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Ethnicity and Violence: The Case of Radical Basque Nationalism

Autorzy Diego Muro

Herri Batasuna ETA Wyszukaj

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In a second phase (1982-1987), Herri Batasuna became the main politi-cal party of the ‘patriotic left’ (iząuierda abertzale) and established a tacti-cal alliance with working class organisations and other NGOs. According to Juan Linz, HB rejected the political order and advocated the creation of a Basąue stare, making it ‘the most revo!utionary political party of the Spanish political spectrum’ (Linz 1986: 598). HB Consolidated its social movcmcnt image with the adoption of a logo based on the Basquc flag, the ikurrińa, using the colours of the rainbow, each colour representing the different struggles in the Basque lands: red for the workers, purple for women, yellow for the antimilitarists, green for the eiwironmentalists, and white for peace. The party also began opening its own bars, Herriko Tab-ernas, which proliferated into the hundreds (Herri Batasuna 1999). It was also during the second period of Herri Batasuna that sonie of its important successes came about. After a long debate on whether to participate in the Spanish political system, Herri Batasuna first participated in the General Elections of 1979 and obtained 149,685 votes and elected three deputies to the lower chamber of the Spanish Parliamenr. It was the fourth Iargest Basąue political lorce, with 15 per cent of the electorate. In the following years it obtained similar results; during the 1980s it eventually became the third Iargest Basąue political force. Its biggest success came in the 1989 European elections when it received 210,000 votes (20 per cent of the electorate), making it the Iargest political force in the Basąue Country. However, Herri Batasuna’s main successes came in the elections that were traditionally considered by the electorate as unimportant: the European elections and the elections to the provincial Parliament (Juntas Generales).

According to Cynthia L. Irvin, the Herri Batasuna voters were ‘predomi-nantly under forty-five, małe, and working class’ (Irvin 1999: 125). Among

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Ethnicity and Violence: The Case of Radical Basąue Nationalism

Autorzy Diego Muro

Herri Batasuna ETA Wyszukaj

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►    Moja biblioteka

►    Moja historia Książki w Google Play

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According to Cynthia L. Irvin, the Herri Batasuna voters were ‘predomi-nantly under forty-five, małe, and working class’ (Irvin 1999: 125). Among them there were a high percentage of the self-employed, workers, pension-ers, housewives, and the unemployed (Nufiez 1980: 114-117). Compared to the PNV voter who was much older, predominantly female, and with a higher socio-economic status, Herri Batasuna voters usually had lower incomes and a lower lcvel of ąualifications. As can be seen in Table 5.3, for the most part HB voters were małe, in elear contrast to the PNV votcrs (40 per cent). Regarding age, the differences between the two parties were also considerable because the radical party attracted a much younger electorate. Of those aged between 18 and 24, up to 28 per cent supported Herri Batasuna whereas the PNV only managed to attract 5 per cent of this age group. Finally, the self-identification of social class also showed interesting differences between Herri Batasuna and the PNV. Whereas up to 59 per cent of PNV voters defined themselves as working class, for Herri Batasuna that number rosę to 73 per cent.

The Basąue Mouement of National Liberation (1975-1989)    131