubbing the body with sand or sherds was also

practised.

Unguents prepared by female slaves

(I

or by male professionals

were used after

washing (Ru. 3

3

Amos

6

6

etc.

)

see A

NOINTING

,

2,

C

ONFECTIONARIES

.

After the Hellenistic period such

festal customs became more and more elaborate.

The eye-lids of women were painted

to

make the eyes

larger,

being used for the purpose (see PAINT).

I t is doubtful whether

dye was placed on nails

and toes.

The references in the EV

to

dress are

so

frequent and

the symbolical usages

so

familiar that a passing glance

at them may suffice.

Food and clothing

are naturally regarded as the

two

great

necessaries of life

Gen.

I

68).

An outfit is called

(Judg.

In

Talmudic times it consisted of eighteen pieces (Jer.

Clothes were made by the women (Prov.

Acts

but references

to

sewing are few (ion,

Gen. 37 Job

Eccles. 37 Ezek. 1318,

Mk. 221).

Clothes were presented in token of friendship

( I

S.

18

4

see

W R S

as a

proof of affection

(Gen.

as

a

gift of honour

(

I

K.

cp

Am. Tab.

Garments were rent

(yip,

as

a

sign of grief, of despair, of indignation, etc. (see
M

OURNING

Shaking the clothes was a sign

of renunciation ' a n d abhorrence (Acts 186 cp

513).

Promotion was often accompanied by the

assumption of robes of dignity (cp

Is.

So

Eleazar takes the robes of Aaron

(Nu.

and

Elisha the

Elijah

( 2

K.

2 ) ; see also C

ORONA

-

TION.

Conversely, disrobing might be equivalent to

dismissal

Macc.

Rich people doubtless had

wardrobes; the royal wardrobe (or was it the

wardrobe of the temple?) had a special 'keeper

(I

K.

2214). The danger to such collections from moths (see
M

OTH

) and from the so-called plague of leprosy (see

L

EPROSY

)

was no doubt an urgent

one.

The simile

of

a

worn-out garment

cp Dt.

8 4 )

is often employed

(cp Is.

516 Ps.

Rags are called

(Prov.

cp also

cast clouts and old rotten rags (Jer.

RV),

all apparently

the idea of something rent

(cp

Mt.

Mk.

T o cast

a

garment over

a

woman was in Arabia

equivalent to claiming

Robertson Smith

(Kin.

87)

cites

a

case from Tabari where the heir by

throwing his dress over the widow claimed
the right to marry her under the dowry paid

by her husband, or to give her in marriage and take the

dowry.

This explains Ruth's words (Ruth 3

and

use of 'garment'

to

designate a woman or wife in

Mal.

216

(Kin. 87,

269).

A benevolent law, found

already in the Book of the Covenant, enacts that every
garment retained by a creditor in pledge shall be
returned before sunset (Ex.

;

the necessity of this

law appears from Am. 28 Ezek. 187

D's

injunction

' a

man shall not

on the

of a woman,' ' a

shall

not

wear the appurte-

nances

of

a

m a n ' (Dt.

may have been

dksigned as a safeguard against impropriety but more
probably it was directed against the simulated changes
of sex which were

so

prevalent and

in

Syrian

Quite obscure, on the other hand,

is the law prohibiting the layman from wearing garments
made of

a

mixture of linen and wool

Dt. 2211

Amos

(66

see Dr. ad

speaks of 'the chief ointments'

(EV), or

'the

of oils.

Hence some explain

in Ex.

21

8

to mean that the

master could

not

sell his female

'seeing that (he had

placed) his garment

over her.

See Dr.

a d

Frazer,

Paus. 3

197,

A

SH

T

O

RE

TH

,

It

may be doubted whether in ancient times dressing

as girls

was due, as among later Orientals,

to

a desire to avert the evil

eye.

.

See S

LAVERY

.

DRESS

see

L

INEN

,

7,

I

).

were

vorn by the priests;

and the law, which may, like

he term itself, be of foreign origin, is at all events
ater than Ezek.

4418.

Another law, which ordered

aymen to wear tassels or twisted threads upon the

of their

seems to go back to a former

custom (see F

RINGES

). See, further, SH

OE

,

4.

Garments had to be changed or purified upon the

of

a

religious observance

Gen.

Ex.

or before a

(cp

changes,'

festal robes,' and

see M

ANTLE

).

Primarilv. however.

festive occasions are sacred occasions, and there

therefore no real difference between best clothes and

clothes. When

a

garment comes in contact with

tnything partaking of a sacred nature it becomes 'holy,'

once holy,' it must

be worn save

on '

holy

This is why in early Arabia certain rites

were performed naked or in 'garments borrowed from

sanctuary (We.

56,

T h e same

illustrates the command of Jehu to

bring

vestments for all the worshippers of Baal

the vestments

were in the custody of the keeper of the

( 2

K.

text perhaps corrupt

:

see V

ESTRY

). That certain

rites among the Hebrews were performed in

a

naked condition seems not improbable.

T h e Ephod

itself was once perhaps nothing more than

a

loin-cloth

S.

614

and see E

PHOD

,

Elijahs kilt

of

and the prophet's customary

hairy mantle (see MANTLE)-in later times often

falsely assumed (Zech.

us

of the priests

of the

who were dressed in skins (Strabo

4

18

for other analogies see

)

but there-is

always

a

tendency in cults to return to ancient

in the performance of sacred rites, and,

as

Robertson

Smith has shown, later priestly ritual is only a develop-
ment of what was originally observed by all worshippers
when every man was his

own

priest. The dressing of

worshippers in skins of the sacred kind (cp

E

SAU

)

implies that they have come to worship as kinsmen of
the victim and of the god, and in this connection it is
suggestive to remember that the eponyms of the Levites
and Joseph tribes are the wild-cow (Leah) and the

ewe (Rachel) respectively. See L

EAH

, R

ACHEL

.

Again, we note that clothing may be looked upon

as

forming

so

far part of a man

as

to serve as

a

vehicle

of

personal connection. T h e clothes thus tend to become
identified

with

the owner,

as

in the custom alluded to

Ruth 39 above. The Arab seizes hold of the garments
of the man whose protection he seeks, and pluck away
my garments from thine in the older literature means

'put

an

end to our attachment.'

So

man will

deposit with a god a garment or merely a shred of it,
and even to the present day rag-offerings are to be
seen upon the sacred trees of Syria and

on

the tombs of

Mohammedan saints. They are not gifts in the
sense, but pledges of the connection between worshipper
and object or person worshipped

Thus

garments are offered to sacred objects, to wells

but more particularly to trees and idols (see

N

ATURE

So

K.

speaks of the women

who wove tunics (so

Klo.

)

for the

T h e custom

is not confined to the Semitic world, and instances of

To pray

for a blessing on the flax and sheep,' says Maimonides. This

prohibition in the case of laymen was re-enacted under the

Frankish emperors

646).

It is just possible that

the law aimed at marking more distinctly the priest from the

layman.

Cp

6 2 7

Hag.

and, on the contagion of holiness,

cp Ezek.

44

and see C

LEAN

,

On Is.

5

(where point

the

see

I

.

3

Verse

however, may be an addition. For Ex.

20

26

B

REECHES

,

3.

In

the wearing

of

strange garments

is associated with foreign worship

Cp Bertholet,

Tode

This is distinctly asserted

Jos.

Ant.

8

1140

DRINK OFFERING

draped images in Greece are collected by Frazer

T h e Greek images,’ he observes, which

are historically known to have worn real clothes seem

generally to have been remarkable for their great
antiquity.’ The custom does not seem to be indigenous
it

was

probably borrowed from the

The

‘part of the custom of offering

a

garment to the sanctified

object is the wearing of something which has been in
contact with it. At the present day in Palestine the

.

man who hangs a rag upon

a

sacred tree takes away,

as

a preservative against evil, one of the rags that have

been sanctified by hanging there for some time (see

1893,

p.

The custom of wearing sacred

relics

as

charms is clearly parallel.

Now, just

as

the

priests had their special garments, so particular vestments

,were used for

of divination. Thus

a

magician

wears the clothes of

a town mentioned

often in Babylonian incantations (Del.

Ass.

Another instance of the wearing of special dress is cited by

Delitzsch in

p.

xiii. An important

parallel to this custom appears in Ezekiel’s denunciation
of the false prophetesses and the divination to which

Two special articles are

mentioned :

(a)

bands or fetters

worn upon the arms (cp the use of

F

RONTLETS

and (6)

‘long mantles

[BAQ],

[A

Pesh.

EV incorrectly

KERCHIEFS), which were placed over the head of the

diviner.“ It becomes very tempting to conjecture that
these garments were not merely special garments; but
the garments actually worn by the deity or sacred
object itself,

it

is

plausible to infer that they would

be held to be permeated with the sanctity of the deified
object and that supernatural power might be thus im-
parted to the

It

is

true, the link is still

missing to connect the diviner’s garb with that of the
clothed image but such

a

conjecture as this would

to explain how the use of

Ephod,’

as

an article of

divination, in its twofold sense of image and garment
(in which it has been clothed), might have arisen (cp
Bertholet on

1318) see E

PHOD

.

See Weiss,

ch.

Nowack,

Ben-

zinger,

H A ,

$

and the‘ special articles referred to in the

course of this summary

DRINK OFFERING

Gen. 35

14

;

see

S

ACRI

-

DROMEDARY. T h e word

is

rendered dromedaries in

Is.

66

(so

Ges.,

Duhm. cp

about’ and

EV

swift beasts

’).

The rendering panniers (cp

[BKAQ]

has little in its favour.

For Jer.

and Is. 606

(id.

‘dromedary,’

correctly ‘young camel’-see

C

AMEL

,

I

,

n.

For

I

K.

428

and Esth.

H

O

R

S

E

,

I

DRUXILLA

[Ti. WH]), Acts

See

F

AMILY

,

IO

.

DUKE had not yet become

a

title when the

AV

was

made, but was still employed in its literal sense of any

or chief: cp Hen.

223

:

Be merciful, great

duke

Fluellen), to men of mould.’ With but two

brazen statue in

bears the title of Satrap and seems

t o be of Eastern origin (Frazer 2 575).

The importance of

divination will not be over-

looked. One notes how frequently the Grecian images, above
referred to, represent goddesses.

3

See

C

UTTINGS

,

7,

n. but

might

mean garments,

cp

Ass.

I t is surely wrong to suppose that the

were worn

by

the

We have to read the fem.

suffix

in

(v.

cp

fem. suffix in

v. zoa)

there is a similar

error in

196.

(v. 18)

should probably h e

emended to

‘every diviner.’

This may have given

rise to the figure ‘robe of righteousness’ and other well-known
usages, cp also Job 2914,

‘ I

put on truth and it clothed me

became,

as

it were, incarnate in me.

1141

they resorted (Ezek.

13

17-23).

I.

A.

-S. A. C.

FICE

R

ITUAL

,

I.

5

Cp

438

and see

S

ACRIFICE

.

DURA

exceptions (see

I

,

below) this now misleading term has

given place in

RV

to

a

more modern equivalent.

I

.

a title applied to the Edomite

only) in Gen.

I

Ch.

Ex.

1515

E V and see

4)’

but also (rarely) to the chief-

(sd

RV)

of

9 7

@

AV

T h e tribal subdivision

of

the

is

the head-is called

in pl., of the ‘dukes

(RV

‘princes’) of Sihon (Josh.

Elsewhere the word is always translated

rinces’

or

DULCIMER

Dan. 35

IO

see M

USIC

,

DUMAR

I

.

I n Gen.

[L])

and

I

Ch.

[BAL]) Dumah

appears as

a

son of Ishmael.

The form

suggests comparison with Adumu, the fortress of

the land

of

which, as

tells us, Sennacherib had conquered.

If the Dumah of Gen. is the same as Adumu, it may

be tempting to suppose with Winckler ( A T

37)

that the heading oracle of Dumah (Is.

also

refers

to this fortress.’ The prophecy itself, however, seems
to forbid this it begins One

to me out of Seir.’

More probably not Adumu but

Edom,

is meant (Che.

in other words,

Dumah is

a

corruption of

Edom

[BKAQ see Sw.]), facilitated perhaps by the neighbour-

hood of Massa

being misunderstood) and

Tema

(v.

14)

see Gen. 25

I t is a less probable view

that Dumah

silence

desolation) is a mystical

name for Edom

See also I

SHMAEL

,

4

(footnote on name of Edom).

3.

There is another (apparently) enigmatical heading

in

Is.

21

I

(

Oracle of the wilderness of the sea

’),

which

should probably be emended into Oracle of

see

SBOT).

Both headings are un-

doubtedly late.

4.

I n . Josh.

the reading followed by

EV

is

found in some

MSS

and edd. (see Ginsb.), and

being supported by the O S

see below) is very

probably more correct than the

of M T

p. 86,

Gi.]; so Pesh. and

6,

[B]

[AL]).

I n favour of this is the fact that the name is assigned to
a town in the hill country of Judah, mentioned in the
same group with Hebron and

For there

is still a place called

ft. above the

level,

I

O

m. SW. from Hebron

SE.

from

Jibrin,

a

position which coincides nearly with the

definition of Jer. and Eus.

( O S

very

large village now in the Daroma,’

17

m. southward

DUNGEON

Gen.

41

Dungeon

House

DUNG-GATE

[Ba. Gi.]; Neh.

See J

ERUSALEM

.

governors’).

principal men’

Ezek.

Mic. 5 4

4

from Eleutheropolis.

T. K. C.

Jer.

see

P

RISON

.

[Ba.]), Neh.

DURA

plain

the name of a

the province of Babylon where

golden image was set up (Dan.

If the

word

is

Aram., it should mean

dwelling-place’ or

village’ ; but

rendering, even

a

guess, may

suggest that the name had come down from old Baby-
lonian times and means

‘

wall.’ In fact, three localities

are mentioned in the tablets as bearing the name

In

all the passages quoted there may have been a confusion

between

and

Zech. written defectively

The

Petersburg

MS,

however, points

Udumu, a s

.now reads (but cp

was the name

of a city in the land of Gar, which may he identical with the
Adumu of Esar-haddon, and from this city the land of Udumu

may have derived its name.

Still the remark

text

appears to be sound.

1142

DUST

'wall' or 'walled town' (Del:

Par.

and several

Babylonian cities had names compounded with

That the writer of the narrative knew any

of

these

places, appears improbable.

Possibly the old name

had

itself in his time to the plain

to the remains

of

the walls of Babylon. At

any rate, the scene of the dedication of the image must
in the writer's mind have been close

to

Babylon.

See

A

SHES

.

T.

K.

C.

DUST

Gen.

1 8 2 7

etc.

mentioned among those who were for-

bidden access to the temple (Lev.

is the

EV

Oppert

finds a n

echo

of

Dura in

the

and the

DYSENTERY

for

which has been variously rendered freckled

'blear-eyed

[Vg.]),

short-

sighted,

'

weak-eyed,

'

affected with a cataract

'

(Rabb.,

cp Targ. Jer.). T h e literal meaning of the word,

shrunk,'

withered

Kn., Ke.

seems most

natural.

DYED ATTIRE

Ezek.

23

EV

dyed turbans

see

T

URBAN

.

DYED

For Judg.

see

col.

869,

n.

;

and for

Is.

AV

see

10.

See

C

OLOURS

,

DYSENTERY

Acts

288 R V ;

AV

'bloody flux.'

See

and cp

END OF

VOL.

I